Official Website of Communist Party of India, Marxist - Leninist (ML) Redstar - Position/Approach Papers
Democratic People’s Forum.

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An Appeal for Building Struggling Left and Democratic Platform as an Alternative to Ruling Class Alternatives at Central and State level.

Dear Comrades,

With the advent to power of ultra rightist BJP government, it is like ‘from frying pan to fire’ for the vast majority of the people. Under intensifying corporate loot and saffronization drive of RSS Parivar, all their basic rights are snatched away more fiercely. Including the dalits, adivasis, women and minorities, all oppressed classes and sections are facing unprecedented pauperization and alienation. Even existing democratic rights, secular values, progressive aspects of foreign policy, the right to food, housing, healthcare, education and employment are taken away. Whatever plurality, humanist values, scientific temper existed has come under barbarous attacks of saffron brigades who are trying to impose their own moral, food, dress, culture and even work code on everybody. Beating back this reactionary offensive by the ultra rightist religious fundamentalist forces calls for broadest possible unity of the secular, democratic and left forces.

This unity is significant and urgently needed in the present grave international situation also. With the intensification of the cascading effects of the crisis confronting it in every field, starting with the crisis of the international finance capital system, the imperialist forces, especially US imperialism is acting like a mad bull, destroying all progressive values developed by humanity during the many centuries of renaissance movement, democratic revolutions and socialist advances. When the military adventures in the name of ‘war on terror’ miserably failed and as they are forced to withdraw armed forces from many of the aggressed countries, they are promoting religious fundamentalists of all hues paving the way for emergence of ISIS like outfits. While allthe basic contradictions at the international level including the inter imperialist contradictions are intensifying very fast, divisive tendencies are promoted by the imperialists and their lackeys based on religion, race, caste etc and using identity politics like post-modernist ideologies. The burden of their crisis is imposed over the oppressed nations and peoples. Instead of serving the national interests, the Modi government is intensifying the neo-colonial servitude and dividing the people at the behest of US imperialists. In this situation the struggling left and democratic forces have to strengthen their unity against these international and national level challenges.

Though Congress and the regional parties, many of whom leading governments in many states, are talking about the need to oppose the communal fascist acts of RSS outfits, they are not opposing the increasing corporate loot or are not ready to put an end to their own communal, caste based appeasement/vote bank politics. The dissensions within the AAP so soon after its landslide victory in Delhi elections show that without challenging the ruling class politics no alternative to Congress or BJP can be built up. As far as the CPI (M) led Left Front parties are concerned, though they talk about a broad left and democratic front, they have not abandoned their reformist line and are waiting for an opportunity to join hands with the regional parties or even with Congress.

What is required is a basically different, program- based alternative which is ready to fight the neo-liberal policies lock stock and barrel. It is with this perspective the four constituents of the Democratic People’s Forum, CPI(ML) Red Star, NSM (Gujarat), NDPI (Delhi) and Navjanavadi Lokmanch (Jharkhand) are proposing the formation of a platform of struggling left and democratic forces based on a common minimum program which can be arrived at through discussion based on the following points and any points suggested by other organizations, as an alternative against the ruling class alternatives at central and state level:

Proposed Common Minimum Program of DPF for discussion and finalization:

(1) Oppose imperialist globalization-liberalization-privatization and neo-liberal policies; Struggle against imperialist domination through IMF, World Bank, WTO and MNCs; Fight against corporatization of all fields; End corporate-mafia raj.

(2) Fight against the intensification of communalization by all shades of religious fundamentalist forces, especially the saffronization of all fields by the Hindutua forces with the blatant support of BJP government.

(3) Stop displacements for neo-liberal Projects; Struggle for scrapping Modi’s Land Acquisition Bill; Oppose corporatization of agriculture and Second Green Revolution; Implement progressive land reforms based on land to the tiller, promoting co-operative agriculture, providing assistance to the farmers for agricultural development; ensure rights of agricultural workers including dalits and adivasis ensuring their right over the land.

(4) Fight price-rise; Struggle for universal Public Distribution System; Fight for food security, housing, education, healthcare and employment for all; Fight for unemployment allowance to all unemployed.

(5) Fight corporatization of industry, services and infrastructure building; Struggle for socialization of all core sectors including energy, mining, steel, minerals etc; Fight contract and casual labour system, struggle for need based wages, job security and democratic rights of working class.

(6) Fight for democratizing society through Constitutional and democratic reforms including the right to recall elected representatives as well as government servants; Reform electoral laws introducing proportional representation; Prosecute all corrupt through special courts; Confiscate all black- money deposited in foreign banks and other hide-outs.

(7) Ensure Adivasis’ right over their land and natural resources; Implement autonomous councils based on Sixth Schedule in Adivasi areas; End caste-based and communal oppression, and attacks on women, dalits and oppressed classes and sections; Struggle for casteless and secular society.

(8) End all forms of gender discrimination; Ensure women’s equality in all fields.

(9) Scrap AFSPA, UAPA and all other black laws; Withdraw military from Jammu- Kashmir and Northeast; End state terror and achieve all round democratization of the administration and society.

(10) Settle all border disputes, a hangover from colonial days, through bilateral discussions; Withdraw military from borders and cut down military expenditure; Develop fraternal relations with neighbouring countries; Liberalize Visa rules to improve people to people relations.

(11) Abolish imperialist promoted ‘development’ policies which devastate nature, cause ‘climate change’, lead to ecological catastrophes and impoverish the people; Implement people oriented, sustainable and eco-friendly development paradigm.

This appeal is sent for your consideration and proposals

K.N.Ramachandran, Convener, DPF, and General Secretary of CPI(ML) Red Star
തദ്ദേശസ്വയംഭരണസ്ഥാപനങ്ങളെ ജനങ്ങളുടെ രാഷ്‌ട്രീയ അധികാര കേന്ദ്രങ്ങളാക്കുക

കേരള തദ്ദേശസ്വയം ഭരണ തിരഞ്ഞെടുപ്പിലേക്കുള്ള സി പി ഐ (എം എൽ) റെഡ്സ്റ്റാർ തിരഞ്ഞെടുപ്പ് പ്രകടന പത്രിക

ഇന്ത്യയെപ്പോലുള്ള രാജ്യത്ത്‌ ലോകസഭ-നിയമസഭ സ്ഥാപനങ്ങളെ പോലെതന്നെ പ്രധാനപ്പെട്ടതാണ്‌ തദ്ദേശ സ്ഥാപനങ്ങളും അവയിലേക്കുള്ള തെരഞ്ഞെടുപ്പുകളും. പുത്തന്‍ അധിനിവേശ നവ ഉദാര ക്രമത്തിനുകീഴിൽ ഭരണം കോര്‍പ്പറേറ്റുകള്‍ക്കുവേണ്ടിയുള്ളതാകുകയും ഭരണ സംവിധാനം ഉദ്യോഗസ്ഥ മേധാവിത്വപരവും അങ്ങേയറ്റം കേന്ദ്രീകൃതവുമാകുന്ന ഇന്നത്തെ അവസ്ഥയിൽ ഒരു രാഷ്‌ട്രീയ ബദൽ വളര്‍ത്തിക്കൊണ്ടു വരുന്നതിൽ ആശയ വ്യക്തതയോടെ തദ്ദേശ സ്വയംഭരണ തെരഞ്ഞെടുപ്പുകളിൽ പങ്കെടുക്കേണ്ടത്‌ പരമപ്രധാനമാണ്‌. നിലവിലുള്ള ഭരണ സംവിധാനത്തെ അടിമുടി പൊളിച്ചെഴുതുകയും വ്യവസ്ഥയിലും ഭരണത്തിലുമുള്ള കോര്‍പ്പറേറ്റ്‌ ആധിപത്യം അവസാനിപ്പിക്കുകയും ചെയ്‌ത്‌ ജനകീയ വിമോചനം സാധ്യമാക്കുന്നതിന്റെ മുുപാധികളിലൊന്ന് പ്രാദേശിക തലത്തിൽ ജനകീയധികാരം ഉറപ്പിച്ചെടുക്കുകയാണ്‌. ജനങ്ങളുടെ നിലനില്‌പ്പും ദൈനംദിന ജീവിതവുമായി ബന്ധപ്പെട്ട ഉപജീവനവും തൊഴിൽ, പാര്‍പ്പിടം, ആരോഗ്യം, വിദ്യാഭ്യാസം, കുടിവെള്ളം, കായിക- കലാ-വിനോദങ്ങള്‍, പരിസ്ഥിതി സംരക്ഷണം എന്നിത്യാദി കാര്യങ്ങളും മുകളിൽ നിന്നും കെട്ടിയിറക്കുന്ന നയങ്ങളുടെയും നിര്‍ദ്ദേശങ്ങളുടെയും അടിസ്ഥാനത്തിൽ നിര്‍ണയിക്കപ്പെടേണ്ടതല്ല. ജനങ്ങളുടെ നേരിട്ടുള്ള പങ്കാളിത്തത്തോടെ, അവരുടെ ചുറ്റുവട്ടത്തും ആവാസ വ്യവസ്ഥയിലും ഇവ തീരുമാനിക്കുതിനുള്ള സൗകര്യങ്ങള്‍ ഉറപ്പാക്കപ്പെടണം. തദ്ദേശ ഭരണ സ്ഥാപനങ്ങളെ ജനാധിപത്യപരമായി പരിവര്‍ത്തിപ്പിക്കുന്നതിലൂടെ മാത്രമേ ഇതു സാധ്യമാകൂ.

2. എാല്ലാ തദ്ദേശ ഭരണ സ്ഥാപനങ്ങളെ സംബന്ധിച്ച ജനകീയവും ജനാധിപത്യപരവുമായ ഇപ്രകാരമുള്ളൊരു സമീപനമല്ല കോര്‍പ്പറേററ്‌ മൂലധനത്തിന്റെ സേവകരും സവര്‍ണ്ണ-വരേണ്യ പ്രത്യയശാസ്‌ത്രത്തിന്റെ പ്രയോക്താക്കളുമായ ഇന്ത്യന്‍ ഭരണവര്‍ഗ്ഗങ്ങളുടേത്‌. തീര്‍ച്ചയായും ഭരണഘടനയുടെ മാര്‍ഗദര്‍ശക തത്വങ്ങളിൽ തദ്ദേശ ഭരണത്തെയും അധികാര വികേന്ദ്രീകരണത്തെയും സംബന്ധിച്ച വാചാടോപങ്ങള്‍ കാണാം. ഗ്രാമസ്വരാജിനെപ്പറ്റിയുള്ള മഹാത്മാഗാന്ധിയുടെ അഭിപ്രായങ്ങളെ മാനിക്കുന്നുവെന്ന് വരുത്തിത്തീര്‍ക്കാന്‍ ഇവ എഴുതിച്ചേര്‍ത്തു എന്നതൊഴിച്ചാൽ നെഹ്രുവിയന്‍ ക്ഷേമരാഷ്‌ട്ര നയങ്ങള്‍ പ്രാബല്യത്തിലുണ്ടായിരുന്ന 1980 കള്‍വരെ ക്ഷേമ പദ്ധതികളും സാമൂഹ്യ സേവനങ്ങളും കേന്ദ്ര-സംസ്ഥാന സര്‍ക്കാരുകളിലൂടെ തികച്ചും കേന്ദ്രീകൃതമായി നടപ്പാക്കുന്ന രീതിയാണ്‌ പിന്തുടര്‍ന്നു പോന്നത്‌. പ്രധാനമായും ഭൂപ്രഭുക്കന്മാരും ജാതിമേധാവികളുമായിരുന്ന പ്രാദേശിക പ്രമാണി വര്‍ഗ്ഗത്തിന്റെ സങ്കുചിത താൽപര്യങ്ങളും ചൂഷകവര്‍ഗ്ഗ ഘടനയേയും അരക്കിട്ടുറപ്പിക്കാന്‍ പഞ്ചായത്തുകളേയും മറ്റും ഉപയോഗപ്പെടുത്തുന്നതിലായിരുന്നു നിക്ഷിപ്‌തകേന്ദ്രങ്ങളുടെ താല്‌പര്യം. ഭരണവര്‍ഗ്ഗങ്ങളുടെയും അവരുടെ രാഷ്‌ട്രീയ പാര്‍ട്ടികളുടെയും പ്രാദേശിക പിന്‍ബലം ഉറപ്പിക്കുകയായിരുന്നു വല്ലപ്പോഴുമൊക്കെ നടന്നിരുന്ന തദ്ദേശ ഭരണസ്ഥാപനങ്ങളിലേക്കുള്ള തെരഞ്ഞെടുപ്പുകളിലൂടെ നടന്നിരുന്നത്.

3. 1990-കള്‍ മുതലുള്ള നവഉദാരീകരണ ഘട്ടം ആരംഭിച്ചതോടെ ഈ സ്ഥിതിക്കു മാറ്റം വന്നു. സാമ്പത്തിക പ്രവര്‍ത്തനങ്ങളിൽ നിന്നും സാമൂഹ്യ ക്ഷേമ പദ്ധതികളിൽ നിന്നും സര്‍ക്കാര്‍ പിന്‍വാങ്ങുതോടൊപ്പം ഈ രംഗത്തെ ബജറ്റുവിഹിതം വന്‍തോതിൽ വെട്ടിക്കുറക്കുന്ന നവഉദാര നയങ്ങള്‍ ആധിപത്യത്തിലേക്കു വന്നു. സമ്പദ്‌ഘടനയിലെ 'മുന്‍കൈ' പ്രവര്‍ത്തകര്‍ എന്ന ഭരണകൂടത്തെ സംബന്ധിച്ച ക്ഷേമരാഷ്‌ട്ര സമീപനത്തിന്റെ സ്ഥാനത്ത്‌ അതൊരു കോര്‍പ്പറേറ്റ്‌ 'സഹായി' മാത്രമാണെ നവ ഉദാരവീക്ഷണം ദല്ലാള്‍ ഭരണവര്‍ഗ്ഗങ്ങള്‍ അംഗീകരിച്ചു. ഇതു സൃഷ്‌ടിച്ച വിടവ്‌ നികത്താന്‍ പഞ്ചായത്തുകള്‍ ഉള്‍പ്പെടെയുള്ള തദ്ദേശ ഭരണസ്ഥാപനങ്ങളെ സജ്ജീവമാക്കിക്കൊണ്ട് സാമൂഹ്യ സേവനവും പ്രാദേശിക വികസനവുമായി 'പങ്കാളിത്ത ജനാധിപത്യം'തുടങ്ങിയ ലേബലുകളിൽ ജനങ്ങളുടെ ചുമലുകളിൽ ഏൽപ്പിക്കാന്‍ തീരുമാനമായി. പൊതുജനാരോഗ്യം, പൊതുവിദ്യാഭ്യാസം, കുടിവെള്ള വിതരണം, ജലസേചനം, റോഡു നിര്‍മ്മാണം, വനവൽക്കരണം തുടങ്ങിയ പദ്ധതികള്‍ തദ്ദേശ ഭരണസ്ഥാപനങ്ങള്‍ക്കായി ഇപ്രകാരം നീക്കിവച്ചു. ഇതിന്റെ ഭാഗമായി ഇന്ത്യയിൽ ആഗോളീകരണ-ഉദാരീകരണനയങ്ങള്‍ക്കു തുടക്കമിട്ടതോടൊപ്പം 1992 ൽ 73-ഉം 74-ഉം ഭരണഘടന ഭേദഗതികളോടെ തദ്ദേശ ഭരണ സ്ഥാപനങ്ങള്‍ക്ക്‌ ഉത്തരവാദിത്വങ്ങള്‍ ഏൽപ്പിച്ചുകൊടുത്തു. അഞ്ചുവര്‍ഷം കൂടുമ്പോള്‍ തദ്ദേശ ഭരണ സ്ഥാപനങ്ങളിലേക്ക്‌ തെരഞ്ഞെടുപ്പു നടത്തേണ്ടത്‌ സംസ്ഥാനങ്ങളുടെ ഭരണഘടനാ ബാധ്യതയാക്കി. ആഗോളീകരണ പദ്ധതികള്‍ ഏറ്റെടുത്തു നടപ്പാക്കേണ്ടത്‌ തദ്ദേശഭരണ സ്ഥാപനങ്ങളുടെ കൂടി ബാധ്യതയാക്കിയതോടെ ലോകബാങ്കും ഏഷ്യന്‍ വികസന ബാങ്കും പോലുള്ള പുത്തന്‍കൊളോണിയൽ ധനകാര്യ സ്ഥാപനങ്ങള്‍ പഞ്ചായത്തുകള്‍ക്കും മറ്റും നേരിട്ടു വായ്‌പകള്‍ നൽകുന്ന സ്ഥിതി സംജാതമായി. പഞ്ചായത്തുകളുമായി സഹകരിച്ച്‌ നവ ഉദാര പദ്ധതികള്‍ പൂര്‍ത്തീകരിക്കുന്ന എന്‍ ജി ഒ കളും സ്വയം സഹായ സംഘങ്ങളും എല്ലാമടങ്ങുന്ന വിപുലമായ മൈക്രോഫൈനാന്‍സ്‌ സംവിധാനങ്ങള്‍ അപ്രകാരം നിലവിൽ വന്നു. വിവിധ തലങ്ങളിലൂള്ള നികുതിഭാരത്തോടൊപ്പം പദ്ധതിക്കാവശ്യമായ പണം'ഉപയോഗച്ചെലവുകള്‍' എന്ന പേരിൽ ജനങ്ങളിൽ നിന്നു സമാഹരിക്കുതിനുള്ള ക്രമീകരണങ്ങളും മുകളിൽ നിന്നും കെട്ടിയിറക്കിയ ഈ അധികാര വികേന്ദ്രീകരണത്തിലൂടെ നടപ്പാക്കി.

4. സമൂഹത്തിലെ സ്വത്തു ബന്ധങ്ങളേയും ജാതീയമായ ഉച്ചനീചത്വങ്ങളേയും സ്‌ത്രീകള്‍ക്കെതിരായ അടിച്ചമര്‍ത്തലുകളെയും മറ്റു വൈരുദ്ധ്യങ്ങളെയും അവഗണിച്ചുകൊണ്ടു നടപ്പാക്കിയതെങ്കിലും പഞ്ചായത്തുകള്‍ക്കും തദ്ദേശ ഭരണ സ്ഥാപനങ്ങള്‍ക്കും ഇതു വലിയ പ്രാധാന്യം നൽകുകയും അവയും അധികാരകേന്ദ്രങ്ങളാക്കുകയും ചെയ്‌തതോടെ കേന്ദ്ര-സംസ്ഥാന തെരഞ്ഞെടുപ്പുകള്‍ പോലെ തദ്ദേശ ഭരണ തെരഞ്ഞെടുപ്പുകളും പാര്‍ട്ടികളുടെ മുഖ്യ അജണ്ടയാകുകയും ചെയ്‌തത്‌ ഈ പശ്ചാത്തലത്തിലാണ്‌. എന്നാലതേസമയം, ഉത്തരവാദിത്വങ്ങള്‍ ഏൽപ്പിക്കപ്പെട്ടതോടെ അവ നടപ്പാക്കാനുള്ള ഭാരിച്ച ബാധ്യതകളും പഞ്ചായത്തുകള്‍ ഏറ്റെടുക്കേണ്ടിവന്നു. കേന്ദ്ര-സംസ്ഥാന സര്‍ക്കാരുകളുടെ ഔദാര്യത്തിൽ കിട്ടന്ന പദ്ധതി വിഹിതത്തോടൊപ്പം തനതു വിഭവങ്ങള്‍ കണ്ടെത്തേണ്ടി വരുന്നത് വീട്ടുകരം വര്‍ദ്ധിപ്പിക്കുതുള്‍പ്പെടെ ജനങ്ങള്‍ക്കുമേൽ വലിയഭാരം കെട്ടിവയ്‌ക്കുന്നതിനു കാരണമായിരിക്കുന്നു. മുകളിൽ നിന്നും കെട്ടിയിറക്കിയ അധികാര വികേന്ദ്രീകരണത്തിന്റെ പരിമിതികള്‍ തിരിച്ചറിയുന്നതിനും പഞ്ചായത്തുകള്‍ക്ക്‌ ഭരണപരമായ കൂടുതൽ നിയന്ത്രണം വേണമെന്നു ചിന്തിച്ചു തുടങ്ങുന്നതിനും ഇതു ജനങ്ങളെ പ്രാപ്‌തരാക്കിയിട്ടുണ്ട്. യു ഡി എഫ്‌, എൽ ഡി എഫ്‌, ബി ജെ പി തുടങ്ങിയ ഭരണ മുന്നണികളാകട്ടെ ഇക്കാര്യങ്ങളിലൊും തൽപ്പരരാകാതെ തദ്ദേശ ഭരണ സ്ഥാപനങ്ങളിൽ സീറ്റുകള്‍ ഉറപ്പാക്കുന്നതിൽ മാത്രം ഊന്നൽ നൽകുന്നു.

5. ഹിന്ദുത്വശക്തികള്‍ക്കു നിയന്ത്രണമുള്ള മോദി ഭരണത്തിൽ കോര്‍പ്പറേറ്റുകള്‍ തടിച്ചുകൊഴുക്കുകയും അദ്ധ്വാനിക്കുന്ന ബഹുജനങ്ങള്‍ മുമ്പൊരിക്കലും ഉണ്ടായിട്ടില്ലാത്തവിധം പാപ്പരീകരണത്തിനു വിധേയമാകുകയുമാണ്‌. കാര്‍ഷിക വ്യവസായിക തകര്‍ച്ചയും തൊഴിലില്ലായ്‌മയും വിലക്കയറ്റവും അഴിമതിയും അഭൂതപൂര്‍വ്വമായ പരിസ്ഥിതി വിനാശവും കുടിയൊഴിപ്പിക്കലുകളും ജാതീയ-വര്‍ഗ്ഗീയ അടിച്ചമര്‍ത്തലുകളും ജനാധിപത്യാവകാശ നിഷേധങ്ങളും സ്‌ത്രീകള്‍ക്കെതിരായ കടന്നാക്രമണങ്ങളും ദളിതരും ആദിവാസികളും മത ന്യൂനപക്ഷങ്ങളുമടക്കം മര്‍ദ്ദിത ജനവിഭാഗങ്ങള്‍ക്കെതിരായ നീക്കങ്ങളും വ്യാപകമായിരിക്കുന്നു. മോദി നടപ്പാക്കുന്ന തീവ്ര വലതുഭരണത്തിൽ രാജ്യം കുതിക്കുകയാണെന്നു സ്ഥാപിക്കാന്‍ ശ്രമിക്കുന്ന കോര്‍പ്പറേറ്റ്‌ മാധ്യമങ്ങള്‍ ജനങ്ങള്‍ നേരിടു സമാനതകളില്ലാത്ത വെല്ലുവിളികള്‍ ചര്‍ച്ചചെയ്യാതെ ജനശ്രദ്ധയിൽ നിന്നു തിരിച്ചുവിടാനാണ്‌ ശ്രമിക്കുന്നത്‌.

6. അഖിലേന്ത്യാതലത്തിൽ ശക്തിപ്പെടുന്ന നവഉദാര- കോര്‍പ്പറേറ്റ്‌ നയങ്ങളുടെ കൂടുതൽ വഷളായ പരിച്ഛേദമാണ്‌ കേരളത്തിലെ യു ഡി എഫ്‌ ഭരണം കാഴ്‌ചവയ്‌ക്കുന്നത്‌. ഉമ്മന്‍ചാണ്ടി സര്‍ക്കാരിനു കീഴിൽ സംസ്ഥാന ഭരണം അങ്ങേയറ്റം ജനവിരുദ്ധവും അധോലോക ഇടപാടുകളും അഴിമതിയും കെടുകാര്യസ്ഥതയും നിമിത്തം ദുഷിച്ചുനാറുകയാണ്‌. പൊതുഖജനാവിലേക്കും അവിടെനിന്ന് ജനക്ഷേമത്തിനുമായി തിരിച്ചുവിടേണ്ട ശതകോടിക്കണക്കിനു രൂപ അടിച്ചുമാറ്റുന്ന മാഫിയാസംഘമായി മന്ത്രിമാരും ഉദ്യോഗസ്ഥ മേധാവികളും പരിണമിച്ചിരിക്കുന്നു. ജനക്ഷേമത്തിനും വികസനത്തിനുമായി പ്രവര്‍ത്തിക്കേണ്ട സെക്രട്ടറിയറ്റ്‌ മുതൽ പഞ്ചായത്ത്‌ ആഫീസ്‌ വരെയുള്ള ഭരണ സംവിധാനം അപ്പാടെ പൊളിഞ്ഞു പാളീസായ അവസ്ഥയിലാണ്‌. ഇതു മറച്ചുവയ്‌ക്കാന്‍, പ്രാദേശിക ജനപ്രാതിനിധ്യ സംവിധാനങ്ങളിലൂടെ ജനങ്ങള്‍ക്കു ലഭിക്കേണ്ട സേവനങ്ങള്‍പോലും ഇല്ലാതാക്കി ജനസമ്പര്‍ക്കമെന്ന പേരിൽ വലിയ ദര്‍ബാറുകള്‍ നടത്തി 'പ്രജാവൽസല'ന്റെ മേനിനടിക്കുകയാണ്‌ ഉമ്മന്‍ചാണ്ടി.

7. കേരളം ഇത്തരമൊരു ദുരവസ്ഥയിലേക്ക്‌ എത്തിയതിന്റെ കാരണമൊന്നും മുഖ്യ ധാരയിൽ ചര്‍ച്ച ചെയ്യപ്പെടുന്നില്ല. കോര്‍പ്പറേറ്റുകളും മാഫിയാകളും ക്വാറി-മണൽ-വനം കയ്യേറ്റ മാഫിയ കളും വിദ്യാഭ്യാസ-ആരോഗ്യ മാഫിയാകളും കള്ളപ്പണക്കാരും ക്രിമിനൽ സംഘങ്ങളുമെല്ലാം മത-ജാതി ശക്തികളുമായി ഇഴുകിച്ചേർന്ന് ഭരണത്തിന്റെ തണലിൽ തടിച്ചുകൊഴുക്കുമ്പോള്‍ ജനങ്ങള്‍ക്കു തൊഴിലും കൂലിയും ഉറപ്പാക്കുന്ന സാമ്പത്തിക നടപടികളും ചികിത്സയും സാമൂഹ്യ സുരക്ഷയും അടക്കമുള്ള ക്ഷേമ പ്രവര്‍ത്തനങ്ങളും ഉറപ്പാക്കേണ്ട സിവിൽ സര്‍വ്വീസ്‌ നിഷ്‌ക്രിയമാകുകയും ഫയലുകള്‍ ചുവപ്പു നാടയിൽ കുടുങ്ങുകയും ചെയ്യുന്നു. ഭരണംതന്നെ മാഫിയ സംവിധാനമായതോടെ പ്രാദേശിക വികസനത്തിനും ജനക്ഷേമത്തിനുമായുള്ള അലോട്ടുംമെന്റുകളൊന്നും നടക്കുന്നില്ല. സംസ്ഥാനതലത്തിൽ പദ്ധതി വിഹിതത്തിന്റെ കഷ്‌ടിച്ച്‌ പകുതിമാത്രമാണ്‌ ചെലവഴിക്കുന്നതെങ്കിൽ തദ്ദേശഭരണ സ്ഥാപനങ്ങളുമായി ബന്ധപ്പെട്ട പദ്ധതിയുടെ മൂന്നിലൊന്നു മാത്രമാണ്‌ ചെലവഴിക്കപ്പെടുന്നത്‌. രാജ്യമൊട്ടാകെ നടപ്പിലാക്കപ്പെടുന്ന പുത്തന്‍ അധിനിവേശ നയങ്ങളുടെ ഭാഗമായി ഇന്ധനവും ഭക്ഷണവും നിത്യോപയോഗ സാധനങ്ങളും അവശ്യ സേവനങ്ങളും ഉള്‍പ്പെടെ ജീവസന്ധാരണത്തിനാവശ്യമായ എല്ലാ ഉപാധികളുടേയും വമ്പിച്ച വിലക്കയറ്റത്തിന്റെ കൂടി പശ്ചാത്തലത്തിൽ പദ്ധതി പ്രവര്‍ത്തനങ്ങളിൽ നിന്നുള്ള സര്‍ക്കാര്‍ പിന്‍മാറ്റം തൊഴിലാളികളും മണ്ണിൽ പണിയെടുക്കുന്ന കര്‍ഷക-കര്‍ഷക തൊഴിലാളികളും മര്‍ദ്ദിത ജനതകളും അടക്കമുള്ള ബഹു ഭൂരിപക്ഷത്തിന്റെയും നിലനിൽപുതന്നെ അസാധ്യമാക്കിയിരിക്കുന്നു. ഇക്കാര്യങ്ങളിലെല്ലാം സംസ്ഥാനത്തെ ഭരണ മുണിക്കുള്ള സമീപനങ്ങളിൽ നിന്നും മൗലികമായ ഒരു വ്യത്യാസവും സി പി ഐ(എം) നയിക്കു ഇടതുമുണിക്കോ സംസ്ഥാന ഭരണത്തിൽ അക്കൗണ്ട് തുറക്കാന്‍ ചതുരുപായങ്ങളും പ്രയോഗിക്കുന്ന ബി ജെ പി ക്കോ ഇല്ലെന്നുള്ളത്‌ വിശദീകരണമില്ലാതെ തന്നെ വ്യക്തമാണ്‌.

8. രാജ്യമാസകലം അടിച്ചേൽപ്പിക്കപ്പെടുന്ന കോര്‍പ്പറേറ്റ്‌വൽക്കരണത്തിന്റെ നാനാരൂപങ്ങളുമായി ബന്ധപ്പെട്ട് സുപ്രധാനമായ പല പ്രവണതകളും ഇപ്പോള്‍ ശക്തിപ്പെട്ടിട്ടുണ്ട്. തങ്ങളുടെ ആവാസവ്യവസ്ഥക്കും ഉപജീവനത്തിനുംമേൽ അടിച്ചേൽപ്പിക്കപ്പെടുന്ന വിനാശകരമായ കോര്‍പ്പറേറ്റ്‌പദ്ധതിക്കെതിരെ ജനങ്ങള്‍ അത്യന്തം രോക്ഷാകുലരാണ്‌. ഭരണവര്‍ഗ്ഗ പാര്‍ട്ടികളും ഭരണവര്‍ഗ്ഗ രാഷ്‌ട്രീയത്തിലേക്കു ജീര്‍ണിച്ചവരും കോര്‍പ്പറേറ്റുകള്‍ക്കു കൂട്ടുനിന്ന് ഇത്തരം പദ്ധതികള്‍ അടിച്ചേൽപ്പിക്കുമ്പോള്‍ പ്രായോഗിക തലങ്ങളിൽ അടിത്തട്ടിൽ നിന്നും ശക്തമായ ജനകീയ ചെറുത്തുനിൽപ്‌ ഉയർന്നുവന്നുകൊണ്ടിരിക്കുന്നു. വികസനത്തിന്റെ പേരിൽ ആവാസ വ്യവസ്ഥയിൽ നിന്നും മണ്ണിൽ നിന്നുമുള്ള ആദിവാസികളുടെയും ദളിതരുടെയും കര്‍ഷക ജനതയുടെയും കുടിയൊഴുപ്പിക്കലുകള്‍, ഭൂമാഫിയാകളുടെ കയ്യേറ്റങ്ങള്‍, ക്വാറി- മണൽ- വനമാഫിയയുടെ അതിക്രമങ്ങള്‍, ബി ഒ ടി- പി പി പി പദ്ധതികള്‍, വ്യാപകമാകുന്ന പരിസ്ഥിതി വിനാശവും മലിനീകരണവും ജാതീയമായ അടിച്ചമര്‍ത്തലുകള്‍, ആണവ പദ്ധതികള്‍, അതിവേഗ പാതകള്‍, ഇടനാഴികള്‍, പ്രത്യേക സാമ്പത്തികമേഖലകള്‍ സ്‌ത്രീകള്‍ക്കെതിരായ കടാക്രമണം തുടങ്ങി ഇന്നത്തെ കോര്‍പ്പറേറ്റ്‌ വൽക്കരണവും ജനാധിപത്യ നിഷേധവുമായി ബന്ധപ്പെട്ട വിനാശങ്ങൾക്കെതിരായ ജനകീയ മുന്നേറ്റങ്ങള്‍ സൂഷ്‌മതലങ്ങളിൽ നിന്നാണ് ഉയര്‍ന്നുവന്നുകൊണ്ടിരിക്കുന്നത്. രാജ്യത്തിന്റെയും സംസ്ഥാനത്തിന്റെയും പലഭാഗങ്ങളിൽന്നുള്ള വാര്‍ത്തകള്‍ വ്യക്തമാക്കുന്നതുപോലെ, കോര്‍പ്പറേറ്റുകള്‍ക്കും കേന്ദ്ര- സംസ്ഥാന ഭരണത്തിനുമെതിരെ ഇപ്രകാരം ഉയന്നുവരുന്ന ജനകീയ ചെറുത്തുനിൽപ്പുകള്‍ക്കൊപ്പം നിൽക്കാനും മുകളിൽ നിന്നും അടിച്ചേൽപ്പിക്കപ്പെടുന്ന വിനാശപദ്ധതികള്‍ക്കെതിരെ നിലപാടെടുക്കാനും (ഉദാഹരണം കൊക്കക്കോളക്കെതിരായ പെരുമാട്ടി പഞ്ചായത്തിന്റെ നടപടി) പഞ്ചായത്തുകള്‍ നിര്‍ബന്ധിതരാകുന്നുണ്ട്. എന്നാൽ കേന്ദ്ര- സംസ്ഥാന തലങ്ങളിൽ എക്‌സിക്യൂട്ടീവും ജുഡീഷറിയും പഞ്ചായത്തു തീരുമാനങ്ങളെ വീറ്റോചെയ്യുന്നതും ഒരുതരത്തിലുമുള്ള അധികാരമില്ലാത്തസ്ഥാപനങ്ങളാണ്‌ അവയെന്നു തുറന്നു കാട്ടുന്നതും സാധാരണമായിരിക്കുന്നു. എന്നാൽ അതിൽ നിന്നുള്ള പാഠങ്ങള്‍ ഉള്‍ക്കൊണ്ട് രാഷ്‌ട്രീയവൽക്കരിക്കപ്പെടുതിന്‌ അനുകൂലമായ സാഹചര്യമാണ്‌ ഇതു ജനങ്ങള്‍ക്കു പ്രദാനം ചെയ്യുന്നത്‌.

9. പഞ്ചായത്തുകളേയും തദ്ദേശഭരണ സ്ഥാപനങ്ങളേയും ജനകീയരാഷ്‌ട്രീയ അധികാരകേന്ദ്രങ്ങളായി വിപ്ലവപകരമായി പരിവര്‍ത്തിപ്പിക്കുന്നതിനുള്ള മൂര്‍ത്തമായ സാഹചര്യമാണ്‌ ഇതുവഴി സംജാതമായിരിക്കുന്നത്‌. എന്നാൽ മുകളിൽ നിന്നു കെറ്റിയിറക്കുന്ന അധികാരവികേന്ദ്രീകരണത്തിന്റെ വക്താക്കള്‍ക്കോ നടത്തിപ്പുകാര്‍ക്കോ ഈ കടമ ഏറ്റെടുക്കാനാവില്ല. അടിത്തട്ടിൽ നിന്നാരംഭിക്കുന്നതും അധികാരം ജനങ്ങളിൽ നിക്ഷിപ്‌തമാക്കുന്നതുമായ യഥാര്‍ത്ഥ അധികാര വികേന്ദ്രീകരണത്തെ സംബന്ധിച്ച്‌ ആശയവ്യക്തതയും രാഷ്‌ട്രീയനിലപാടുമുള്ള വിപ്ലവശക്തികള്‍ക്കു മാത്രമേ ഇതിനു നേതൃത്വം കൊടുക്കാന്‍ കഴിയു. അതായത്‌ യഥാര്‍ത്ഥ അധികാരവികേന്ദ്രീകരണം എത്‌ സൂഷ്‌മതലത്തിൽ ജനകീയാധികാരം ഉറപ്പാക്കുന്നതും വ്യവസ്ഥക്കെതിരായ വര്‍ഗ്ഗസമരത്തിന്റെ വികാസവുമായി അഭേദ്യമായി ബന്ധപ്പെട്ടതാണ്‌ എന്നുമുള്ള ശരിയായ കാഴ്‌ചപ്പാടാണ്‌ മുന്നോട്ട് വെയ്ക്കപ്പെടേണ്ടത്.

10. ഇതു സാദ്ധ്യമാകണമെങ്കിൽ പഞ്ചായത്തിന്റെ തന്നെ അധികാരഘടനയിൽ മൗലികമായ മാറ്റങ്ങള്‍ കൊണ്ട് വന്നേതീരൂ. ഭരണഘടനാ ഭേദഗതിയിലൂടെ പഞ്ചായത്തുകള്‍ക്കു കൈമാറിക്കിട്ടിയ നാമമാത്രമായ അധികാരങ്ങള്‍ പോലും പഞ്ചായത്തു സെക്രട്ടറി അഥവാ എക്‌സിക്യൂട്ടീവ്‌ ഓഫീസര്‍ എന്ന ഉദ്യോഗസ്ഥനിൽ നിക്ഷിപ്‌തമാണ്‌. തെരഞ്ഞെടുക്കപ്പെട്ട പ്രതിനിധികള്‍ക്ക്‌ കാര്യനിര്‍വഹണപരമോ ധനപരമോ ആയ ഉത്തരവാദിത്വങ്ങള്‍ കൈകാര്യംചെയ്യാനാകാതെ കാഴ്‌ചക്കാരായി നിൽക്കേണ്ട സ്ഥിതിയാണുള്ളത്‌. അഴിമതിക്കാരും ജനവിരുദ്ധരുമായ പ്രതിനിധികളെ തിരിച്ചുവിളിക്കാനുള്ള അവകാശമാകട്ടെ, ജനങ്ങള്‍ക്കില്ലതാനും. അതേപോലെ, തദ്ദേശ സ്ഥാപനങ്ങളുടെ വിഭവ സമാഹരണത്തിനുള്ള ഉറവിടമായിതീരേണ്ട ഭൂനികുതി സംസ്ഥാന സര്‍ക്കാരിന്റെ നിയന്ത്രണത്തിലുമാണ്‌. ഈ സാഹചര്യത്തിൽ പഞ്ചായത്തു ഭരണത്തിലെ ഉദ്യോഗസ്ഥമേധാവിത്വം അവസാനിപ്പിച്ച്‌ ജനകീയാധികാരം ഉറപ്പാക്കേണ്ടതും ഭൂനികുതിയടക്കം തദ്ദേശ ഭരണസ്ഥാപനങ്ങളുടെ തനതു വിഭവസ്രോതസുകള്‍ വിപുലപ്പെടുത്തി കേന്ദ്ര-സംസ്ഥാന സര്‍ക്കാരുകളുടെ ആശ്രിതരെന്ന അവസ്ഥ അവസാനിപ്പിക്കേണ്ടതും യഥാര്‍ത്ഥ അധികാര വികേന്ദ്രീകരണത്തിലേക്കുള്ള സുപ്രധാന ചുവടുവയ്‌പ്പുകളാണ്‌.

11. ഇപ്രകാരം, നിലവിലുള്ള ഭരണ വ്യവസ്ഥയേയും അധികാര ഘടനയേയും ഒരു ജനകീയ ബദലിന്റെ അടിസ്ഥാനത്തിl വിപ്ലവകരമായി പരിവര്‍ത്തിപ്പിക്കുന്നതിന്റെ ഭാഗമായി പഞ്ചായത്തുകളേയും തദ്ദേശ ഭരണ സ്ഥാപനങ്ങളേയും ജനകീയാധികാര കേന്ദ്രങ്ങളാക്കുകയെന്ന ലക്ഷ്യത്തോടെ തദ്ദേശ തെരഞ്ഞെടുപ്പിൽ സി പി ഐ (എം എൽ) റെഡ്‌സ്റ്റാര്‍ സ്ഥാനാര്‍ത്ഥികളും പാര്‍ട്ടി പിന്തുണക്കുന്ന മുന്നണി സ്ഥാനാര്‍ത്ഥികളും മത്സരിക്കുന്നത്‌ താഴെപ്പറയുന്ന പരിപാടിയുടെ അടിസ്ഥാനത്തിലാണ്‌.

1. തദ്ദേശ ഭരണ സ്ഥാപനങ്ങളുടെ അധികാര പരിധിയിൽപ്പെടുന്ന പ്രദേശത്തെ ഭൂമിയുമായി ബന്ധപ്പെട്ട എല്ലാകാര്യങ്ങളും-ഭൂഉടമസ്ഥത, കൃഷി മുഖ്യ ജീവിതോപാധിയായിട്ടുള്ള, മണ്ണിൽ പണിയെടുക്കുന്നവര്‍ക്ക്‌ ഭൂമിയിന്മേലുള്ള അവകാശം, ഭൂ വിനിയോഗം, ഭൂമിയിന്മേലുള്ള റിയൽ എസ്റ്റേറ്റു താൽപര്യങ്ങള്‍ അവസാനിപ്പിക്കൽ, ദളിതര്‍, ആദിവാസികള്‍, സ്‌ത്രീകള്‍ എിവര്‍ക്ക്‌ ഭൂമി ഉറപ്പുവരുത്തൽ - തദ്ദേശ ഭരണ സ്ഥാപനങ്ങളുടെ പൂര്‍ണ്ണ നിയന്ത്രണത്തിൽ കൊണ്ടുവരിക.

2. നെൽകൃഷിയും പച്ചക്കറിയും അടക്കം ഭക്ഷ്യ സ്വയംപര്യാപ്‌തതക്ക്‌ പ്രഥമ പരിഗണന നൽകും വിധം കൃഷിയുടെ ഉത്തരവാദിത്വം പഞ്ചായത്തുകളിൽ നിക്ഷിപ്‌തമാക്കുക. ജൈവകൃഷിയെ പ്രോത്സാഹിപ്പിക്കുകയും ജനിതകമാറ്റം വരുത്തിയ വിത്തുകളുടെ ഉപയോഗത്തിന്‌ അറുതിവരുത്തുകയും ചെയ്യുക.

3. വായു, കുടിവെള്ളം, പരിസര സന്തുലനം എന്നിവ ഉറപ്പുവരുത്തുവിധം പരിസ്ഥിതിയുടെയും ആവാസവ്യസ്ഥയുടെയും മേലുള്ള എല്ലാവിധ കോര്‍പ്പറേറ്റ്‌ താൽപര്യങ്ങള്‍ക്കും വിരാമമിടുക. വിഭവ വിനിയോഗത്തിലെ ധൂര്‍ത്ത്‌ അവസാനിപ്പിക്കുക. ഭൂഗര്‍ഭ ജലചൂഷണത്തെ നിയന്ത്രിക്കുക.

4. പുഴകള്‍, കുന്നുകൾ, പാടങ്ങള്‍, തണ്ണീര്‍ത്തടങ്ങള്‍, ജലാശയങ്ങള്‍, കണ്ടൽകാടുകൾ, വനങ്ങള്‍ തുടങ്ങിയവ പരിസ്ഥിതി സംതുലിനത്തിന്റെയും ജനങ്ങളുടെ സ്ഥായിയായ നിലനിൽപ്പിന്റെയും അടിസ്ഥാനത്തിൽ സംരക്ഷിക്കുക.

5. ശാസ്‌ത്രീയവും വികേന്ദ്രീകൃതവുമായ മാലിന്യ സംസ്‌ക്കരണവും ഡ്രയിനേജ്‌ സംവിധാനവും ഉറപ്പാക്കുക. പ്ലാസ്റ്റിക്‌ ഉപയോഗം നിരുത്സാഹപ്പെടുത്തുക.

6. നാട്ടിൽ ലഭ്യമാകുന്ന നിര്‍മ്മാണ സാമഗ്രികള്‍ ഉപയോഗിക്കുന്ന പാര്‍പ്പിടനിര്‍മ്മാണം പ്രോത്സാഹിപ്പിക്കുക. ഒരു കുടുംബത്തിന്‌ ഒരു വീട്‌ എന്ന തത്വത്തിന്റെ അടിസ്ഥാനത്തിൽ പാര്‍പ്പിട നയം ആവിഷ്‌ക്കരിക്കുക. എല്ലാ കുടുംബങ്ങള്‍ക്കും പാര്‍പ്പിടം ഉറപ്പാക്കുക. ചെലവു കുറഞ്ഞതും നാടന്‍ സാങ്കേതികവിദ്യ ഉപയോഗപ്പെടുത്തുന്നതുമായ വീടുകളെ പ്രോത്സാഹിപ്പിക്കുക. ആഡംബര ഭവനങ്ങളെ നിരുത്സാഹപ്പെടുത്തുക.ഇതുമായി ബന്ധപ്പെട്ട് കരിങ്കൽ, മണൽ ആവശ്യങ്ങള്‍ പരിമിതപ്പെടുത്തുകയും ക്വാറികളെയും മണൽ വാരലിനെയും നിയന്ത്രിക്കുകയും ചെയ്യുക.

7. തൊഴിലവസരങ്ങള്‍ സൃഷ്‌ടിക്കുന്നതും പരിസ്ഥിതി സൗഹൃദവും കുറഞ്ഞ ഊര്‍ജ്ജം ആവശ്യമുള്ളതുമായ കാര്‍ഷികാധിഷ്‌ഠിത പരമ്പരാഗത വ്യവസായങ്ങള്‍ പ്രോത്സാഹിപ്പിക്കുക.

8. എല്ലാ വന്‍കിട പ്രോജക്‌റ്റുകള്‍ക്കും തദ്ദേശ ഭരണ സ്ഥാപനങ്ങളുടെ അനുമതി നിര്‍ബന്ധിതമാക്കുക. കുടിയൊഴിപ്പിക്കലുകള്‍ ഒഴിവാക്കുകയും പുനരധിവാസ പദ്ധതികള്‍ പഞ്ചായത്ത്‌ ഏറ്റെടുക്കുകയും ചെയ്യുക.

9. ഊര്‍ജ്ജാവശ്യത്തിനായി സൗരോര്‍ജ്ജം, ചെറുകിട ജലവൈദ്യുത പദ്ധതികള്‍, ജൈവവസ്‌തുക്കള്‍, പ്രാദേശിക വിഭവങ്ങള്‍, മറ്റു പാരമ്പര്യേതര ഊര്‍ജ്ജസ്രോതസുകള്‍ തുടങ്ങിയവ പ്രോത്സാഹിപ്പിക്കുക. ആണവോര്‍ജ്ജത്തിനെതിരെ നിലപാടെടുക്കുക.

10. ഊര്‍ജ്ജാവശ്യം വര്‍ദ്ധിപ്പിക്കുന്നതും മലിനീകരണത്തിനു കാരണമാകുതുമായ ഗതാഗതത്തേയും വാഹന ഉപയോഗത്തെയും നിരുത്സാഹപ്പെടുത്തുക. കാൽനടയും സൈക്കിളും പോലുള്ള യന്ത്രരഹിത വാഹനങ്ങളുടെ ഉപയോഗം പ്രോത്സാഹിപ്പിക്കുക.

11. സ്‌ത്രീപുരുഷ ബന്ധത്തെ ജനാധിപത്യവൽക്കരിക്കാനും കുടുംബത്തെപുരോഗമനപരമായി പരിവര്‍ത്തിപ്പിക്കാനുമുള്ളശ്രമങ്ങള്‍ക്കു തുടക്കമിടുകയും ഇക്കാര്യങ്ങളെപ്പറ്റി തദ്ദേശ സ്വയംഭരണ സ്ഥാപനങ്ങളുടെ മുന്‍കയ്യിൽ തുറന്ന സംവാദങ്ങളും ചര്‍ച്ചകളും ബോധവൽക്കരണവും നടത്തുകയും ചെയ്യുക. സ്‌ത്രീകള്‍ക്കുനേരെയുള്ള അതിക്രമങ്ങള്‍ അവസാനിപ്പിക്കുകയും കുടുംബത്തിലും പൊതു ഇടങ്ങളിലും രാപ്പകൽ വ്യത്യാസമില്ലാതെ സ്‌ത്രീകള്‍ക്കു സഞ്ചരിക്കാവുന്ന സാഹചര്യം ഉറപ്പുവരുത്തുകയും ചെയ്യുക. തദ്ദേശ ഭരണ പ്രാതിനിധ്യത്തിലും അധികാര സ്ഥാനങ്ങളിലും അമ്പതുശതമാനം സ്‌ത്രീകള്‍ക്കു മാറ്റിവയ്‌ക്കുക.

12. ആദിവാസികള്‍ക്കും ദളിതര്‍ക്കും ജനസംഖ്യാനുപാതികമായി തദ്ദേശഭരണ പങ്കാളിത്തം ഉറപ്പാക്കുക. ആദിവാസികള്‍ ഭൂരിപക്ഷമായിട്ടുള്ള ഇടങ്ങളിൽ ആദിവാസി സ്വയംഭരണ കൗസിലുകള്‍ സ്ഥാപിക്കുകയും വനവിഭവങ്ങള്‍ക്കുമേൽ അവര്‍ക്കുള്ള അവകാശം ഉറപ്പുവരുത്തുകയും ചെയ്യുക.

13. ജാതി ഉന്‍മൂലനത്തിനായുള്ള പ്രായോഗിക പദ്ധതികള്‍ തദ്ദേശഭരണതലത്തിൽ ശക്തിപ്പെടുത്തുക. ജാതിയിലധിഷ്‌ഠിതമായ എല്ലാത്തരം സാമൂഹ്യവിവേചനങ്ങളും അടിച്ചമര്‍ത്തലുകളും നിര്‍മ്മാര്‍ജനം ചെയ്യുക.

14. സാമ്പത്തികരംഗത്തും രാഷ്‌ട്രീയ സാമൂഹ്യമണ്ഡലത്തിലും മതശക്തികളുടെ ഇടപെടൽ ഇല്ലാതാക്കുക. വര്‍ഗ്ഗീയവൽക്കരണത്തിന്റെ എല്ലാ രൂപങ്ങളേയും ചെറുക്കുക. മതേതരമൂല്യങ്ങള്‍ പ്രോത്സാഹിപ്പിക്കുകയും മതസ്‌പര്‍ദ്ധ വളര്‍ത്തുന്ന ശക്തികളെ പരാജയപ്പെടുത്തുകയും ചെയ്യുക.

15. മാതൃഭാഷയിലധിഷ്‌ഠിതമായ പൊതുവിദ്യാഭ്യാസം പഞ്ചായത്തിന്റെ നിയന്ത്രണത്തിലാക്കുക. കുട്ടികള്‍ക്കു കാൽനടയായി എത്തിച്ചേരാവുന്ന 'അയൽപക്ക സ്‌ക്കൂള്‍' എന്ന ആശയം പ്രാവര്‍ത്തികമാക്കുക. 'വരേണ്യ സ്‌ക്കൂളുകള്‍' ഇല്ലാതാക്കുകയും എല്ലാ കുട്ടികള്‍ക്കും ഒരേ ഉള്ളടക്കത്തിലും കരിക്കുലത്തിലും അധിഷ്‌ഠിതമായ വിദ്യാഭ്യാസം നൽകുക. ഈ രംഗത്തുനിന്നും മത-ജാതി-കോര്‍പ്പറേറ്റു ശക്തികളെ ആട്ടിയോടിക്കുക.

16. ആരോഗ്യകരമായ ജീവിതരീതികളും മരുന്നുപയോഗം കുറക്കുന്നതും രോഗപ്രതിരോധ സംവിധാനങ്ങള്‍ ശക്തിപ്പെടുത്തുന്നതും തദ്ദേശ ഭരണത്തിന്റെ ചുമതലയാക്കുക. അടിയന്തിര ചികിത്സാസൗകര്യങ്ങള്‍ ലഭ്യമാകത്തക്കവിധം പ്രാഥമിക ആരോഗ്യകേന്ദ്രങ്ങളെ ശക്തിപ്പെടുത്തുക. കച്ചവടശക്തികളെ ഈ രംഗത്തുനിന്നും നിഷ്‌ക്കാസനം ചെയ്യുക.

17. ശിശുപരിപാലനകേന്ദ്രങ്ങള്‍, രോഗിപരിചരണ കേന്ദ്രങ്ങള്‍, വൃദ്ധ സദനങ്ങള്‍, രാത്രികാല അഭയകേന്ദ്രങ്ങള്‍ എന്നിവ ഉറപ്പുവരുത്തുക.

18. കളിസ്ഥലങ്ങള്‍, വിനോദകേന്ദ്രങ്ങള്‍, വായനശാലകള്‍, യോഗസ്ഥലങ്ങള്‍ എന്നിവ ആവശ്യാനുസരണം ലഭ്യമാക്കുക.

19. ഇതര സംസ്ഥാനങ്ങളിൽ നിന്നും മറ്റു പ്രദേശങ്ങളിൽ നിന്നും വന്നു താമസിച്ചു ജോലിചെയ്യുന്ന കുടിയേറ്റ തൊഴിലാളികളുടെ സാമൂഹ്യ സുരക്ഷയും ജനാധിപത്യാവകാശങ്ങളും ഉറപ്പുവരുത്തുക.

20. പഞ്ചായത്ത് പരിധിയിൽ സ്ഥിതിചെയ്യുന്ന ബാങ്കുകളുമായി ചര്‍ച്ചചെയ്‌ത്‌ അവയുടെ വായ്‌പകളുടേയും പ്രവര്‍ത്തനത്തിന്റെയും മുന്‍ഗണനാക്രമങ്ങളും മുന്‍ഗണനാമേഖലകളും നിര്‍ണയിക്കുകയും ഉൽപാദനപരമായ ദിശയിലേക്ക്‌ തിരിച്ചുവിടുകയും ചെയ്യുക. വിളനാശത്തിനു വിധേയരാവുന്ന കര്‍ഷകരുടെ വായ്‌പ എഴുതിത്തള്ളാന്‍ നടപടികള്‍ ആവിഷ്‌ക്കരിക്കുക.

21. എല്ലാവിധ കൊള്ളപ്പലിശക്കാരെയും 'ബ്ലേഡ്‌മാഫിയ-ക്വട്ടേഷന്‍ ഗ്യാങ്ങുകളേയും മദ്യ-മയക്കുമരുന്നു മാഫിയകളെയും ഇല്ലായ്‌മ ചെയ്യുക. മയക്കുമരുന്നിനെതിരെ നടപടികള്‍ കൈക്കൊള്ളുക.

22. പ്രാദേശികതലത്തിൽ ഉയര്‍ന്നുവരുന്ന ക്രമസമാധാന പ്രശ്‌നങ്ങളെ ജനാധിപത്യപരമായി പരിഹരിക്കാന്‍ കഴിയുന്ന തരത്തിലുള്ള ജനകീയ കമ്മറ്റികള്‍ രൂപീകരിക്കണം. അവയ്‌ക്ക്‌ നിയമപരമായ സാധുത നൽകണം.

23. മേൽപ്പറഞ്ഞ ഉത്തരവാദിത്വങ്ങള്‍ ജനപക്ഷത്തുനിന്ന് ഏറ്റെടുത്തു നടപ്പാക്കാനാകും വിധം വിഭവ സമാഹരണത്തിനുള്ള തദ്ദേശ ഭരണസ്ഥാപനങ്ങളുടെ സ്രോതസുകള്‍ വിപുലീകരിക്കുക. ഭൂനികുതി സംസ്ഥാന സര്‍ക്കാരിന്റെ നിയന്ത്രണത്തിൽ നിന്നൊഴിവാക്കി പൂര്‍ണ്ണമായും പഞ്ചായത്തുകള്‍ക്കു കൈമാറുക. ഓരോ തദ്ദേശ പ്രദേശത്തെയും ജനകീയ ആവശ്യങ്ങള്‍ക്കും സാധ്യതകള്‍ക്കും സാഹചര്യങ്ങള്‍ക്കും അനുസരിച്ച്‌ ഉല്‌പാദന മേഖലയിലെ സംരംഭങ്ങള്‍ക്ക്‌ പ്രവാസികളുടെ നിക്ഷേപം ഫലപ്രദമായി വിനിയോഗിക്കുക, അതിനായി പ്രവാസികളുടെ നിക്ഷേപമുള്ള അതാത്‌ പ്രദേശത്തെ ബാങ്കുകളുമായി ചേർന്ന് പണം വിനിയോഗിക്കുന്നതിനുള്ള ജനകീയ സമിതി രൂപീകരിക്കുകയും അതിന്‌ അധികാരം നൽകുന്ന നയരൂപീകരണം നടത്തുകയും ചെയ്യുക. പ്രസ്‌തുത സംരംഭങ്ങളിൽ നാട്ടിലേയ്‌ക്ക്‌ മടങ്ങു പ്രവാസികളെ ഭാഗമാക്കുകയും അതിലൂടെ അവരുടെ പുനരധിവാസം സാദ്ധ്യമാക്കാനുള്ള ശ്രമങ്ങള്‍ നടത്തുകയും ചെയ്യുക. ഓരോ സംരംഭങ്ങള്‍ക്ക്‌ വേണ്ടിയും സമാഹരിക്കുന്ന പണത്തിന്റെ സ്രോതസ്സിനെക്കുറിച്ചും അവയുടെ വിനിയോഗത്തെക്കുറിച്ചും അതിനായുള്ള എല്ലാ വ്യവസ്ഥകളെക്കുറിച്ചും സമ്പൂര്‍ണ്ണ സുതാര്യത നിലനിര്‍ത്തുകയും മുഴുവന്‍ പൊതുജനങ്ങള്‍ക്കും അതിന്റെ വിശദാംശങ്ങള്‍ വെളിപ്പെടുത്തുകയും ചെയ്യുക. സമ്പന്ന വിഭാഗങ്ങളിലും ആഡംബര ഉപഭോഗത്തിലും ഊന്നുന്ന നികുതിസാധ്യതകള്‍ ഉപയോഗപ്പെടുത്തുകയും സാധാരണ ജനങ്ങളെ നികുതിഭാരത്തിൽ നിന്നും ഒഴിവാക്കുകയും ചെയ്യുക. തദ്ദേശ ഭരണ സ്ഥാപനങ്ങള്‍ക്കുള്ള കേന്ദ്രസംസ്ഥാന പദ്ധതിവിഹിതം വര്‍ദ്ധിപ്പിക്കുകയും കൈമാറുകയും ചെയ്യുതിനുള്ള നടപടികള്‍ കൈക്കൊള്ളുക. ലോകബാങ്കും എ ഡി ബി യും പോലുള്ള പുത്തന്‍ കൊളോണിയൽ ധനകാര്യ സ്ഥാപനങ്ങള്‍ തദ്ദേശഭരണ സ്ഥാപനങ്ങള്‍ക്ക്‌ വായ്‌പ നൽകി അവയെ ആശ്രിതരാക്കുന്നത്‌ അവസാനിപ്പിക്കുക.

24. ഇതോടൊപ്പം ജനകീയധികാരം ഉറപ്പാക്കാന്‍ കഴിയുംവിധം പഞ്ചായത്തുകളുടെ ഭരണനിര്‍വഹണപരവും നയപരവുമായ ഉത്തരവാദിത്വങ്ങള്‍ തെരഞ്ഞെടുക്കപ്പെട്ട പഞ്ചായത്തു സമിതികളുടെ പൂര്‍ണ്ണ നിയന്ത്രണത്തിൽ കൊണ്ട് വരണം. ഇതിനു ഘടകവിരുദ്ധമായി നിലനിൽക്കുന്ന പഞ്ചായത്തു സെക്രട്ടറി പദവി ഉടന്‍ റദ്ദാക്കുകയെന്നതും ജനകീയാധികാരം ഉറപ്പിക്കുന്നതിന്റെ മുന്നുപാധിയാണ്‌. കൂടാതെ തെരഞ്ഞെടുക്കപ്പെടുന്നവര്‍ ജനതാൽപര്യത്തിനു വിരുദ്ധമാണെന്ന് കണ്ടാൽ ജനഹിത പരിശോധനയിലൂടെ അവരെ തിരിച്ചുവിളിക്കാന്‍ ജനങ്ങള്‍ക്ക്‌ അവകാശം നൽകണം.

WHEN the CPI (ML) Red Flag had presented its document on "International Developments and Tasks of the Marxist Leninists" in 1997 in its Fourth All India Conference, it had started off by saying that the world was characterized by two important factors. First, the grave crisis of the world imperialist system and, second, the challenges faced by the Marxist-Leninist forces. The world situation today is still in the main characterized by the same two main factors.

The economic crisis of the world imperialist system has grown in depth and intensity to a level where the official banks of many leading industrial countries have accepted, between October 2008 and now, that those countries were officially in recession. The fall in the stock market, where, by the end of 2008, the indices had slipped to below half the peak levels of 2008, caused many to characterize this crisis as worse than the crisis of 1929. The number of jobs lost has reached phenomenal levels and today stands at the worst levels since the past 40 years for most countries including many imperialist countries. The rise in prices of essential commodities has caused food riots in places as diverse as Egypt and Bangladesh.

While analyzing the global meltdown we are concerned not only with the depth of this crisis, but, more importantly, with its spread. Stock markets from New York to Shanghai have all been victims of this crisis. It is a measure of the level to which the globalization has reached in today's capital market that the effect spreads almost immediately, in more or less uniform manner, all over the globe. The capital market crisis has hit all over the globe.


IN 1997, we had analyzed how internationalism was always the basis of the proletarian strategy. Marx, Engels and Lenin had put forward their understanding on the interlinking between the national revolutions and proletarian internationalism, and Stalin, the Communist International and Mao had basically adhered to the same line. After explaining the understanding of the People's Democratic Revolution put forward by Stalin and the Communist International and Mao's understanding about the New Democratic Revolution were only continuation of the path opened up by Lenin in the Colonial Theses, we had put forward the argument that "in the neo-colonial situation when the globalization of capital is reaching its highest level and the linking of global capital is getting completed, the bourgeoisie cannot become the spokespersons for progressive nationalism at all" .Then again:

"In the neo-colonial phase following World War II the internationalization of capital has reached new dimensions both in depth and spread. This took the 'consensus', about which Lenin had said, between the bourgeoisie of the imperialist countries and the neo-colonies further ahead. It increased the economic and political intercourse between them in a more counter revolutionary way. The bourgeoisie in the neo-colonies have become integral part of the global bourgeoisie who are engaged in strengthening the collaboration of all anti-national, anti-democratic reactionary forces to the maximum extent against the revolutionary forces; it is not a revolutionary bourgeoisie, but which represents the imperialist decadent stage. This bourgeoisie which have become the ruling classes in the neo-colonies are not only totally incapable of carrying out the tasks of the national democratic revolution, but also relies on the side of the world imperialist counter-revolution.

The responsibility for carrying out the anti-imperialist democratic revolution in the neo-colonies is thus vested on the working class more than ever in this situation."

The situation that has been referred to in this paragraph has only further intensified. In the past decade, since the earlier document was published, many developments have taken place at the world level. This can be described in terms of the intensification of all the fundamental contradictions at the international level.


THE Keynesian policies, initially put forward at the time of 1930 crisis, and which were continued under the initial years of neo-colonization, started becoming unacceptable in 1970s under the policies of monetarism, and are now further rolled back. The prescriptions put forward by what is popularly called the "Washington Consensus" are pushed forward systematically all over the globe. Neo-liberal policies of restricting fiscal deficits, mainly by cutting public expenditure, reducing taxation on the rich and the corporate sector, allowing interest rates, exchange rates, etc. to be guided by the market, import liberalization, privatization and liberalization of the economy and strengthening of private property rights have been imposed all over the world, including in the imperialist countries. These neo-liberal policies, under the name of "globalization" are being imposed upon the neo-colonies all over the world. All markets in the neo-colonies, including the capital market, agriculture, land, water, education, health-care, are opened to imperialist investment. Today there is a more or less total "co-option" of the bourgeoisie in the neo-colonies into the imperialist system. As a result, more than ever, this bourgeoisie is on the side of world imperialist counter-revolution.

At the same time, imperialism, led by US imperialism, still continues it policy of backing the most reactionary and subversive, religious fanatic elements all over the world. They back the Hindu fundamentalist forces in India and Christian fundamentalist forces in Latin America, besides continuing to back Islamic fundamentalist forces in Saudi Arabia and in the Emirates. Along with this racism is also spread all over the world. There is thus a definite growth in the level of fascicization all over the world. Democratic rights are curtailed all over the world, not only in the neo-colonies, but also in the imperialist countries, as a result of the policies of 'neo-liberalism'.

The 1997 document does not mention the question of environment which is fast becoming the source of an irresolvable crisis under the imperialist system. The imperialist countries are unwilling to take real measures to curb pollution, since, indeed, such measures cannot be taken within the existing system which is approaching the contradiction between people and nature in an antagonistic manner, and can be basically resolved only after the dismantling of the imperialist system. This is not to say that the democratic demands for changes in environment policies of various countries all over the world are useless. Rather, we must note that imperialism is unwilling to give any importance to resolving serious environmental issues in its quest for greater profits and more avenues for investment. It is this unwillingness of the imperialist countries that has resulted in the failure of the Kyoto Protocol and of the decisions of the later Bali meeting on global warming. Instead, the system of buying the right to pollute, in the form of carbon credits, has helped to open another investment avenue for imperialism.

Though there is no "camp" of socialist countries in existence today, there is a massive people's movement developing against globalization. From Seattle to Hong Kong, the world's people are coming together to protest against the WTO and its adverse effects. Massive demonstrations were held all over the world, from Japan to Madrid and London to Melbourne against the Iraq war. Though the WSF is nothing more than an international "supermarket" of NGOs, it reflects the internationalization of the struggle against imperialist globalization and its ill effects. Massive world-wide movements are growing against fascicization, for democratic rights and against the degradation of the environment. All of Latin America have risen in opposition to US imperialism and a bevy of Governments have been formed there on the basis of opposition to US imperialism. These range from the consistent anti-imperialist stands of Venezuela under Hugo Chavez, Bolivia under Evo Morales and Cuba under the Castro to the slightly milder opposition of Argentina under Kirchener and still milder opposition of Lula in Brazil. There have been international protests by farmers, automobile workers and other sections. All these go to show that the opposition to imperialism is no more restricted to the local or even the national level but has taken on international dimensions. Thus it is clear that this contradiction between imperialism and socialist forces is intensifying day by day.


BESIDES the general increase in the intensity of globalization leading to unprecedented crisis as pointed out above, epochal events have taken place in the past decade. Imperialism, under the leadership of US imperialism has invaded and occupied Afghanistan and Iraq and is threatening to do the same with Iran and North Korea. The theory of "pre-emptive strikes" has given license to imperialist powers to police the world in their own interests. Though the US has always been supporting covert warfare in countries like Angola and Nicaragua by backing all sorts of dictators and even fanatics, with Afghanistan and Iraq it has taken more pernicious forms. The puppet governments installed there are almost under their direct control. The level of plunder and oppression in these neo-colonies has increased many times.

The US has actively intervened in the past ten years to "Balkanize" many regions of the world. The former Yugoslavia has been broken into unrecognizable tiny pieces. The US has fomented attempts at chaos in Chechnya, and now Pakistan faces serious danger of being broken up. This is the attempt of imperialism, led by US imperialism, to trivialize the issue of national liberation, by using it to fragment nations.

Another change in the past ten years has been that the support given by imperialism, led by US imperialism, to all sorts of ragtag, motley forces, including the worst type of religious fanaticism, has come back to haunt them. The Taliban and various "Islamic" terrorist groups have started to engage in open combat against the US. Such terrorist groups, which were created and nurtured by the US in the past and many of which are still being contacted and trained by the CIA, have given rise to the imperialist theory of "war on terrorism", which has very much transformed the lives of people all over the world.

Another distinguishing feature of the last decade is the rise of Israel as the front paw of US imperialism, especially in the crucial West Asian region. This illegal state has, over the past decade heightened the "apartheid" regime it has imposed in Palestine and created a series of "Bantustans" there. Given that the West Asia is the centre of the military attack of imperialism, led by US imperialism, at present and that Palestine / Israel can be considered to be at the centre of the West Asian question, the struggle of the Palestinian people for the liberation of their fatherland takes on an added importance beyond just that of a national liberation struggle.

Yet another new development which has taken place in this contradiction is that the imperialist countries and even some of the richer neo-colonies are buying land for cultivating food in the poorer nations of Africa. This land runs into lakhs of acres, and is sometimes the size of a small country itself. All this shows that the contradiction between Imperialism and the oppressed nations and peoples of the world is growing more intense and taking newer forms.


THE recent economic crisis is the clearest indication of the growth of this contradiction. The crisis of imperialism is getting intensified with each passing day and the only way out of the crisis for imperialism is to burden the working class and the oppressed peoples all over the world with this crisis. This has gone to the extent of openly providing trillions of dollars worth of bail-outs to the large MNCs and financial institutions out of public funds.

At the same time, we are seeing that the working class struggles are increasing at international level. Solidarity actions are taking place in many countries. The longshoremen in US went on strike against the Iraq war. Struggles of automobile workers are crossing national boundaries like the struggle against GM and Daimler-Chrysler. Unions are becoming active in the struggle against the degradation of the environment and other political issues. Though the trade union movement all over the world, by and large, is still in the hands of reformist and revisionist forces, it cannot be denied that there is an up-swing both in the struggle of the working class and in the internationalization of this struggle.


THE last decade has also seen an intensification of the contradictions among the imperialist powers and among the monopoly groups. The Shanghai Co-ordination is trying to give some resistance to the moves of the imperialist countries led by US imperialism. There is also an intensification of the contradictions within the Western Bloc. France and Germany like imperialist countries are demanding a larger share of the pie.

All the above developments show that during the last decade globalization has been pushed forward more intensively and aggressively by imperialism, led by US imperialism, all over the world. If in 1997, we could reach a conclusion to the effect that the international content of the People's Democratic Revolution has increased, then that conclusion is all the more apt in today's world. As a result, while upholding the inter-relation and inter-penetration of all the above major contradictions, the contradiction between imperialism and oppressed peoples and nations is the principal contradiction at the international level in the concrete conditions of the present times. So, the conclusion we had reached about the need to strengthen the International Communist Movement once again, holds true with even greater force in today's situation.


THOUGH we had set out the history of the struggle for building up the International Communist Movement (ICM) in some detail in the 1997 document, it is necessary to go over some of these aspects of this history anew.

The First and Second Internationals formed under the leadership of Marx and Engels had laid down the basic principle that internationalism is one of the basic principles of the proletarian revolutionary movement. The Communist International, built up under the leadership of Lenin and which had continued under the leadership of Stalin, carried forward the work of the earlier two internationals and established Marxism-Leninism as the leading political forces in the world. The Third International or the "Communist International" (or Comintern as it was also known) played a great role in guiding the newly emerging parties all over the world for building up a world-wide communist movement which was able to wield political power in an area covering half of the earth's surface and accounting for a third of its population.

The Communist International was dissolved in the middle of 1943. This was the time when the World War II was at its fiercest phase. Stalin looked upon the dissolution of the Comintern as a necessary sacrifice for the strengthening the Anti-Fascist United Front with the imperialist powers, US, UK and France, to fight fascism by exposing the fascist bogey about communist world-domination. This step was taken at a time when Germany had steam-rolled its way over France, Britain was being repeatedly bombed, and Leningrad was under siege. But at the same time, Soviet Union had taken the offensive by handing the Germans their first big defeat of the war in Stalingrad. We have to fully analyze the dissolution of the Comintern as to whether it was, indeed, necessary or can be seen as a mistake. The fact remains that after June 1943, the Comintern stood dissolved, and there was no authoritative organization which could hold the communist movement together.

An objective historical evaluation of the dissolution of the Comintern is indispensable at this juncture. It took place at a critical time when the fascist axis of Germany-Italy-Japan was still threatening to carry forward their plans for world domination. Strengthening the anti-fascist front was of utmost importance. But, the US led imperialists had other ideas, and they were delaying the opening of the second front against Nazi forces. Besides, imperialism led by US imperialism was planning to launch an all out future offensive for its world hegemony. It was preparing the ground for transforming the old colonialism into neo-colonialism. The strategic step towards this was put forward in 1941 in the form of the Atlantic Charter jointly drafted by Britain and USA, the vanishing and ascending supreme arbiters respectively of the imperialist world. The essential economic, political and military foundations for the neo-colonial phase of imperialism were being developed by them. Even much before the formal ending of World War II through the bombing of Hiroshima and Nagasaki, with the unparallel superiority it was gaining in the military, economic and political realms as the fascist forces were being decimated, the US was firmly putting forward its new blue-print for the neo-colonial world order.

But the dissolution of the Comintern, which ought to have been concretely evaluated in relation to this crucial historical transformation, was interpreted as a tactical move. On the contrary, it should be seen as a strategic error in this background. Lack of an international leadership on the part of world proletariat at this critical juncture led to severe setbacks in scientifically evaluating the laws of motion of finance capital and putting forward the concrete program of action against imperialism in its neo-colonial phase. The dissolution of the Comintern in the name of defending "fatherland" and for the success of the anti-fascist front, in fact, did immense harm to the world proletariat as it denied the decisive role of the communist party and the Communist International, the only weapons before the working class and oppressed people in their fight against capital and imperialist domination. In brief, by juxtaposing the defense of the Soviet Union against the interests of the international socialism, and relegating the latter to the background, the international proletariat lost an authoritative organization to lead the world people against the neo-colonization process unleashed by US led imperialism in the post WW II phase. The negative attitude taken by the Chinese Communist Party and the leadership of other communist parties including the CPI at that time by supporting this dissolution also contributed much in aggravating the situation. In course of time, influenced by the attitude of the CPC from the second half of 1960s, the erroneous view that an international is not a necessity got strengthened in the ICM.

It is a fact that in the concrete situation existing after the victory of great October Revolution and coming into the existence of the Soviet Union, Lenin had put into practice the concept of the Communist International as an international party working based on the principles of democratic centralism. Drawing from its vast experience in both theory and practice, the CPSU was in effect guiding the Comintern. Later when a large number communist parties came into existence and the parties like CPC started leading the revolutionary movements in their countries, various questions regarding the analysis of the concrete conditions in these countries and developing the revolutionary line there had come forward. On some occasions the Comintern advice given under Soviet guidance was proved wrong resulting in internal struggles. The CPC's criticism of Comintern was linked to similar problems. The answer to this problem was not dissolution of the Comintern but reorganizing it conforming to the developing situation. Or, from an international party the Comintern had to be transformed into an international organization of the communist parties which are developing their theory and practice according to concrete conditions in their own countries. Only in this way the ICM could face the serious challenge posed during that period both by the fascist forces on the one side and the US-UK forces evolving a neo-colonial offensive, on the other. But dissolving the Comintern as a tactical move, as explained, to strengthen the Anti-Fascist United Front in effect amounted to dissolving the party for the united front. While upholding comrade Stalin as a great Marxist-Leninist, who gave leadership to the ICM at a very difficult juncture, the question whether the dissolution of the Comintern was a correct step should be subjected to serious discussion.

In the period after the World War II, the Communist Party of Soviet Union (CPSU) continued to play a leading role in the world communist movement. It was continued to be looked up to as the 'father party' by all communist parties all over the world. However, since they and the ICM in general were not able to recognize the change in the system of exploitation of imperialism from the colonial phase to the neo-colonial one, they were not able to understand the changes that were taking place in the world. It was the wrong evaluation of the concrete situation of the world situation which had led Krushchovite leadership, which was successful in coming to power, which led to the conclusion that the introduction of neo-colonial policies including the 'de- colonization' were signs of weakening of imperialism. Besides, the strength of the socialist forces and their prestige all over the world were overestimated. This led the Khruschovite forces to come to the conclusion that revolution was no more necessary in the "newly-liberated" countries. As a result, they put forward the theory of the "three peacefuls", that is, peaceful co-existence and peaceful competition with imperialism and peaceful transition to socialism.

Thus the capitalist roaders led by Krushchov took the movement away from the path of revolution due to erroneous evaluation of the concrete conditions in the world after the Second World War. The transformation from the colonial to the neo-colonial phase was neither studied nor understood. The epochal importance of the formation of IMF and the WB and the nascent GATT talks was not understood. The phenomenal growth of the MNCs in this period was neither understood nor studied.

It was the CPC which took the lead in the struggle against this right reactionary line of the CPSU leadership. They put forward a correct orientation regarding neo-colonization in the course of the "Great Debate" between the CPSU and the CPC. In the article Apologists of Neo-colonialism (which was the fourth comment on the letter of the CPSU), the CPC, after referring to the contention of the CPSU, that colonialism was being destroyed, stated:

What are the facts?

Consider, first, the situation in Asia and Africa. There a whole group of countries have declared their independence. But many of these countries have not completely shaken off imperialist and colonial control and enslavement and remain objects of imperialist plunder and aggression as well as arenas of contention between the old and new colonialists. In some, the old colonialists have changed into neo-colonialists and retain their colonial rule through their trained agents. In others, the wolf has left by the front door, but the tiger has entered through the back door, the old colonialism being replaced by the new, more powerful and more dangerous U. S. colonialism. The peoples of Asia and Africa are seriously menaced by the tentacles of neo-colonialism, represented by U. S. imperialism.

Next, listen to the voice of the people of Latin America. The Second Havana Declaration says, "Latin America today is under a more ferocious imperialism, more powerful and ruthless than the Spanish colonial empire."

It adds:

Since the end of the Second World War, . . . North American investments exceed 10 billion dollars. Latin America moreover supplies cheap raw materials and pays high prices for manufactured articles.

It says further:

. . . there flows from Latin America to the United States a constant torrent of money: some $4,000 per minute, $5 million per day, $2 billion per year, $10 billion each five years. For each thousand dollars which leaves us, one dead body remains. $1,000 per death that is the price of what is called imperialism.

The facts are clear. After World War II the imperialists have certainly not given up colonialism, but have merely adopted a new form, neo-colonialism. An important characteristic of such neo-colonialism is that the imperialists have been forced to change their old style of direct colonial rule in some areas and to adopt a new style of colonial rule and exploitation by relying on the agents they have selected and trained. The imperialists headed by the United States enslave or control the colonial countries and countries which have already declared their independence by organizing military blocs, setting up military bases, establishing "federations" or "communities", and fostering puppet regimes. By means of economic "aid" or other forms, they retain these countries as markets for their goods, sources of raw material and outlets for their export of capital, plunder the riches and suck the blood of the people of these countries. Moreover, they use the United Nations as an important tool for interfering in the internal affairs of such countries and for subjecting them to military, economic and cultural aggression. When they are unable to continue their rule over these countries by "peaceful" means, they engineer military coups d'etat, carry out subversion or even resort to direct armed intervention and aggression.

The United States is most energetic and cunning in promoting neo-colonialism. With this weapon, the U.S. imperialists are trying hard to grab the colonies and spheres of influence of other imperialists and to establish world domination.

This neo-colonialism is a more pernicious and sinister form of colonialism.

Thus it is clear that the CPC had correctly seen the evolution of the colonial phase into the neo-colonial one. However at that time it was itself engaged in a severe struggle against the rightist line of Liu Shao Chi. Due to this reason it was not able to take up the task of carrying forward the theoretical study of neo-colonialism. Later, under the "left" line under the leadership of Lin Biao, the CPC, not only did not carry forward the study of the international situation, but also did not take any initiative to reorganize the Communist International.

The 'left line' under Lin Biao caused great harm to the ICM. In the 1997 document, we have identified that it had wrongly changed the era from the Leninist understanding of the era of imperialism and proletarian revolution to define it as a new era of "imperialism heading for total collapse and socialism advancing towards world-wide victory".

It was Lin Biao who first put forward the mistaken idea that "protracted people's war" is the only path for revolution in all the countries of Asia, Africa and Latin America. He said, in his article: "Long live the victory of the People's War" (1966):

"It must be emphasized that Comrade Mao Tsetung's theory of the establishment of rural revolutionary base areas and the encirclement of the cities from the countryside is of outstanding and universal practical importance for the present revolutionary struggles of all the oppressed nations and peoples, and particularly for the revolutionary struggles of the oppressed nations and peoples in Asia, Africa and Latin America against imperialism and its lackeys."

It was Lin Biao, again, who published the red book and wrote a foreword for the same. It was his followers, during the Cultural Revolution, who put forward the concept that there was no need to study - that, in fact, "the more you study, the more foolish you become".

Erroneously analyzing the world situation, Lin Biao like Khrushchev before him once again put forward the idea of a weakened imperialism. He said: "the imperialist system resembles a dying person who is sinking fast, like the sun setting beyond the western hills. The emergence of Khrushchev revisionism is a product of the imperialist policy and reflects the death-bed struggle of imperialism."

It was again Lin Biao who put forward the idea of a rural-based party. In the "Long live the victory of the People's War" quoted above, he asserts:

Many countries and peoples in Asia, Africa and Latin America are now being subjected to aggression and enslavement on a serious scale by the imperialists headed by the United States and their lackeys. The basic political and economic conditions in many of these countries have many similarities to those that prevailed in old China. As in China, the peasant question is extremely important in these regions. The peasants constitute the main force of the national-democratic revolution against the imperialists and their lackeys. In committing aggression against these countries, the imperialists usually begin by seizing the big cities and the main lines of communication, but they are unable to bring the vast countryside completely under their control. The countryside, and the countryside alone, can provide the broad areas in which the revolutionaries can manoeuvre freely. The countryside, and the countryside alone, can provide the revolutionary bases from which the revolutionaries can go forward to final victory. Precisely for this reason, Comrade Mao Tsetung's theory of establishing revolutionary base areas in the rural districts and encircling the cities from the countryside is attracting more and more attention among the people in these regions."

It must be made clear here that Mao had never said that the "Chinese Path" is applicable to the countries of Asia, Africa and Latin America. On the contrary he had advised the leaders of the Marxist-Leninist parties visiting China repeatedly that they should develop the revolutionary line in their own countries only according to the concrete conditions there. Still this line of Lin Biao's, which came to dominance and adopted as the line of the CPC in its Ninth Congress in 1969, was taken as gospel truth and two generations of the Marxist-Leninists all over the world had to face severe setbacks in their attempts to build up "base areas" and "guerrilla zones" mechanically following the "Chinese Path". It was this line of Lin Biao which led to the neglect of mass line including building up of mass organizations and working class movement.


WE have already mentioned in our 1997 document that the parties which call themselves "Maoist" and which follow "Maoism" are precisely those who still uphold all the wrong understandings put forward by the left sectarian line under the leadership of Lin Biao, irrespective of whether they overtly uphold Lin Biao or not.

As part of this discussion two more points have to be discussed. Firstly, there are many parties, especially in Latin America, who uphold "Maoism" though they do not uphold the sectarian line of say, the Sandero Luminoso (Shining Path) of Peru or of the Philippines Communist Party (CPP) or the Turkish Communist Party (Marxist-Leninist) (TKP/ML). Many such parties like the RCP of Argentina or the Maoist Communist Party of Colombia are actually adopting the mass line. They have adopted the concept of Maoism in the peculiar circumstances of Latin America, where it is symbolized as the opposition to Khruschovite revisionism in the 1970s.

The second question of importance while discussing the Maoist parties is the question of Nepal. The Communist Party of Nepal (Maoist) has played a significant role in the struggle to overthrow the monarchy there. For this, they had to change their tactics and lay down their arms. At the same time the CPN(Maoist) has been stressing that they support a "new socialism" and that the socialism of the 20th century has "failed". They have also asserted a new concept of "democracy in the 21st century" which entails "multi-party" electoral democracy even after the revolution. All such concepts are grouped in what is referred to as "Prachanda path". At the same time, this party is engaged in a severe inner-party struggle about the way forward. Whether it will be able to overcome its theoretical shortcomings and come forward is a matter of interest to the ICM.


THOUGH the Tenth Congress of the CPC in 1973 claimed that it has rectified the erroneous understanding of the era put forward by the Ninth Congress, as we have mentioned in the 1997 document, no document has come to light which shows how the CPC has evaluated the mistakes of the line led by Lin Biao except criticizing him for his 'Confucian thinking'. In any case, there was no attempt to further deepen the understanding of the neo-colonial system. In the absence of such a serious study in reaction to the sectarian line of Lin Biao that had emerged during the Cultural Revolution, in spite of its historical significance, it was easy for the capitalist roaders like Deng to usurp power. One of the vehicles for achieving this was the class-collaborationist "Theory of Three Worlds". This was another right deviation which in effect neglected the contradiction between capital and labor, between imperialism and socialist forces and one-sidedly emphasized the contradiction among the imperialist forces, mechanically dividing the world on a non-class basis into First, Second and Third worlds.

Since the General Line document of 1963, Marxist-Leninists all over the world have generally accepted the present fundamental contradictions at the global level as:

"The contradiction between the socialist camp and the imperialist camp; the contradiction between the proletariat and bourgeoisie in the capitalist countries, the contradiction between oppressed nations and peoples and imperialism; the contradictions among imperialist countries and among monopoly capitalist groups."

In slightly different words, this was also, more or less, the understanding of the Communist International.

While the deviation led by Khruschov one-sidedly stressed the contradiction between the socialist camp and the imperialist camp, neglecting the other contradictions, the sectarian line of Lin Biao laid one-sidedly gave stress to the contradiction between oppressed nations and imperialism neglecting the other contradictions. This resulted in many of them taking a negative view of proletarian internationalism in practice. Many of the sectarian parties (both of the "left" and right varieties) have ceased to accept the contradiction between the socialist forces and the imperialism under the influence of these erroneous lines.

There are also many other alien "world outlooks" that have emerged in the Marxist-Leninist movement due to the failure to make a concrete analysis of the post-World War II world situation and in the absence of fraternal exchange of views among the Marxist-Leninist forces with a view to overcome the past mistakes and to develop the ICM including the development of a centre to guide it forward. These include the post-modern ideas, with their emphasis on "new social movements" and finally the ideas about solutions within the system. All these alien trends have to be uncompromisingly exposed and struggled against.

The efforts to develop fraternal relations among the Marxist-Leninist parties and to rebuild the ICM will have to start in continuation to the line put forward by the Communist International and the General Line of 1963, asserting the fundamental contradictions at the international level. It includes the study of the development, maturing and inter-play of these contradictions in the period of neo-colonialism.


MANY attempts have been made at international level to understand the developments all over the world and the causes for the setbacks to the ICM. They include the International Communist Seminar held in Brussels by the PTB every year, the International Conference of Marxist-Leninist Parties and Organizations(ICMLPO) with its Joint Coordination Group (JCG) in which the MLPD, BP (NK /T), CPN (Mashal), and our party among others are included, another ICMLPO comprised of parties which are pro-Albanian, the North Star Compass, the RIM, etc.

The International Communist Seminar in Brussels was started as a yearly affair in the year 1990. It concentrated mainly on the question of the restoration of capitalism in the USSR. However, they allowed for an eclectic combination of those calling themselves "Marxist" (from the CPI to the CPI (Maoist)) to attend this seminar and present papers. It therefore has not served the purpose of advancing the theoretical understanding at the international level, though it has put forward some new ideas on the restoration of capitalism in the USSR. The ICMLPO formed by the pro-Albanian parties, brings out a magazine known as "Unite et Lutte" or "Unity and Struggle". This group is hamstrung in their theoretical endeavours by their historical understanding and its theoretical endeavours are therefore confined to a very small compass of mechanically vindicating the stand of Stalin. The "North Star Compass" is a group which brings out a magazine in this name, whose aim is the restoration of the USSR. However, there is no clarity among them on the socialism they are talking about, whether it is the socialism under Lenin and Stalin or the "socialism" under Khruschov, Brezhnev, Andropov, etc. Their understanding is limited to opposing "Glasnost" and "Perestroika" which, in their opinion, were responsible for the collapse of the Soviet Union. Besides the Revolutionary Internationalist Movement (RIM) led by the RCP, USA, a union of 'Maoist' parties, is also significant for the harm it does to the ICM.

The most active and politically vital grouping is the ICMLPO which is largely hosted by the MLPD of Germany. There is the JCG which co-ordinates the work of the ICMLPO. It has so far held nine Conferences. It brings out an "International Newsletter" It is composed of parties who accept Marxism-Leninism-Mao Tsetung Thought or Marxism-Leninism and a positive view of Mao Tsetung. The shortcoming of this group is that it also includes parties who are openly Maoist, like the CPP of the Philippines, the TKP(ML) of Turkey and even the CPI (Maoist). Hence it is very difficult for this grouping to advance, as it is, in the main reduced to another international forum for debate.

Our organization when it was called CRC, CPI(ML) from 1979 has been one of the first in India to seek the rebuilding of the ICM. This was prompted by the fact that we were among the first in India to oppose the "Three World Theory" and the Dengists in China along with the Enver Hoxhaites. Based on this approach our organization had send our approach papers to an international conference with the RCP of Chile and RCP of USA among others, and called for reorganizing the ICM based on Marxism-Leninism-Mao Tsetung Thought. In the second international conference of 1984, we had put forward a document explaining our neo-colonial approach and calling for building a platform of the ML parties. But RCP, USA along with its sectarian understanding based on Lin Biaoism evaluated that war has become the main danger and called for immediate formation of an international organization. We walked out when they went ahead with the formation of RIM which has become a centre of anarchist organizations upholding 'Maoism'. In spite of this setback, we continued our efforts for the unity of the like-minded Marxist-Leninist forces. It is as a result of it the CPI (ML) Red Flag played an active role in the ICMLPO including sending a delegation to its Eighth Conference in 2004.

The recent past after Vijayawada Unity Conference has seen us reneging on our international duties. We were not able to attend any international meetings or conferences due to the sectarian line of the CPI (ML) 2003 with whom the CPI(ML) Red Flag had united. We had to restrain ourselves from attending the Brussels seminar or the ICMLPO meetings, though we could attend the MLPD Congress in 2008. As a result of these, we were not able to take any stand on the international situation and our tasks in this period. We have now overcome this sectarian tendency in the party by separating from it.

During the course of the 9th Congress of the ICMLPO, under the initiative of the MLPD a "Declaration on the Building of an International Form of Organization for the Coordination of the Work of Autonomous Revolutionary Parties and Organizations" was adopted. This declaration focuses on the need for revolutionary parties and organizations to join forces in today's situation. It focuses on the need to build regional and international forms of organization for Marxist-Leninists, the working class and also the entire anti-imperialist movement. This gave rise to the ICOR or the "International Co-ordination".

Besides actively working in the ICOR, it is also necessary to develop fraternal relations with other ML parties, especially in South Asia and also in the West Asian region. The developments in West Asia are already affecting the politics of South Asia, especially Pakistan. We must therefore make great efforts to develop close relations with parties in South Asia and in West Asia who have an understanding akin to ours. There are many parties, in other continents, especially in Latin America, Europe and Africa with whom we have developed contacts and who are close to our understanding. We must nurture these contacts and develop them where ever possible.

The present situation calls for initiative to form a forum of the Marxist-Leninist parties from different countries who are fighting both right revisionism and left sectarianism, including the line of "protracted people's war" as the only path for countries of Asia, Africa and Latin America. Such parties, who uphold Marxism-Leninism-Mao Tsetung Thought or Marxism-Leninism and a positive attitude towards Mao Tsetung Thought should constitute themselves into a Marxist-Leninist Forum to organize solidarity actions, organize international conferences, to develop the General Line of the ICM and to move towards a new Communist International.

It is time for our party to take up this international task in right earnest. As detailed above, in the present world situation, the international content of the Peoples Democratic Revolution has greatly increased and we cannot make revolution in a vast country like India without launching uncompromising struggles against imperialism and its lackeys and agents, uniting with the Marxist-Leninist forces at global level.

Workers of all countries, unite; Workers of the world, unite with the oppressed peoples and oppressed nations; Oppose imperialism and reaction in all countries; Strive for world peace, national liberation, people's democracy and socialism; Strengthen the socialist forces; Bring the proletarian world revolution step by step to complete victory; Establish a new world without imperialism, without capitalism and without the exploitation of man by man!

Uphold Marxism-Leninism-Mao Tsetung Thought!

Long Live Proletarian Internationalism!

[Adopted by the All India Special Conference of the CPI(ML) held in November 2009]
[ Paper prepared for presentation to the Seminar with the same title to be held at Lucknow on 26th February evening on the first day of the Party Congress]

The 16th General Elections to the Lok Sabha had taken place when the neoliberal UPA regime had led to alarming price rise, unemployment, corruption, displacement, ecological destruction, loss of livelihood, etc, impoverishing the masses and widening the gap between the rich and the vast masses of toiling people. It had aroused unprecedented people's fury across the length and breadth of the country. In the absence of an effective left and democratic or progressive people's alternative against the Congress misrule and the ruling system, the BJP at all India level succeeded to utilize the people's fury to catapult itself to power, with the backing of corporate capital that gobbled up the biggest gains during UPA rule, together with the ideological and organizational support of the RSS Parivar. It replaced the rightist rule of Congress with its ultra rightist, openly communal rule. And regional parties like AIADMK, TMC, BJD like forces in TN, W. Bengal, Odisha etc also reaped the benefit of the anti- Congress wave. Along with the Congress and it allies, the CPI(M) led Left Front parties were also decimated.

The Modi government has already started further intensification of the imposition of neo-liberal policies, expanding corporatization of all fields, further pauperizing the masses, and distorting and commercializing the cultural and educational fields, while intensifying the spreading of communal hatred and divisions among the people. In this situation, the communist forces are confronting two frontal challenge: firstly, how to overcome the present crisis faced by the movement at theoretical, political and organizational levels and to build a party with all India influence capable of completing the remaining tasks of democratic revolution and advancing towards the socialist revolution; secondly, how to unite the genuine left and democratic forces to forge a program based people's platform against all forces of neo-liberalization and communalization as part of its tactical line.

On Communist Unity.

The CPI (ML) Red Star is of the view that though the building of the left platform and joint activities under its banner shall bring the left forces nearer and help to create condition for the unity of the Marxist-Leninist forces, it should not be mechanically linked or confused with the question of communist unity, that is with the question of uniting the communist revolutionaries in a single party. An evaluation of the past experience, when the first split in the CPI took place in 1964 leading to the formation of the CPI (M), and when the second split took place following an inner party struggle and the outbreak of the Naxalbari struggle leading to formation of the CPI (ML) and a number of CR groups show that, contrary to the expectations they created, a qualitative leap in the movement did not take place, though the objective conditions were favoring it. Why did it happen so?

The first split took place when the international communist movement was waging a life and death struggle against the revisionist line promoted by the Krushchevites who had come to the leadership of the Communist Party of Soviet Union. Under its influence the CPI leadership had adopted the line of National Democratic Revolution replacing the line of PDR under the leadership of the working class put forward by the Communist International, advocating peaceful socialist transition, collaborating with the native bourgeois class which it analyzed as predominantly nationalist in character. Though the CPI (M) leadership rejected this line, it did not make a break with Soviet revisionism or recognize that the big bourgeoisie in the country is in the main collaborating with imperialism or comprador in character. So, by the time of 1967 general elections both embraced the path of parliamentarism and took initiative to form coalition governments in W. Bengal and Kerala joining with even communal and ruling class parties, compromising communist positions. This has naturally led both, in course of time, to their present social democratic line.

Though the CRs broke away from this line and tried to learn from the Great Debate led by Mao against Soviet revisionism and recognized the comprador character of the big bourgeoisie in the country, they also failed to make a concrete analysis of the vast changes taking place in the Indian situation and to develop the Marxist-Leninist understanding accordingly. Instead, they soon embraced the left adventurist line which had emerged in China by the middle 1960s under the leadership of Lin Biao. Both the revisionist line which dominated the Soviet communist party and the sectarian line which dominated the CPC by the time of its Ninth Congress in 1969, refused to make a concrete analysis of the vast changes taking place at the international level with the transformation of the colonial plunder of imperialism to the neo-colonial phase. It led both to conclude that the imperialist camp has weakened. As a result, while the former embraced the line of liquidation compromising with imperialist positions abandoning the path of class struggle, the latter advocated a putschist line. Both caused severe damage to the communist movement. Unity of the communist forces calls for serious studies based on the fundamental principles of Marxism-Leninism for settling accounts with these basic deviations.

After the disintegration of the CPI (ML) and other CR forces by early1970s, extensive discussions on evaluating the mistakes leading to it had taken place at various levels. Most of the ML groups except those who united to form the CPI (Maoist) rejected the line of annihilation of class enemies, line of armed struggle as the only form of struggle and adopted the mass line. But these efforts were theoretically crippled as they refused to make an analysis of the vast changes taking place in the country under neo-colonial domination during the post-1947 decades. If imperialism used feudal forces as a social prop for its colonial domination, under neo-colonization it promoted fast changes in the pre-capitalist relations of production in the agrarian sector to integrate it with the international finance system through reforms from above including the Green Revolutions. The semi-colonial, semi-feudal frame mechanically carried forward by most of the ML forces made them incapable of understanding the neo-colonial phase of imperialism and the changes taking place to the relations of production in the agrarian field, and for developing the program and path of revolution according to these changes. On the other hand, another trend which recognized these changes went forward to analyze India as a capitalist country and stage of revolution as socialist, refusing to recognize the growing imperialist dominance in the country in newer forms.

The imposition of the imperialist globalization and neo-liberal policies and intensification of the corporatization of all fields including agriculture have led to some of these sections to re-examine their positions, at least partially. This has created conditions for new theoretical offensive and bi-lateral discussions with these forces. The CPI (ML) Red Star is actively pursuing discussions with these sections. Meanwhile the new generation, not having the burden of past frames and heritages, are coming forward, though in trickles now, to join the revolutionary stream. As the corporate loot and communalization intensifies under Modi raj, this tendency will be strengthened. So there are better objective and subjective possibilities for communist unity today, if the cardinal importance of the ideological political line and the struggle to develop it according to present conditions are recognized.

The Resolution on Theoretical Offensive being discussed in the Tenth Congress opens up possibilities for taking up the theoretical issues including the evaluation of the experience of the socialist practice in the former socialist countries, the question of broadening the democratic space within the party organization including development of the concept of democratic centralism. It shall provide enough scope for inner party struggle on all questions of difference. The practical application of the Marxist perspective of "all power to the people", developing the concept of proletarian dictatorship or proletarian democracy, transcending the limits of bourgeois democracy, developing the alternate development paradigm which is people oriented and eco-friendly etc shall open new scope for communist unity. Once the shortcomings and deviations which caused the setback to the movement from the great heights it had reached by 1950s are scientifically analyzed and self critically evaluated, and once the orientation for future advance of democracy and development paradigm are put forward, they shall provide the basis for the rebuilding of the communist party uniting all genuine forces. It shall help to win over the new generation who are getting increasingly alienated from the imperialist promoted development which is creating devastation and the shrinking of democratic space under bourgeois democracy. This is a critical time which calls for all round efforts for taking up the reorganization of the party. The CPI (ML) Red Star appeals to all Marxist-Leninist forces to recognize this and take up this great challenge with all seriousness.

On Building left and democratic Platform

While taking up the challenge of uniting the communists who are presently divided in to different sharply divided trends, it should be recognized that it is going to be a protracted affair. So immediate attention should be given to the question of bringing together the left and democratic forces in a struggle based platform on a common minimum program against the intensification of corporate loot and communalization under Modi regime. While expressing this desire one should be clear about the political reasons which led to the victory of BJP and why the communist movement which had a powerful presence in many parts of the country in the past, and which was often mentioned as the alternative to the Congress in the 1950s, drastically lost its political stature and organizational strength, weakening to its present condition. Even in the 2004 elections the CPI (M) led Left Front parties had 64 seats in the Lok Sabha and they were ruling in W. Bengal, Kerala and Tripura. But their policy of supporting the Congress led UPA rule which was merrily going ahead with the implementation of the neo-liberal policies for five years, and shamelessly implementing the very same neo-liberal policies in the states where they were in power, leading to Singur and Nandigram like incidents, alienated them from the people. The record of the CPI(M) led LF rule in W. Bengal and Kerala, the degeneration of CPI-CPI(M) leaderships to social democratic positions and of the anarchist acts of the CPI(Maoist) forces have defamed the communist movement and the left forces in general all over the country, especially from the new generation. This degeneration of the established left forces and anarchist Maoists contributed much, along with other factors, in the ascendance of RSS backed Modi to power, as the alternative to the hated Congress.

In spite of these, some of those who were part of the Communist Revolutionary forces and some good intentioned friends of the left movement advocate that, as the country is facing a dangerous situation, let us forget and forgive and build a broad left and democratic platform to confront this challenge. This is happening when, in spite of decimation in the LS elections and in all other elections including the recent by-elections to assembly seats in W. Bengal, the CPI (M)) and its allies are not ready to learn any lessons and are ready to support the Congress in the name of opposing BJP. They are still not convinced about the need for keeping these social democrats out of a left platform. Any effort to form a left and democratic platform with such parties will only further weaken the left forces politically and organizationally.

It is in this context, CPI (ML) Red Star is proposing the formation of a left and democratic Platform based on a common minimum program which can be arrived at through discussion based on following points:

(1) Oppose imperialist globalization-liberalization-privatization and neo-liberal policies; Struggle against imperialist domination through IMF, World Bank, WTO and MNCs; Fight against corporatization of all fields; End corporate-mafia raj.

(2) Stop displacements for Neo-liberal Projects; Confiscate all lands from mafias, big landlords etc; End corporatization of agriculture and Second green Revolution; Implement progressive land reforms promoting co-operative agriculture, providing assistance to the farmers for agricultural development; ensure rights of agricultural workers including dalits and adivasis ensuring their right over the land.

(3) End price-rise; Implement universal Public Distribution System; Ensure education, healthcare, housing and employment for all. Provide unemployment allowance to all unemployed.

(4) End corporatization of industry; Struggle for socialization of all core sectors including energy, mining, steel, minerals etc; Fight contract and casual labour system, struggle for need based wages, job security and democratic rights of working class.

(5) Democratize society through Constitutional and democratic reforms including the right to recall elected representatives as well as government servants; Reform electoral laws introducing proportional representation; Prosecute all corrupt through special courts; Bring in to force appropriate democratic agencies with full power for this; Confiscate all black- money deposited in foreign banks and other hide-outs.

(6) Ensure Adivasis' right over their land and natural resources; Implement autonomous councils based on Sixth Schedule in Adivasi areas; End caste-based and communal oppression, and attacks on women, dalits and oppressed classes and sections; Realize casteless and secular society.

(7) End all forms of gender discrimination; Ensure women's equality in all fields.

(8) Scrap AFSPA, UAPA and all other black laws; Withdraw military from Jammu- Kashmir and Northeast; End state terror and achieve all round democratization of the administration and society.

(9) Settle all border disputes, a hangover from colonial days, through bilateral discussions; With draw military from borders and cut down military expenditure; Develop fraternal relations with neighbouring countries; Liberalize Visa rules to improve people to people relations.

(10) Abolish imperialist promoted 'development' policies which devastate nature, cause 'climate change', lead to ecological catastrophes and impoverish masses; Implement people oriented, sustainable and eco-friendly development paradigm.

The CPI(ML) Red Star proposes that the strenuous efforts for communist unity based on ideological, political, organizational line according to present concrete conditions on the one hand, and for building the broad left platform based on a CMP should be tirelessly carried forward simultaneously in order to develop a powerful countrywide people's alternative to challenge all ruling class alternatives including the growing challenge posed by the BJP government through intensification of corporate loot and communal frenzy.

Seminar Paper on Climate Change

(Paper to be presented to the Seminar on 1st February, 2015 evening during the 10th Party Congress of CPI (ML) Red Star, at Lucknow)

Crisis of Himalayas and Terai Region in the Context of Global Climate Change Caused by Corporate Development Paradigm.

1. The Uttarakhand disaster of June, 2013, led to more than ten thousand deaths, including more than 6000 missing who were never traced, 4200 villages were severely affected, 3200 houses fully damaged, causing innumerable miseries to millions. Thousands of animals also perished. But very little by way of relief work was done even after one year. The status of Rehabilitation and Reconstruction is much worse still. In 2014 again the damages due to heavy unusual intensity of rain causing huge earth slips/ land slides were repeated, though on a smaller scale. The intensity of the fury of floods caused by heavy rains and the melting of glaziers in the Himalayas ravaged the whole region from UP to Assam affecting tens of millions of families. And, the floods in Jammu & Kashmir in September this year was on unprecedented scales, damaging life and properties of many millions. Unlike in the past, as a result of the consistent studies, campaigns and movements by large number of concerned organizations and individuals even the corporate media and the administration are forced to admit them as ecological catastrophes. Their relation with the Climate Change and Global Warming is also discussed increasingly. Unlike what was happening even two decades ago today all governments are more or less forced to recognize the relation between the increasing intensity of the recurring catastrophes ravaging people's life and the Climate Change. The UN Convention on Climate Change on 23rd September, 2014, reflected this fact. As usual, nothing tangible happened from this. It is going to be followed by the World Climate Conference in Lima on 6th December. All these show that though the UN and all the heads of governments are forced to recognize this, however partial these efforts may be, as one of the primary questions without finding answers to which the survival of the human species on earth shall be in danger, they are not prepared to make any significant moves to find basic resolutions to it.

2. Several studies were taken up on this question of Trans Himalayas by government and non-government agencies, by universities, IITs, and individuals. But almost all of them are either case specific, limited to suggesting remedies within the present ruling system which creates the ecological destruction or confined to relief works. What is lacking is a comprehensive study, a study which shall provide an overall perspective of the causes behind the problem and give orientation to the work to be taken up to protect Himalayas and the Terai region, safeguarding the interests of people, and how to take up mountain-appropriate sustainable development in a people oriented manner in the overall context of Climate Change. This question has become all the more important in the context of the agreements being signed by the new government of India with Bhutan and Nepal to start new hydel projects and other 'development' works in these sensitive areas and the mega projects planned with the collaboration of Japanese and Chinese. This is also linked to studying the consequences of the hydel and other projects taken up in Tibet by the Chinese government leading to acceleration of the melting of the glaziers in this region called the 'Third Pole'. The scale and type of thermal, hydel and nuclear power projects which can be taken up/ or whether they should be taken up at all, how the natural resources in the region should be utilized as part of a people oriented development paradigm, how the water and river conservation etc. are to be taken up - calls for serious studies. What is required is a series of serious discussions by concerned scientists, ecologists and social & political activists to arrive at a macro level perspective for resolving the problems faced in this region in the context of global ecological changes.

3. Numerous international studies are available which provide a vivid picture about the extent of 'Global Warming' and 'Climate Change' at global level caused by the developmental policies pursued by the corporate regimes in the 'developed' as well as in the 'developing' countries which treat nature antagonistically, expanding its wanton loot for amassing wealth. These changes are aggravating the problems in the trans Himalayan region as well as in other regions like Eastern and Western Ghats, especially when massive 'development' and real estate projects are taken up as what happened/is happening now in Uttarakhand, J&K and similar regions. The melting of Himalayan glaziers and its consequences as part of the glaziers in North and South poles also calls for serious studies. It is reported that melting of glaciers is resulting in the formation of smaller lakes in the high hills of Himachal Pradesh and similar areas, posing threat to population living in downstream areas. Another study shows that 'Climate Change' will cause water levels in Asia's five major river systems that are fed by Himalayan glaciers to increase at least until 2050.

4. Climate change in the long term basis is caused by factors such as biotic processes, variations in solar radiation received by Earth, plate tectonics, and volcanic eruptions. But the human activities are now identified as significant causes of recent climate change, often referred to as "global warming" which was intensifying dangerously during the last century, especially during the post-1970 decades.The most general definition of climate change is a change in the statistical properties of the climate system when considered over long periods of time, regardless of cause.The term sometimes is used to refer specifically to climate change caused by human activity, as opposed to changes in climate that may have resulted as part of Earth's natural processes. In this sense, especially in the context of environmental policy, the term climate change has become synonymous with global warming caused due to human activities.

5. Of most concern in the consequences of the Climate Change is the increase in CO2 levels due to emissions from fossil fuel combustion, followed by aerosols (particulate matter in the atmosphere) and the CO2 released by cement manufacture. Other factors, including land use, ozone depletion, animal agriculture] and deforestation, are also of concern in the roles they play – both separately and in conjunction with other factors – in affecting climate, micro-climate, and measures of climate variables. Reasonably complete global records of surface temperature are available beginning from the mid-late 19th century. Archaeological evidence, oral history and historical documents can offer insights into past changes in the climate. Climate change effects have been linked to the collapse of various civilizations.

6. Glaciers are considered among the most sensitive indicators of climate change. Their size is determined by a mass balance between snow inputs and melt outputs. As temperatures warm, glaciers retreat unless snow precipitation increases to make up for the additional melt. Glaciers grow and shrink due both to natural variability and external forces. Preliminary estimates indicate that the remaining ice cover is around 445,000 km2. The World Glacier Monitoring Service collects data annually on glacier retreat and glacier mass balance. From this data, glaciers worldwide have been found to be shrinking significantly, with strong glacier retreats in the 1940s, stable or growing conditions during the 1920s and 1970s, and again retreating from the mid-1980s to present. The decline in Arctic sea ice, both in extent and thickness, over the last several decades is further evidence for rapid climate change] Sea ice is frozen seawater that floats on the ocean surface. Satellite observations show that Arctic sea ice is now declining at a rate of 11.5 percent per decade, relative to the 1979 to 2000 average. Similar studies reveal the retreat of the glaziers in the Trans Himalayan region also.

7. Earth's climate is mostly influenced by the first 10 kms or so of the atmosphere which contains most of the matter making up the atmosphere. This is really a very thin layer. Realizing this makes it more plausible to suppose that human beings can change the climate. A look at the amount of greenhouse gases spewing into the atmosphere, makes it even more plausible.The most significant greenhouse gas is actuallywater vapor, not something produced directly by humankind in significant amounts. However, even slight increases in atmospheric levels of carbon dioxide (CO2) can cause a substantial increase in temperature. Why is this? There are two reasons: First, although the concentrations of these gases are not nearly as large as that of oxygen and nitrogen (the main constituents of the atmosphere), neither oxygen or nitrogen are greenhouse gases. This is because neither has more than two atoms per molecule (i.e. their molecular forms are O2and N2, respectively), and so they lack theinternal vibrational modes that molecules withmorethan two atoms have. Both water and CO2, for example, have these "internal vibrational modes", and these vibrational modes can absorb and reradiate infrared radiation, which causes the greenhouse effect.

8. Secondly, CO2tends to remain in the atmosphere for a very long time (time scales in the hundreds of years). Water vapor, on the other hand, can easily condense or evaporate, depending on local conditions. Water vapor levels therefore tend to adjust quickly to the prevailing conditions, such that the energy flows from the Sun and re-radiation from the Earth achieve a balance. CO2tends to remain fairly constant and therefore behave as acontrollingfactor, rather than areactingfactor. More CO2means that the balance occurs at higher temperatures and water vapor levels. Human beings have increased the CO2concentration in the atmosphere by about thirty percent, which is an extremely significant increase, even on inter-glacial timescales. Human beings are responsible for this because the increase is almost perfectly correlated with increases in fossil fuel combustion, and also due other evidence, such as changes in the ratios of different carbon isotopes in atmospheric CO2that are consistent with human caused emissions. It shows thatif not checked, carbon dioxide concentrations will reach levels that haven't been seen on Earth in the last 50 million years.

9. In 1998, the Intergovernmental Panel on Climate Change (IPCC) was established by the World Meteorological Organization (WMO) and the United Nations Environment Program (UNEP), in recognition of the threat that global warming presents to the world. The role of the IPCC is to assess the scientific, technical and socio-economic information relevant for the understanding of the risk of human-induced climate change. It bases its assessment mainly on published and reviewed scientific technical literature. It has completed two assessment reports, developed methodology guidelines for national greenhouse gas inventories, special reports and technical papers. Results of the second assessment (1995), concluded that concluded that, as predicted by climate models, global temperature will likely rise by about 1-3.5 Celsius by the year 2100. The next report, in 2000, suggested, that the climate might warm by as much as 10 degrees Fahrenheit over the next 100 years, which would bring us back to a climate not seen since the age of the dinosaurs. The most recent report, in 2001, concluded that "There is new and stronger evidence that most of the warming observed over the last 50 years is attributable to human activities".

10. Global Warming Impacts: Rising Seas, inundation of fresh water marshlands, low-lying cities, and islands with seawater. Changes in rainfall patterns--- droughts and fires in some areas, flooding in other areas, hurricanes, etc. Melting of the ice caps--- loss of habitat near the poles. Polar bears are now thought to be greatly endangered by the shortening of their feeding season due to dwindling ice packs. Significant melting of old glaciers is already observed. Widespread vanishing of animal populations following widespread habitat loss. Spread of disease, migration of diseases such as malaria to new, now warmer, regions. Bleaching of Coral Reefs due to warming seas and acidification due to carbonic acid formation, etc.

11. Even while reaching such a perilous situation, whatever discussion taking place to solve this problem is limited to methods to trade in the cutting down of the carbon gas emissions. In reality, to satisfy the Kyoto protocol, developed countries were required to cut back their emissions by a total of 5.2 % between 2008 and 2012 from 1990 levels. The US had to reduce its presently projected 2010 annual emissions by 400 million tons ofCO2.But nothing was done in this direction. Meanwhile they are going ahead with development projects which are causing more carbon gas emissions. The developing countries are imitating these development models causing carbon gas emissions at a higher level. Though alternative energy sources like solar, wind, tidal etc can be developed the steps taken in this direction are not sufficient or insignificant. More importantly, there is no effort on the side of the developed countries to cut down there very high energy consumptions and consumerist luxuries. As the elite classes are imitating these as the development model the danger of Global Warming is intensifying. It is time to acknowledge that we are, at very least, conducting a very dangerous experiment with Earth's climate, not taking up the question seriously.

12. Instead of cutting down energy use and developing alternate renewable energy sources, many Carbon sequestration approaches are tried. One of these under investigation is the possibility of depositing CO2extracted from emission streams in large pools on the Ocean bottom. Such pools will not be stable, and may either erupt to the surface, or diffuse into the ocean. No lessons are taken from the grave experience of the dumping of the nuclear waste at sea beds. This and all other methods for carbon sequestration are nothing but tricks to hoodwink the masses. The corporate forces and the political class serving them are not prepared to address the real problem: that of throwing out their development policies modeled now under neo-liberalism, of fighting consumerism, of cutting down energy consumption by the elite classes and going for an alternate development paradigm. Thus it can be seen that saving the Trans Himalayan ranges and avoiding natural catastrophes call for political answers.

13. Compared to animals who merely use the environment, the changes brought by human beings in the environment is for conquering it, for mastering it. Still, it can be seen that till the advent of capitalist system there existed a dialectical unity between humanity and nature. As Marx wrote: capitalists' interest in nature is reduced to its function as means of production, for exploitation of the earth for the purpose of reproduction or extraction, meaning exploitation of the earth to aggrandize capital by extracting and processing raw materials. Thus the dialectical unity of humanity with nature is replaced under capitalist system by an antagonistic contradiction. Capitalism means rule over nature like a conqueror over a foreign people, like someone standing outside nature. The capitalist class privately appropriate nature as source of wealth and increasingly turn the natural resources in to commodities. So this barbarous society created under the capitalist-imperialist system can be changed only by throwing out the private ownership of all means of production with the social ownership of all means of production and unity with nature. What is called for is the re-establishing of the dialectical unity between humanity and nature. This is what is stated by the CPI(ML) Red Star in its Program that, "during this period, especially after the crisis of the 1970s, with the mad rush for exploitation of natural and human resources utilizing the unprecedented technological advances under the imperialist perspective of development, ever- intensifying ecological devastation has started becoming a major factor both at the international and the national level. It has given rise to a new, fifth major contradiction, at both international and national levels, the contradiction between capital and nature".

14. Saving the trans Himalayan region and all other regions within the country and around the world and in South Asia from the ecological catastrophes becoming increasingly frequent, from the consequences of Climate Change, calls for an uncompromising struggle against the ruling capitalist system, promoted by the ruling classes, including consumerism which promotes an opulent, wasteful life style, disregarding the intensifying pauperization of the vast masses. It calls for rejecting the development model arrogantly pursued by it. It is not an issue for which basic solutions can be found within the present ruling system. It calls for a multi- pronged consistent struggle consisting of: firstly, developing comprehensive studies and propagating all available material on Global Warming and Climate Change and their consequences, joining hands with all like minded forces as part of the campaign against impending ecological catastrophe; secondly, intensifying the struggle to resist and beat back the projects imposed under the present neo-liberal development model, again by joining hands with all forces prepared for it; and thirdly, intensifying the struggle to throw out the present ruling system which is brutally imposing their development model which creates devastation for the masses and nature, and replacing it with an eco-friendly, people oriented and democratic alternate development model. So, the efforts to Save Himalayas, Save Western Ghats and developing a macro level study for them with the perspective of saving the humanity from all out devastation calls for linking all these movements for resolution of each of these issues with movements for reversing the imperialist efforts of re-creating the world in its own image, with people's movements for creating the world with a humanitarian image.
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The Communist movement in India has a history of almost a century after the salvos of October Revolution in Russia brought Marxism-Leninism to the people of India who were engaged in the national liberation struggle against the British colonialists. It is a complex and chequered history.