Resolution adopted by the June, 2019, CC Meeting of CPI (ML) Red Star:
What happened from the beginning of this year, especially after the election schedule was declared by the Election Commission, was a feverish and acrimonious election campaign for the 17th Lok Sabha, with the BJP trying to gain initiative right from the beginning utilizing the state machinery and all Constitutional institutions nakedly and based on its majoritarian Hindutua communal polarization strategy. The result of these elections, giving almost a two third majority to NDA in the new Lok Sabha, has surprised not only the mainstream opposition parties, but all the progressive, democratic, struggling people’s forces, who were leading numerous struggles against the Modi rule during last five years and campaigning vigorously against it.
If Modi led BJP had won the 2014 elections with the slogan of Sub ke Sath Sab ka Vikas, during the last five years all the major initiatives his government took including demonetization, GST, intensification of corporatization of all sectors etc had led to highest rates of unemployment during last 45 years, acute distress in farm sector leading to suicides by hundreds of farmers in many states, serious slow down of the economy and growing ecological destruction making the climate change like phenomena severe day by day, to mention a few of the serious consequences its policies. Pursuing aggressive saffronization, spreading politics of hatred, targeting the religious minorities and dalits, increasing gender inequality etc, majoritarian divide and rule politics was taken to extreme levels. In this situation the resistance against Modi rule went on increasing, first through numerous people’s struggles and then, as reflected in electoral reverses, especially in the defeat of BJP led state governments in Rajasthan, MP and Chhattisgarh six months before. All these factors had pointed towards possible defeat of Modi government in the 2019 elections.
The mainstream opposition parties, though none of them had led any major campaigns or struggles against the Modi rule during the last five years, were expected to pick up these issues and the failure of Modi rule in implementing any of its major promises of 2014 for defeating Modi, by forging unity among themselves in the elections, and replacing it with their alliance after the elections.
But as the campaign was starting the BJP leadership, utilizing the terrorist attack on the CRPF convoy at Pulwama and the Balakot air strike inside Pakistan turned the possible anti-incumbency against it by projecting the national security matters and mascular nationalism targeting Pakistan, the Muslim minorities through a protracted, colourful and extremely expensive sectarian political campaign, with the slogan: We will enter your house and kill you, This is New India. Modi, Amit Shaw and other leaders, blatantly violating the Model Code of Conduct of the Election Commission, were openly asking the people to vote for BJP in the name of the Pulwama martyrs, for the Balakot ‘surgical’ strike, for Modi’s army! The first accused in Malegaon terrorist attack, Pragya Thakur was fielded as candidate, further intensifying the saffron campaign. In this process, the identity politics of the caste based parties were, in the main, submerged by the frenzied majoritarian saffronization campaign of the RSS parivar.
Surprising its opponents, the BJP and its NDA allies led a presidential style campaign, appealing for each vote to their candidates as a vote for Modi, projecting the election as a referendum for him. It was turned in to a jingoistic campaign with an anti-Muslim political narrative. The opposition parties, especially, the Congress, could not or failed to expose this sinister BJP campaign organized with the connivance of a majority in the EC. Besides, while the BJP even made concessions to forge unity of the NDA parties, the opposition, mainly Congress, failed to forge unity among the main opposition parties, or to put forward a unified minimum programmatic approach. Legalizing corporate funding of election, BJP amassed and utilized huge corporate funds, reportedly Rs 27,000 crores. The corporate forces and the mainstream media once again campaigned for it extensively. Compared to other parties, its planned use of social media was far superior, resorting to spreading of communally loaded false news It blatantly utilized the EC, which went to the extent of planning the seven phase elections to suit Modi’s public meetings and road shows, refusing to take any action against Modi and Shaw who nakedly violated the MCC, and to allowing him to stage a sort of ‘road show’ at Kedarnth and Badrinath on 18th and 19th May, on the day of silent campaign and the last polling day. Along with the state machinery, it used the CBI and Enforcement Directorate to intimidate the opposition. In short, it was a no holds barred campaign by the Modi gang, further communalizing, criminalizing and corrupting the election process. And, with the connivance of the EC and utilizing loop holes in the present electoral system, including the use of EVMs against which criticism are increasing day by day and for replacing it with the ballot system the demand was raised by the opposition parties though belatedly, Modi could outsmart and defeat the divided opposition easily.
The disunited opposition parties who have no alternate vision about the corporatization speeded by Modi, who pursue caste based politics compromising with Hindutva ideology, easily crumbled before the Modi-Shaw juggernaut, helping BJP led NDA to a massive victory, polling more than 50% of votes in 17 states and spreading menacingly to W. Bengal, Odisha, Telengana like states also. As far as the traditional left, the ‘Left Front’ parties, are concerned, they had refused to take lessons from their hitherto debacle due to pursuing neoliberal policies. So, even after getting unseated in W. Bengal and Tripura, they repeat same mistakes in their last resort, Kerala. In front of Modi- Shaw offensive, their ideological-political bankruptcy got further exposed with large sections who were voting for them in Bengal and Tripura shifting their loyalty to BJP and they were swept away in Bengal and Tripura, and severely mauled in Kerala.
As far as the communist revolutionary forces who uphold the Naxalbari Uprising are concerned, while some of these organizations deviated to the side of CPI(M) led Left Front, the CPI(Maoist) is alienating itself from the masses due to its sectarian actions. Since uniting the struggling left and democratic forces who uncompromisingly oppose the neoliberal/corporate- neo-fascist policies of Modi rule is still in the formative stage, their electoral gains, including our party’s was nominal, even after we waged an intensive campaign with the slogan: Defeat BJP, Build people’s Alternative, fielding 29 candidates.
The coming to power of Modi for another five years with added strength poses a serious challenge before the toiling and oppressed masses. Already, reports are coming out every day about how the serious economic slow-down is taking place in all fields. The details of these were concealed from the people. Besides, Modi’s surrender before Trump’s sanctions against purchasing the cheap petroleum from Venezuela and Iran, its order blocking purchase of weapons and missiles from Russia, its efforts to make India subservient to its trade war with China etc, even while it boasts about its nationalist credentials, are aggravating this economic slow-down. Instead of addressing these, Modi-2 is trying to intensify the economic reforms further as demanded by US and its allies. Remaining public sector units are threatened with privatization soon. It is planning informalization of education, healthcare like sectors. All labour laws are going to be changed to please the corporates. It has no answers to increasing rate of unemployment or farmers’ distress. It is totally neglecting the increasing ‘climate change and its consequences. Modi-2 is going to further speed up all neo-liberal/corporatization policies.
Soon after Modi-2 took over, there are reports of spurt in mob lynchings, attacks on Muslims and dalits, on journalists. Fascistization of all fields are taking place more aggressively. The RSS parivar is on the offensive to transform India in to a Hindurashtra by 2024.
As far as the opposition parties are concerned, the Congress is total disarray. So is the condition of other mainstream parties even when BJP is on the offensive in W. Bengal and elsewhere to de-stabilize the existing non-BJP state governments. But like what happened during 2014-19, once again sporadic resistance against the corporate-fascist offensive of Modi-2 is visible. Along with all secular democratic forces we should join them, strengthen them and try to provide correct orientation to them.
To combat this all round intensification of neoliberal/corporatization policies and fascistization of all fields, the Central Committee calls for: Firstly, take up the party building as the first and foremost task, trying to merge all genuine communists and streamlining the party committees at all levels; strengthen class/mass organizations, and develop people’s movements in all fields and at all levels according to the concrete situation;
Secondly, draft common minimum program at state level focussing on present demands and try to launch mass political forums based on it uniting the struggling left and democratic forces to wage people’s struggles and parliamentary struggles;
Thirdly, at central level, start discussions with struggling left and democratic forces with the aim of launching a nationwide mass political platform. In order to facilitate this, focussing on the present grave situation and urgent democratic tasks, organize open dialogue among the left forces as early as possible leading to drafting a people’s manifesto as the basis of this initiative.
CPI(ML) Red Star
13th June 2019
On 25th May, 52 years ago it was on this day the West Bengal state and central forces fired on demonstrators at Naxalbari killing 11 comrades including infants to suppress the People's Uprising advancing in the region calling for ‘land to the tiller’ as part of agrarian revolution. It heralded a new chapter in the history of the communist movement in our country.
Today when the corporate-saffron fascist forces have returned to power with more strength, and when the agrarian question has become more acute under the neoliberal regime, the relevance of Naxalbari Uprising has increased. The struggle for agrarian revolution including the land to the tillers slogan according to the present situation has become more relevant than ever as the oppression of the Adivasis and dalits on the one hand, and the suicides of the farmers due to intensifying agrarian distress on the other are increasing day by day. This critical situation calls for intensifying the revolutionary mass movement for re-structuring the society, to learn from Naxalbari Uprising and advance towards people's democracy and socialism. Long Live Naxalbari Uprising! Red Salute to the martyrs and leaders of Naxalbari Uprising!.
On this day CPI(ML) Red Star comrades from North Bengal districts and local comrades assembled at the martyrs column at Naxalbari under the leadership of Central Committee member com Pradip Singh Thakur remembered the martyrs and leaders of the movement and pledged to carry forward the message of the Naxalbari Uprising according to concrete conditions. Leaders of All India Krantikari Kisan Sabha (AIKKS), DH Poojar and Nirvanappa from Karnataka, Tejram Vidrohi from Chhattisgarh, Sankar Sahu from Odisha, addressed public meeting held at Naxalbari bus Stand. In other states also Naxalbari Day was observed by the party committees programs.
In the 17th Lok Sabha elections we had fielded 29 candidates from 14 states. Nominations for one seat from Telengana, one from W. Bengal and two from UP were rejected. We had waged a campaign based on our Election Manifesto and handbills within our organizational and financial limits. From these 29 seats we received a total of 90, 647 votes, a little more than we received in the 16th Lok Sabha elections. In Maharashtra our SC had supported an independent candidate from North Mumbai seat and Gujarat SOC supported a candidate of Bharatiya Tribal Party in Ahemedabad West.
- Wayanad Usha 1424
- Vadagara Sudhakaran 507
- Thrissur N.D. Venu 1330
- Ernakulam Shajahan 470
- Koppal Hemaraj Veerapur 1059
- Chikmagalur S Vijaya 2216
- Kanyakumari Paulraj 778
- Guntur Hari Prasad 3216
- Nagpur Yogesh Thakre 281
- Ramtek Bandu Mishram 1421
- Mahasamund Bhojlal Netam 2263
- Puri Ranjan Mishra 2312
- Bhubaneswar Pramela behera 1482
- Kandhemal Tuna Mallik 8283
- Koraput Rajendra Kendruka 15827
- Aska Sankar Sahu 5999
- Dumdum Shankar Das 4379
- Bankura Sukchand Soren 2889
- Bishnupur Jithendra Nath Roy 6438
- Belarghat Manas Chakravarthy 1349
- Barasat Oli Md Mallick 1305
- Ranchi Vikas Sharma 1407
- Palamu Madan Ram 2420
- Jamshedpur Malay Mahato 1874
- Amethi Basudev Maurya 988
- Kushinagar Aravind Yadav 1406
- Sidhi Heeralal Singh 3848
- Udaipur Kika Meena 13099
- Chandigarh Lashkar Singh 377 n
As Modi led corporate-saffron regime had reached the fag end of its first term, spokespersons of the regime have started repeatedly emphasising on India’s fastest growth during the last five years. They argue, for instance, that India under Modi is not only the fastest growing one in the world with a growth rate of around 7 percent but also has become the sixth largest economy ahead of France and will soon become larger than even Great Britain. Modi continues in power, according to them, within a decade India will be the third largest economy below that of US and China respectively.
Of course, the basic orientation of Modi since the very beginning has been to pursue an ultra-rightist growth path led by private corporate capital in conformity with market fundamentalist Washington Consensus according to which benefits from wealth concentration and fast growth shall slowly trickle-down to the bottom. With this perspective, he dismantled the Planning Commission and dissociated from what is called state-led planning, the last relics of the Nehruvian model so as to transform the state as a mere facilitator of corporate capital. Modi took necessary steps towards complete demolition of the administrative price mechanism in fuel pricing and giving full freedom to corporate oil giants in price-determination, raising the FDI cap in defence and insurance sectors to 49 percent at one stretch and similar other pro-corporate and business-friendly steps, prompting the World Bank to praise the Modi regime in its 2018 Doing Business Report for adopting almost half of the total 37 requirements essential to achieve a high ranking in Bank’s Ease of Doing Business Index. The most crucial initiative among them has been the implementation of the GST, the biggest post-war neoliberal, pro-corporate tax reform at the behest of imperialist centres for placing the country on a high growth trajectory.
But the outcome is on the contrary. According to the latest data released by the Central Statistical Organisation, India’s economic growth rate has declined to 6.6 percent, even as leading members of the Central Statistical Office including its chairman had already resigned protesting against the governmental pressure on them to manipulate data in favour of the bogus claims of the regime. As such independent observers consider even the 6.6 percent GDP growth rate released by CSO an overestimate, and according to them, the real growth rate would definitely be slower than the official rate. In the same vein, organisations like the Centre for Monitoring Indian Economy (CMIE) do not consider this latest official growth figure as in accord with reality. And in a latest development, National Sample Survey Organisation (NSSO) has imparted a heavy blow to the Modi govt. by casting doubt over the reliability of the entire data base used by the government.
Historically, figures pertaining to the Indian unorganised/informal sectors where more than 90 percent of the labour force depends for sustenance are mere guestimates as reliable data on them are few and far between. However, the two unexpected attacks inflicted on the whole economy, namely, demonetisation and GST have devastated not only the informal sectors but the formal/organised sectors also. Therefore in the absence of a concrete analysis of the post-demonetisation and post-GST structure of the economy, even data relating to the formal sectors is also unreliable.
Another aspect is the inclusion of large number of ‘untraceable’ or ‘shell’ companies’, whose number is almost one-third of the actually existing companies, in the official growth data. That is, large number of registered companies are not at all found at the address and are not engaged in the work they have claimed. Though, such bogus companies that are not contributing anything to national product, they are also included in data. The main purpose of floating such companies which are only “shell” and not any way contributing to production is to divert profits and siphon out unaccounted money to tax havens within and outside the country. To include the shell companies output, which is nothing but a portion of the main companies output, in data is therefore double counting and the GDP estimation becomes highly inflated and larger.
The upshot of the argument is that in spite of a definite slowdown, spokespersons of Modi govt. are working overtime to chart out a rosy picture of the Indian economy still claiming that the GDP growth rate is still running at 6.5 percent. Ironically, the highest growth rate that the saffron regime claimed was in relation to demonetisation year when all the formal and informal sectors, especially the latter actually experienced a sharp decline. Therefore the credibility of Modi regime’s growth figures is questionable. Meanwhile, the unpublished NSSO report, the details which are available in the public domain, has estimated the unemployment rate at 6.1 percent in the preceding fiscal year (quoting a leaked report from the NSSO, the Business Standard said, “The country’s unemployment rate stood at over a four-decade high of 6.1 per cent during 2017-18, compared to 2.2 per cent in 2011-12.”) and a steep decline in labour participation rate from 47 percent in 2017 to 43 percent in 2019! It can be guessed that these sharpest decline in employment in five decades has been mainly due to the double-shock inflicted on the economy by the superimposition of demonetisation and GST.
As a manifestation of this economic down-trend, production in both the consumer and capital goods sector are facing reverses, the latter registering a contraction of 8.7 percent in March 2019!A striking trend is the setbacks faced by the firms specialised in the middle-class oriented fast-moving consumer goods sector (FMCG) due to the sudden collapse in demand and low consumer sentiment. And in spite of GST, according to the revised revenue estimates for 2018-19, there is a shortfall of Rs 1.6 lakh crore, and the central government’s revenue growth rate is as low as 6.2 percent instead of its budgeted claim of 19.5 percent. Consequently, central government’s debt under five years of Modi has shot from around 50 percent of GDP to almost 80 percent.
Another grave problem has been that of NPAs (non-performing assets) now amounting to Rs. 15 lakh crore in the public sector banks attributed to big corporate companies, as a result of which agriculture, small and medium industries, traditional and informal sectors have become the victims of the severe credit crunch in banks. Reckless loan payment to speculation by non-banking finance companies (NBFCs) such as IL&FS has also reduced the source of funds for labour-intensive, informal and small sectors. Lack of credit, indebtedness and absence of price-support programs are pushing thousands peasants to suicides every year. But since 2015, the National Crime Records Bureau as directed by the Modi govt. has stopped releasing data on peasant suicides though routine media reports of famers committing suicides in states like Maharashtra, Madhya Pradesh, Punjab, and Karnataka among others are continuing as usual. However, as per data available in the Ministry of Home Affairs, annual report titled ‘Accidental Deaths and Suicides in India’, on an average every day 34 farmers are committing suicides in India.
This collapse in the domestic economy has it’s manifestation in the foreign trade sector too. It is an acknowledged fact that around half of India’s exports originate mainly from the labour-intensive traditional, small-scale and medium industries. However, both demonetisation and GST by denying cash and imposing higher tax-burden respectively have made most of them economically unviable. Coupled with this adverse domestic factor including the overreliance on contract labour (along with lack of healthcare, education and skill-training) that declined labour productivity, competition from labour intensive exports of other cheap labour economies, especially South-Asian countries has resulted in a steep reduction in exports leading to a trade deficit of $ 176 billion(approximately more than Rs. 12 lakh crore). Regarding capital-intensive exports, India is facing the biggest threat from protectionist policies in the US and elsewhere. All these have their domestic linkage effects adversely affecting production and employment. Over the next 30 years, around 75 lakh young job seekers are expected to join the working age population each year. Around 16 percent of the educated youth is estimated as unemployed in India. On the other hand, Modi’s ultra-rightist policies have destroyed more than 100 lakh jobs in the preceding year alone. One can imagine the extent of social and political tensions in store for the future.
However, the immediate threat that Indian people are going to confront is the prospect of rise in oil prices. In view of the election, oil companies under instructions from the Modi regime has been keeping domestic petroleum prices flat, though crude oil prices rose from around $52.40 a barrel in January to $70.70 a barrel on 3 May. In the context of the unilateral US embargo on oil export of Venezuela and Iran, India is losing cheap sources of oil and is bound to import high-cost shale oil from USA and Canada. In view of the US threat-escalation, there is every chance of the world crude oil prices shooting up. As a pointer to the emerging trend, immediately after the polls, based on green signal from Modi regime, oil companies have already raised petrol and diesel prices.
Obviously, while the employment-oriented really producing economy is declining under the Modi-regime, the parliamentary opposition ranging from the Congress and regional parties to CPI (M) having no alternative to the neoliberal-pro-corporate policies, the exit-poll projections of a landslide victory of the BJP led NDA have given a further boost to the speculative the sphere of the economy as manifested in the Sensex gaining around 1400 points in one single day in the BSE. As a result, the shares of leading stock speculators including Ambani, HDFC, ICICI, etc. have gained around Rs. 5 crore. As these lines are being written, the election results are pouring in indicating a continuation of the Modi regime with an absolute majority in Lok Sabha. Then the outcome is an extra-ordinary galloping of financial speculation led by the most corrupt corporate class under whom the so called development itself oriented to the vast majority of toiling people is transformed in to a by-product of money-spinning businesses throughout.
Modi’s second coming implies a further opening up of the floodgates of ultra-rightist, neoliberal corporatisation subjecting the working classes and all oppressed to the domination of the most degenerated financial class in every sphere. Its outcome shall be unprecedented wealth concentration in the hands of the most corrupt tiny financial elite and intensified pauperisation and loss of purchasing power for the vast majority.
The ruling regime will try to manage the consequent political and social tensions by incessant attacks on democratic rights of workers and all oppressed including dalits, adivasis, women and minorities. It is up to the democratic and progressive forces in this country to rise up with an appropriate political intervention at this critical juncture. n
To comrade MB Singh, General Secretary, NCP(Mashal) on behalf of the Central Committee of the CPI(ML) Red Star on the occasion of its 8th Congress
On behalf of the Central Committee of the CPI(ML) Red Star, I extend revolutionary fraternal greetings to the Central Committee of the NCP(Mashal) and to the 8th Congress of your Party. Our two parties have a history of four decades of fraternal relations, and our close relation based on proletarian internationalism has stood the test of time. We hope you shall successfully complete the 8th Party Congress in a revolutionary atmosphere taking up the revolutionary tasks at national and international level.
The 8th Congress of your Party is taking place at a critical time when the imperialist system is intensifying its aggressive acts against the world people. At the same time, the inter-imperialist contradictions are also sharpening in newer forms like the trade war. Imperialist powers, especially US imperialism and its NATO allies are trying to perpetuate their hegemony by threatening Venezuela in Latin America, Iran in West Asia and other countries with armed intervention. With US and NATO backing the Zionist Israeli fascists are intensifying the genocide of the Palestinians. The imperialists are intensifying the plunder and oppression against the people of the neo-colonially dependent countries including India and Nepal.
At the same time, as our 11th Party Congress has pointed out, the Indian government, instead of standing with the South Asian countries and developing fraternal relations based on equality and non-interference in internal affairs, is continuing its expansionist policies against them fulfilling its role as a junior partner of US imperialism in the region. It is not because India has become an imperialist country as some friends like to think, but because of the comprador nature of its ruling classes who are dove-tailing India with the hegemonic interests of imperialist powers. While the CPI(ML) Red Star stead-fastedly stand with you and the people of Nepal, we in India still have to complete the People’s Democratic Revolution by overthrowing the still surviving imperialist yoke made more repressive under neo-liberal policies and corporatizatiion.
We in India, as you are aware, are facing the intensifying challenge posed by the corporate-saffron fascist regime guided by the RSS parivar and backed by the forces of international capital. After the just concluded elections which has ended with the return of these neo-fascist forces with more strength, we are afraid that its expansionist policies against its neighbouring countries may be further intensified. But, as a fraternal party we shall firmly stand with you, as earlier we have stood with you when the Modi government had blocked goods traffic, including vital petroleum, to Nepal.
As members of ICOR (International Co-ordination of Revolutionary Parties and Organisations), we are already working closely on all fronts upholding proletarian internationalism. Let us strive hard to develop our fraternal relations more closely in the coming days. We once again wish all success to your 8th Party Congress.
Long Live ICOR!
Long Live the Fraternal Relations Between NCP(Mashal) and CPI(ML) Red Star!
With fraternal greetings,
CPI(ML) Red Star n
What happened during last three months was a feverish and acrimonious election campaign for the 17th Lok Sabha. The results of these elections, giving almost a two third majority to NDA in the new Lok Sabha announced on 23rd May, has surprised not only the mainstream opposition parties, but all the progressive, democratic, struggling people’s forces who were campaigning against and leading numerous struggles against it. If Modi led BJP had won the 2014 elections with the slogan of Sub ke Sath Sab ka Vikas, during the last five years all the major initiatives his government took including demonetization, GST, intensification of corporatization of all sectors etc had led to highest rates of unemployment during last 45 years, acute distress in farm sector leading to suicides by hundreds of farmers in many states, serious slow down of the economy and growing ecological destruction making the climate change like phenomena severe day by day, to mention a few of the serious consequences. At the same time pursuing aggressive saffronization, spreading politics of hatred, targeting the religious minorities and dalits, etc majoritarian divide and rule politics is taken to extreme levels.
In this situation the resistance against Modi rule went on increasing, first through numerous people’s struggles and then, as reflected in electoral reverses, especially in the defeat of BJP led state governments in Rajasthan, MP and Chhattisgarh six months ago. All these factors had pointed towards possible defeat of Modi government in the 2019 elections.
The mainstream opposition parties, though none of them had led any major campaigns or struggles against the Modi rule during the last five years, were expected to pick up these issues and the failure of Modi rule in implementing any of its major promises of 2014, for defeating Modi and replacing it with their alliance after the elections.
But as the campaign was starting by February, with the militants’ attack on the CRPF convoy at Pulwama, followed by the Balakot air strike against the terrorist base inside Pakistan, Modi turned around the possible anti-incumbency against his government by projecting the national security matters and muscular nationalism targeting Pakistan, the Muslim minorities and the Kashmiri people’s movement through a protracted, colourful and extremely expensive sectarian political campaign, with the slogan: We will enter your house and kill you, This is New India. Modi, Amit Shah and other leaders, blatantly violating the Model Code of Conduct rules of the Election Commission, were asking the people to vote BJP in the name of the Pulwama martyrs, for the Balakot ‘surgical’ strike, for Modi’s army! The first accused in Malegaon terrorist attack, Pragya Thakur was fielded as candidate, further intensifying the saffron campaign. In this process, the identity politics of the caste based parties were, in the main, submerged by the frenzied saffronization of the RSS parivar.
Surprising its opponents, the BJP and its NDA allies led a presidential style campaign, appealing for each vote to their candidates as a vote for Modi, projecting the election as a referendum for him. It was turned in to a jingoistic campaign with an anti-Muslim political narrative. The opposition parties, especially, the Congress, could not or failed to expose this sinister BJP campaign organized with the connivance of a majority in the EC. Besides, while the BJP even made concessions to forge unity of the NDA parties, the opposition, mainly Congress, failed to forge unity among themselves, or to put forward a unified approach. In this situation, utilizing huge corporate funds, services of the media, planned use of social media, EC majority’s connivance which went to the extent of planning the seven phase elections to suit Modi’s public meetings and road shows, to allowing him to stage a sort of ‘road show’ at Kedarnth and Badrinath on 18th and 19th May, on the day of silent campaign and the last polling day, Modi and company created conditions for its victory.
The disunited opposition parties who have no alternate vision about the corporatization speeded by Modi, who pursue caste based politics compromising with Hindutva ideology, easily crumbled before the Modi-Shah juggernaut, helping BJP led NDA to a massive victory, polling more than 50% of votes in 17 states and spreading menacingly to W. Bengal, Odisha like states also. And, with the connivance of the EC and utilizing loop holes in the present electoral system including the use of EVMs against which criticism are increasing day by day, Modi could outsmart the divided opposition easily. As far as the traditional left, the ‘Left Front’ parties, are concerned, they have refused to take lessons from their hitherto debacle due to pursuing neoliberal policies. So, even after getting unseated in W. Bengal and Tripura, they repeat same mistakes in their last resort, Kerala. In front of Modi- Shah offensive they were swept away in Bengal and Tripura, and severely mauled in Kerala
The coming to power of Modi for another five years with added strength poses a serious challenge before the toiling masses as well as to the struggling left forces who waged a campaign, fielding candidates in few seats, with the slogan: “Defeat corporate-saffron fascist Modi rule, Build people’s Alternative”. While actively participating in all movements to weaken the saffron fascist forces, they should take up the question of building people’s alternative against increasing corporate-saffron fascist threat more actively, striving to participate in all forms of struggles with the orientation of developing independent communist assertion. It calls for concrete analysis of the present developments leading to the victory of Modi, mobilizing all struggling forces for launching people’s movements against it. The growing ultra rightist, neo-fascist challenge, a growing danger at international level itself, can be confronted and defeated only by putting forward an alternative manifesto for democracy and development, and mobilizing the toiling masses and all oppressed sections for people’s democracy and socialism. Let us take up this challenge with firm resolve