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jktuhfrd izLrko

25 Qjojh ls 2 ekpZ 2015 rd vk;ksftr

Hkkdik¼ekys½ jsM LVkj ds nlosa ikVhZ egkf/kos’ku }kjk Lohd`r



vUrjjk"Vªh; ifjfLFkfr

1-1       o"kZ 2008 ds mÙkjk/kZ esa vkfFkZd ladV ds QwV iM+us ds yxHkx Ng lky ckn vkt Hkh vUrjjk"Vªh; ifjfLFkfr oSlh gh fujk'kktud cuh gqbZ gS A pwafd iwathoknh lap; dks xfr iznku djus okyh dh pkfydk 'kfDr] ;kuh fd] iwath fuos'k dh j¶rkj vc Hkh lqLr gS] blfy, lkezkT;okn ds lcls vk'kkoku vkdyuksa esa Hkh bl ckr dks [kkfjt dj fn;k x;k gS fd ladV ls igys tks fodkl nj Fkh mls fQj ls izkIr fd;k tk ldrk gS A lHkh txg ds 'kkld oxksZa us ladV ls NqVdkjk ikus dk cgkuk cukdj ekuotkfr ds Åij ftu uo&mnkjoknh uhfr;ksa dks ykn fn;k gS mlus iwjh nqfu;k dks lêsckth] eqnzkLQhfr ¼egaxkbZ½] csjkstxkjh] ferO;f;rk ¼tu dY;k.k ds enksa esa dVkSrh½] eUnh] lkekftd lM+u vkSj lkaLd`frd v/k%iru ds xrZ esa /kdsy fn;k gS A gkykafd o"kZ 2010&2012 ds nkSjku lkezkT;oknh [kses }kjk ^igys dh fLFkfr esa okilh* ¼fjdojh½ dk [kwc <ksy ihVk x;k Fkk] ysfdu la;qDr jk"Vªla?k ¼UN½] vUrjjk"Vªh; Je laxBu ¼ILO½ vkSj ;gka rd fd czsVuoqM~l tksM+h ¼fo'o cSad vkSj vUrjjk"Vªh; eqnzk dks"k½ lesr fofHkUu vUrjjk"Vªh; ,tsfUl;ksa }kjk fiNys fnuksa tkjh fd;s x;s vkadM+ksa us bl <ksy dh iksy dks [kksy fn;k gS A budh fjiksVksZa esa dgk x;k gS fd vc Hkh mRiknu esa Bgjko vkSj csjkstxkjh dh fLFkfr cuh gqbZ gS A reke lwpdkad bl vksj b'kkjk dj jgs gSa fd fudV Hkfo"; esa mRiknu esa Bgjko vkSj eqnzkLQhfr ¼Bgjk&LQhfr ½ ls lacaf/kr lHkh udkjkRed #>ku vkSj T;knk izcy gksaxs A lewps lkezkT;oknh txr esa vkSj lkFk gh uo&mifuosf'kd izHkqRo ds ekrgr ns'kksa esa jkstxkj dk l`tu djus okys mRiknd {ks=ksa esa rktk iwath fuos'k [krjukd xfr ls de gks jgk gS rFkk foÙkh; iwathifr;ksa ¼FkSyh'kkgksa½ dh ,dek= :fp iSlk&drkbZ ds lêk dkjksckj ds xqCckjs dks Qqykus esa gS A blds QyLo:i O;ikd turk dh miHkksx {kerk ?kV jgh gS ftlus xSj&cjkcjh vkSj xjhch dks Hk;kog Lrj ij igqapk fn;k gS vkSj cktkj dks ladqfpr dj fn;k gS A

1-2       vkt ds uo&mnkjokn dk ,d lkQ utj vkus okyk y{k.k gS csjkstxkjh vkSj v)Z&csjkstxkjh dk og Hk;kog Lrj ftldh iwathokn ds bfrgkl esa nwljh felky ugha gS A blus vkt lewph nqfu;k dks ^csjkstxkjksa ds dpj[kkuk* esa cny fn;k gS A ,d rjQ c<+rh csjkstxkjh ftlds QyLo:i jk"Vªh; vk; esa esgrud'k turk dh fgLlsnkjh vis{kkd`r de gks xbZ gS] vkSj nwljh rjQ thouksi;ksxh oLrqvksa dh dherksa esa o`f)] ;s nksuksa feydj ,d ,sls /kwrZ ;a= dk fuekZ.k djrs gSa tks lkezkT;oknh ns'kksa vkSj uo&mifuosf'kd izHkqRo ds ekrgr ns'kksa esa foÙk iwathifr;ksa ds i{k esa vkSj lkFk gh nwljs rjg ds ns'kksa ds ekeys esa xzkeh.k HkwLokfe;ksa ds i{k esa vkenuh dk lyhds ls iqu% Hkkx&caVokjk djrk gS A iwathokn bruk iru'khy vkSj ej.kklUu gks x;k gS fd vkt mRiknu ds ctk;] vkenuh vkSj lEink dk iqu% Hkkx&caVokjk gh mlds }kjk fd;s tkus okys lEifÙk gj.k dk vk/kkj cu x;k gS vkSj vkt blds tfj, gh iwathoknh lap; dh izfØ;k lapkfyr gks jgh gS A ,d ,sls le; esa tc mRiknu esa Bgjko vkSj eqnzkLQhfr ds pyrs jkstxkj o`f) dh nj xksrk yxkrs gq, fxj jgh gS vkSj eqnzkoknh uhfr;ksa ds pyrs vkenuh esa xSj&cjkcjh [krjukd <ax ls c<+ jgh gS] fQj Hkh uo&mnkjoknh fo'o O;oLFkk esa dkjiksjsV equkQk vkleku Nw jgk gS A ,d rjQ ^^csgn xjhc yksxksa** dh la[;k esa vHkwriwoZ o`f) gks jgh gS tks ftUnk jgus ds fy, vko';d U;wure Hkkstu] vkokl vkSj fpfdRlk lqfo/kk ls oafpr gSa] rks nwljh rjQ dkjiksjsV dqyifr;ksa }kjk lEink dk cs'keZ vkSj [kqyk izn'kZu fd;k tk jgk gS A ;s nksuksa ckrsa vkt uo&mnkjoknh /ku lap; dk vfHkUu vax cu pqdh gSa A vUrjkZ"Vªh; Je laxBu ¼vkbZ,lyvks½ ds rktk fo'o laj{k.k fjiksVZ ¼World Protection Report½ 2014&15 ds eqrkfcd] nqfu;k ds iSekus ij Hkkstu ds vHkko esa ikap o"kZ ls de vk;q ds 18000 cPpksa dh jkstkuk ekSr gks jgh gS A foxr fnuksa 200 ns'kksa esa izkFkfed LokLF; lsok] ekr` ,oa f'k'kq laj{k.k vkSj etnwjkas ,oa o`)tuksa dh fLFkfr dk vkadyu djus ds fy, ,d v/;;u fd;k x;k Fkk ftlesa ik;k x;k gS fd bu lsokvksa dh miyC/krk esa o"kZ 2012 dh rqyuk esa o"kZ 2013 esa vkSlru 37 izfr'kr dh deh vkbZ gS A fo'o Lrj ij] ldy ?kjsyw mRikn ¼thMhih½ dk ek= 0-4 izfr'kr gh cky dY;k.k ij [kpZ fd;k tkrk gS A tgka ;wjksih; la?k esa cky laj{k.k ds fy, thMhih dk 2-2 izfr'kr [kpZ fd;k tkrk gS] ogha vesfjdk esa 0-69 izfr'kr vkSj vÝhdk ,oa ,f'k;k&iz'kkar ns'kksa esa ek= 0-2 izfr'kr [kpZ fd;k tkrk gS A o"kZ 2013 esa nqfu;k esa dsoy 25 izfr'kr dk;Zjr efgykvksa dks gh ekr`Ro ykHk izkIr gqvk Fkk A vesfjdk tks vkt Hkh ,d vxz.kh lkezkT;oknh 'kfDr gS] vkseku] U;w xq,uk vkfn ds lkFk mu ns'kksa ds lewg esa 'kkfey gS tks efgyk dkexkjksa dks osru lesr U;wure ekr`Ro ykHk Hkh iznku ugha djrs gSa A o"kZ 2008 ls 2013 ds chp lkezkT;oknh ns'kksa esa csjkstxkjh 45 izfr'kr c<+ xbZ gS vkSj 48 izfr'kr dSfn;ksa dks isU'ku flLVe ls ckgj /kdsy fn;k x;k gS A foxr nl o"kksZa ds nkSjku 2 Mkyj izfrfnu ls de ij xqtkjk djus okys vesfjdh ifjokjksa dh la[;k nqxuh ls T;knk gks xbZ gS A o"kZ 2013 esa gj ikap esa ls ,d ¼yxHkx 20 izfr'kr½ vesfjdh ifjokj ^^[kkn~; vlqj{kk** ls ihfM+r Fkk A vkt vesfjdk] ftldh okLrfod vFkZO;oLFkk fldqM+dj ml Lrj ij igqap xbZ ftldh rqyuk egkeUnh ds fnuksa ls dh tk ldrh gS] vius bfrgkl ds fdlh Hkh vU; le; dh vis{kk T;knk xSj&cjkcjh lekt cu x;k gS A vkt ogka Åij ds 10 izfr'kr yksxksa ds ikl jk"Vªh; vk; dk 50 izfr'kr fgLlk gS vkSj os rhu&pkSFkkbZ jk"Vªh; lEink ds ekfyd gSa A ;g lc 2008 esa 'kq: gqbZ oSf'od eUnh ds ckn ogka ds foÙk iwathifr;ksa dks <gus ls cpkus ds fy, mBk;s x;s uo&mnkjoknh dneksa dk lh/kk urhtk gS A blls tgka vesfjdk vkSj ;wjksih; la?k esa O;kid turk dh vkfFkZd o lkekftd voLFkk cnrj gqbZ gS] ogha bl izfØ;k esa tks cqycqyk fufeZr gqvk gS og ,d ckj fQj ls QwVus ds dxkj ij gS A ekStwnk ijthoh O;oLFkk ds Hkhrj bl vUrjfojks/k dk dksbZ lek/kku ugha gS vkSj dsoy lekt ds Økafrdkjh :ikarj.k ds }kjk gh bldk lek/kku fd;k tk ldrk gS A

1-3       lkezkT;oknh ns'kksa vkSj uo&mifuosf'kd izHkqRo ds ekrgr ns'kksa dh ;g uktqd ifjfLFkfr vis{kkd`r ,d ubZ ifj?kVuk gS A ,d ,sls le; esa dkjiksjsV equkQk vius pje ij gS tc vkfFkZd ladV lcls xgjk gS ftldh vfHkO;fDr mRiknu esa Bgjko vkSj osru esa deh ds :i esa gks jgh gS A foÙkh; iwath ds tUetkr ijthohiu vkSj lM+u ds pyrs] equkQs ds ,d cM+s fgLls dk bLrseky mRiknu {kerk esa o`f) gsrq foÙkiks"k.k ds fy, ;k ykHkizn vkS|ksfxd miØeksa esa fuos'k ds fy, ugha fd;k tk jgk gS] cfYd bldk bLrseky 'ks;jksa dh [kjhn ds fy,] 'ks;jksa ds Hkko dks c<+kus ds fy, vkSj thUlksa ds ok;nk dkjksckj ds fy, fd;k tk jgk gS] ftlds pyrs lHkh oLrqvksa ds nke vkleku Nwus yxs gSa A jh;y bLVsV ¼Hkw&ifjlEink½] eqnzk] 'ks;j vkSj ok;nk cktkj esa lêsckth vkSj blds lkFk tqM+h Hkz"V lkSnsckth ds pyrs foÙkh; ijthohiu ;k ^;kjkuk iwathokn* us iwjh nqfu;k dks rsth ls viuh fxj¶r esa ys fy;k gS A vFkZO;oLFkk esa VwVu vkSj jkstxkjghurk dk nkSj tkjh gS] ysfdu lHkh txg ds 'kkld oxZ] turk ls tqM+s ewyHkwr lokyksa dks gy djus ds ctk;] vkleku Nwrs foÙkh; lwpdkadksa dks iwathokn dh thou'kfDr dk lPpk ladsr crkrs gq, mlds Lrqfrxku esa exu gSa rFkk etnwj oxZ ,oa esgrud'k turk ds da/kksa ij T;knk&ls&T;knk cks> Mkydj dkjiksjsV equkQs dh mM+ku Hkjrh nj dks tk;t Bgjk jgs gSa A dksbZ vU; jkLrk ugha jg tkus ij] lkezkT;okn }kjk ferO;f;rk ds dk;ZØeksa ds tfj, lkoZtfud lalk/kuksa dks futh frtksjh esa Hkjdj bl ladV dks gy djus dk iz;kl fd;k tk jgk gS] ftlls turk dh Ø; 'kfDr yxkrkj de gksrh tk jgh gS vkSj ladV vlk/; gksrk tk jgk gS A ;g ,d ckj fQj ls js[kkafdr djrk gS fd lkezkT;oknh O;oLFkk O;ogkfjd gS A

1-4       lkezkT;oknh ns'kksa vkSj uo&mifuosf'kd izHkqRo ds ekrgr ns'kksa ds etnwj oxZ vkSj mRihfM+r turk ds da/kksa ij bl fujarj rhoz gksrs ladV ds cks> dks Mkydj vesfjdk ds usr`Ro okys lkezkT;okn vkSj mlds vuqpjksa }kjk dkjiksjsV equkQs dks Nykax yxkdj c<+kus esa enn dh tk jgh gS A muds bl dne dk nqfu;k ds lHkh fgLlksa esa fofHkUu :iksa esa ^^oky LVªhV ij dCtk djks** tSls vkUnksyu vkSj rkuk'kkgh 'kkluksa ds f[kykQ fo'kky tumHkkj ls ysdj Hkkjr esa Hkz"Vkpkj fojks/kh vkUnksyu rd izfrjks/k gks jgk gS A vukt ,oa vU; thouksi;ksxh oLrqvksa dh vkleku Nwrh dherksa] Hkz"Vkpkj] efgykvksa ds oLrqdj.k vkSj ySafxd HksnHkko] i;kZoj.k ,oa lkaLd`frd {kj.k vkSj jktdh; neu ,oa dBksj la?k"kksZa ls gkfly tuoknh vf/kdkjksa ds guu ds f[kykQ nqfu;k Hkj esa gks jgs la?k"kZ vkSj tufonzksg vke ifjn`'; cu x;s gSa A usiky dk tufonzksg <kbZ lkS lky iqjkus jkt'kkgh dks m[kkM+ Qsadus esa lQy jgk gS A mÙkjh vÝhdk vkSj if'pe ,f'k;k esa ;s tufonzksg brus rkdroj Fks fd mlus V~;qfuf'k;k vkSj felz tSls ns'kksa esa n'kdksa ls pyh vk jgh rkuk'kkgh dh tM+kas dks m[klM+ fn;k Fkk A fdUrq rFkkdfFkr okeiaFkh rkdrksa ds oSpkfjd fnokfy;kiu ds dkj.k] ;k la?k"kksZa dks jktuhfrd fn'kk vkSj usr`Ro iznku djus esa l{ke rkdroj dE;qfuLV ikfVZ;ksa ds vHkko ds dkj.k bu ns'kksa esa foÙk iwath ds lkFk fdlh&u&fdlh :i esa tqM+s jgs ^jktuhfrd bLyke* ;k /kkfeZd dêjiaFkh rkdrksa dks fQj ls lÙkk esa vkus esa enn feyh A lkezkT;okn }kjk iwath ds 'kklu ds fo:) nqfu;k dh turk ds izfrjks/k ls fuiVus ds fy, lHkh txg izfrfØ;koknh rkdrksa dks vkxs fd;k tk jgk gS A bl izfØ;k esa og ekStwnk Vdjkoksa dks rst dj jgk gS vkSj u;s Vdjkoksa dks tUe ns jgk gS A vesfjdk ds usr`Ro okys lkezkT;okn us vÝhdk ds dbZ lkjs ns'kksa esa 'kklu O;oLFkk ds fo:) turk esa [kncnkrs vlarks"k dks vkfnoklh xqVksa ds vkilh Vdjko dh fn'kk esa eksM+ fn;k gS A vesfjdk ds usr`Ro okyk lkezkT;okn yhfc;k tSls ns'kksa esa 'kkld cnydj mldh txg vius dBiqryh dks cSBkus esa lQy jgk gS A mØsu esa vesfjdk vkSj ukVks ds gLr{ksi ds pyrs :l ds lkFk vUrj&lkezkT;oknh vUrjfojks/k rh[kk gks x;k gS A vesfjdk vkSj mlds ;wjksih; fe= ns'kksa }kjk lhfj;k esa x`g;q) tSlh fLFkfr fufeZr dh xbZ gS ftlds pyrs ?kksj dêjiaFkh bLykfed LVsV vkWQ bjkd ,.M lhfj;k ¼ISIS½ us flj mBk;k gS A vkt bjkd dks bldk xaHkhj nq"ifj.kke Hkqxruk iM+ jgk gS tks vesfjdk ds dBiqryh f'k;k 'kkldksa }kjk 'kkflr gS A blds QyLo:i lqUuh vkSj f'k;k ds chp x`g;q) yxkrkj rst gksrk tk jgk gS tks ogka ds 'ks"k cps lkekftd rkukckus dks Hkh fNUu&fHkUu djrk tk jgk gS A ;g vesfjdk dks viuh if'pe ,f'k;k j.kuhfr dks fQj ls r; djus ds fy, ck/; dj jgk gS A vesfjdk }kjk lefFkZr btjk;y ds ;gwnhoknh rkdrsa xktk iêh vkSj osLV cSad esa turk dk dRysvke dj jgs gSa A vesfjdk }kjk vQxkfuLrku ls okilh ds Lokax us ogka vkSj Hkh T;knk leL;kvksa dks iSnk fd;k gS A ,d rjQ phu dks vyxko esa Mkyus okyh vkSj tkiku dks fQj ls viuh lsuk cukus dh btktr nsus okyh vesfjdk dh ^,f'k;k dks ?kqjh* cukus dh uhfr vkSj nwljh rjQ phu vkSj :l ds chp u;k j.kuhfrd vkfFkZd o lSfud xBtksM+] ;g iwohZ ;wjksi ds leku gh iwohZ ,f'k;k esa vUrj&lkezkT;oknh Vdjko dks rst dj jgk gS A

1-5       bl chp nf{k.k vesfjdh ns'kksa esa] ftls mUuhloha lnh ls gh vesfjdk ds vkaxu ds :i esa fpf=r fd;k tkrk jgk gS] ogka vesfjdk dh opZLodkjh fLFkfr dkQh detksj gqbZ gS A nf{k.k vesfjdk ds dbZ ns'kksa esa 1980 ds n'kd vkjEHk esa vesfjdk lefFkZr lSfud rkuk'kkgh ds f[kykQ izxfr'khy yksdrkaf=d vkUnksyu mB [kM+k gqvk Fkk A blds i'pkr] 1980 ds vafre o"kksZa esa vUrjjk"Vªh; eqnzk dks"k }kjk Fkksi fn;s x;s <kapkxr lek;kstu dk;ZØeksa ds f[kykQ] ftlus ogka ^^dtZ dk ladV** iSnk dj fn;k Fkk] yxkrkj tu izfrjks/k gksrs jgs] ftls ^^vkbZ,e,Q fojks/kh naxk** dh laKk nh xbZ Fkh A blds vykok] 1990 ds n'kd esa vesfjdk dh lSU; mifLFkfr cuk;s j[kus dks tk;t Bgjkus ds fy, 'khr;q) dk gokyk nsuk Hkh ekU; dkj.k ugha jg x;k Fkk A ;s lc cM+s dkjd Fks ftlus ogka vesfjdk ds n'kdksa yEcs uo&mifuosf'kd j.kuhfr dks pqukSrh nh A urhts esa osustq,yk] cksfyfo;k] fudkjkxqvk] bDokMksj tSls ns'kksa esa jk"Vªoknh vkSj lkezkT;okn&fojks/kh :>ku j[kus okyh dbZ izxfr'khy ljdkjsa lÙkk esa vkbZ gSa tks D;qck ds lkFk feydj isVªksfy;e tSls vko';d izkd`frd lalk/kuksa dk jk"Vªh;dj.k djds vkSj fofHkUu tu dY;k.kdkjh uhfr;ksa dks ykxw djds nf{k.k vesfjdh ns'kksa esa vesfjdk ds gLr{ksi dk izfrjks/k dj jgh gSa A bl fof'k"V ifjfLFkfr esa] tks vesfjdh lkezkT;okn igys gh ladV&xzLr ?kjsyw vFkZO;oLFkk ds cks> ls ynk gS] ftls bjkd vkSj vQxkfuLrku esa ,d ds ckn ,d lSU; eqlhcrksa dk lkeuk djuk iM+k gS] ftlus pknj ls ckgj rd ikao ilkj fy;k gSa vkSj ftlds fy, f}rh; fo'o ;q) ds ckn dkQh ifjJe ls fufeZr uo&mifuosf'kd Hkw&jktuhfrd O;oLFkk dks lEHkky ikuk dBhu gks jgk gS] vkt og nf{k.k vesfjdk esa fd;s x;s vius lSU; fuos'k ds ,d cM+s fgLls dks if'pe ,f'k;k] mÙkjh vÝhdk] ,f'k;k&iz”kkUr {ks= dh vksj vkSj gky esa :l ds lkFk c<+rs Vdjko ds eÌsutj iwohZ ;wjksi dh vksj eksM+us ds fy, ck/; gks x;k gS A

1-6       blds lkFk&lkFk] ,d rjQ rks vU; lkezkT;oknh 'kfDr;ksa ds cjvDl vesfjdk vkfFkZd rkSj ij rqyukRed :i ls detksj gqvk gS] ogha nwljh rjQ phu ,d lkezkT;oknh 'kfDr ds :i esa mHkjdj lkeus vk;k gS vkSj nqfu;k ds nwljs uEcj dh lcls cM+h vFkZO;oLFkk ds :i esa mldh fLFkfr dks lHkh Lohdkj djrs gSa A ;g ,d u;k fodklØe gS A lLrs Je ds vius vikj lzksr ds cy ij phu lLrh etnwjh okys fofuekZ.k gc ds :i esa mHkjk gS A og vius fy, fu;kZr ds cktkj vkSj dPps eky ds lzksrksa dks rjk'kus esa lQy jgk gS vkSj mlus ,f'k;k] iz'kkar ,oa vÝhdk esa viuk uo&mifuosf'kd izHkko {ks= dk;e fd;k gS A bl dkj.k phu ds ukSdj'kkg jktdh; btkjsnkj iwathokn dk vU; lkezkT;oknh 'kfDr;ksa ds lkFk] fo'ks"k :i ls vesfjdk vkSj tkiku ds lkFk Vdjko c<+k gS A vkt nqfu;k esa phu dk lcls cM+s fu;kZrd ds :i esa LFkku gS A vesfjdk ds lkFk mldk c<+rk O;kikj vf/k'ks"k bruk T;knk gks x;k gS fd ;g vFkZ'kkL= ds fyf[kr bfrgkl esa lcls Åaps Lrj ij igqap x;k gS A blls vesfjdk dh eqnzk Mkyj ij voewY;u dk ncko iM+ jgk gS A lkFk gh] viuh uo&mifuosf'kd egRokdka{kk ds eÌsutj] phu viuh lsukvksa dks lqn`<+ cuk jgk gS ftlds dkj.k tkiku ds lkFk mldk Vdjko c<+ jgk gS A vkSj lcls cM+h ckr gS fczDl lewg ¼czkthy] :l] Hkkjr] phu vkSj nf{k.k vÝhdk ds lewg½ esa phu dh usr`Rodkjh Hkwfedk A bu ckrksa us lkezkT;oknh 'kfDr;ksa dh vkilh izfr}fU}rk esa u;k vk;ke tksM+ fn;k gS A vesfjdk }kjk tkiku ds lkFk feydj phu ds f[kykQ dh tk jgh viuh lkft'kksa esa Hkkjr dks] tks bl vapy esa mlds tqfu;j ikVZujksa esa ,d gS] ,oa vU; ns'kksa dks 'kkfey djus dk iz;kl fd;k tk jgk gS A blls lEiw.kZ nf{k.k ,f'k;k vkSj iwoZ ,f'k;k Vdjko&xzLr {ks= esa rCnhy gksrk tk jgk gS A gkykafd uo&mifuosf'kd O;oLFkk ds vxz.kh lkezkT;oknh f[kykM+h ds :i esa vkt Hkh lHkh txg vesfjdk dh izR;{k ;k ijks{k Hkkxhnkjh utj vkrh gS] fdUrq lkezkT;oknh O;oLFkk ds vUnj rqyukRed Qsjcny vk tkus ds dkj.k 'khr&;q) ds ckn tks nqfu;k vesfjdk ds izHkqRodkjh Hkwfedk ds lkFk ,d&/kqzoh; gks xbZ Fkh] vkt og cgq&/kqzoh; gksrh tk jgh gS vkSj lkezkT;oknh 'kfDr;ksa dk vkilh vUrjfojks/k rhoz gks jgk gS A

1-7       bu lcds ifj.kkeLo:i] fo'o Lrj ij lHkh izeq[k vUrjfojks/k lkezkT;okn vkSj mRihfM+r turk ,oa jk"Vªksa ds chp vUrjfojks/k] iwath vkSj Je ds chp vUrjfojks/k] lkezkT;okn vkSj lektoknh rkdrksa ds chp vUrjfojks/k rFkk lkezkT;oknh ns'kkas ,oa btkjsnkj xqVksa dk vkil esa vUrjfojks/k  vf}rh; :i ls rst gks x;s gSa A blds vykok] vkt izd`fr dh ywV foÙk iwath }kjk lap; dk ,d izeq[k tfj;k cu x;k gS A foÙk iwath ds vUrjjk"Vªh; Lo:i xzg.k djrs tkus ds dkj.k vkt ekuotkfr i;kZoj.k dh foink dk ml Lrj ij lkeuk dj jgk gS tks mlds fy, vc rd vutkuk Fkk A QyLo:i] nqfu;k esa turk dk vius vkokl LFkyksa ls foLFkkiu ds f[kykQ rst gksrk izfrjks/k vkSj Åij ls Fkksih xbZ vkinkvksa] tSls fd rkts ikuh ds vHkko] catj gksrh tehu] ouksa ds fouk'k] jlk;uhd iznw"k.k vkSj lcls c<+dj ijek.kq m|ksx }kjk QSyk;s tk jgs jsfM;ks&,fDVo iznw"k.k ds f[kykQ vkUnksyu] ftudk dkjiksjsV iwath dh fgUld ywV ds lkFk vfHkUu laca/k gS] ;s lHkh vkt oxZ la?k"kZ ds ,d izeq[k j.k{ks= cu x;s gSa A blfy,] mijksDr pkj izeq[k vUrjfojks/kksa ds lkFk gh iwath vkSj izd`fr ds chp vUrjfojks/k ikapoka izeq[k vUrjfojks/k cu x;k gS rFkk vU; pkj ds lkFk&lkFk bl vUrjfojks/k dk lek/kku djuk Hkh vUrjjk"Vªh; loZgkjk dk ,d izeq[k dk;ZHkkj gks x;k gS A

1-8       vUrjjk’Vªh; Lrj ij ,d&/kqzoh; nqfu;k dh txg cgq&/kqzoh; nqfu;k lkeus vk;h gS A lkezkT;oknh rkdrksa ds chp vUrjfojks/k rh[kk gks x;k gS A ,d rjQ lkezkT;okn] fo”ks’k :i ls vesfjdh lkezkT;okn vkSj nwljh rjQ mRihfM+r jk’Vªksa ,oa turk ds chp vUrjfojks/k Hkh rh[kk gks x;k gS A iwath vkSj Je ds chp vUrjfojks/k Hkh rh[kk gks x;k gS A rFkkfi] vkt Hkh “kfDr dk larqyu lkezkT;okn vkSj izfrfØ;kokfn;ksa ds i{k esa vkSj fo”o turk ds fojks/k esa >qdk gqvk gS A if”peh gok vc Hkh iwohZ gok ij gkoh gS A bl ifjfLFkfr esa ,d vkSj fo”o ;q) dh lEHkkouk cuh gqbZ gS] gkykafd bls jksdus okys dkjd Hkh ekStwn gSa A pwafd lkezkT;okn }kjk vuojr :i ls tkjh iwathoknh ladV ds cks> dks turk ds da/kksa ij Mkydj iwathoknh lap; dh izfØ;k dks vkxs ys tk;k tk jgk gS] blfy, mls dM+s izfrjks/k dk lkeuk djuk iM+ jgk gS vkSj gky ds o"kksZa esa ÝkUl] Lisu] xzhl vkSj fczVsu tSls ns'kksa esa etnwj la?k"kksaZ dks rst gksrs ns[kk x;k gS A Hkkjr tSls ns'kksa esa] gkykafd jktuhfrd usr`Ro detksj gS] fQj Hkh etnwj oxZ vke gM+rkyksa esa Hkkx ysus ds fy, vkxs vk jgk gS A blesa dksbZ 'kd ugha gS fd vkfFkZd ladV tSls&tSls rhoz gksxk vkSj 'kkld oxZ tSls&tSls osru vkSj tuoknh vf/kdkjksa esa dVkSrh dj etnwj oxZ vkSj mRihfM+r turk ij igys ls T;knk Hkkjh cks> Mkyus dk iz;kl djsxk vkSj lkFk gh izd`fr ds fueZe ywV dk lgkjk ysxk] oSls&oSls ;s mHkjrs la?k"kZ vkSj T;knk rhoz gksrs tk;saxs A

1-9       bl i`"BHkwfe esa] teZuh dh ekDlZoknh&ysfuuoknh ikVhZ ¼MLPD½ ds lkFk feydj Hkkdik¼ekys½ jsM LVkj dh igy ij vDVwcj 2010 esa vkbZdksj ¼Økafrdkjh ikfVZ;ksa ,oa laxBuksa dk vUrjjk"Vªh; leUo;½ dh LFkkiuk us ekDlZoknh& ysfuuoknh ,oa Økafrdkjh ikfVZ;ksa ds fy, nqfu;k dh ekStwnk ifjfLFkfr esa Økafrdkjh dk;ZHkkj dks vkxs ys tkus ds fy, vuqdwy gkykrksa dk fuekZ.k fd;k gS A vkbZdksj ds usr`Ro esa vUrjkZ"Vªh; vk;ke ds lkFk etnwjksa] fdlkuksa vkSj efgykvksa dks laxfBr djus rFkk i;kZoj.k laj{k.k vkSj ijek.kq&fojks/kh vkUnksyu [kM+k djus ds fy, mYys[kuh; dne mBk;s x;s gSa A ;g nkok djrs gq, fd ^^iwathokn ds ikl nqfu;k ds etnwjksa vkSj O;kid turk dks nsus ds fy, dksbZ Hkfo"; ugha gS**] vkbZdksj ds LFkkiuk nLrkost esa dgk x;k gS fd %

  ^^vkbZdksj dh LFkkiuk ds ihNs ;g le> dke dj jgh gS fd vR;Ur laxfBr] fo'o Lrj ij ijLij tqM+h vUrjjk"Vªh; foÙkh; iwath vkSj bldh lkezkT;oknh fo'o O;oLFkk dk ,d u;s pht ls eqdkcyk djus ds fy, ljgnksa ls ijs O;ogkfjd xfrfof/k;ksa ds ijLij leUo; ,oa lg;ksx ds ,d u;s pj.k esa vUrjkZ"Vªh; ØkfUrdkjh o etnwj oxhZ; vkUnksyu vkSj O;kid turk dh laxfBr rkdr ls eqdkcyk djus ds fy, le; ifjiDo gks x;k gS A

  ^^viuh uo&mifuosf'kd O;oLFkk ds lkFk lkezkT;okn dsoy ladV izo.krk dks c<+kdj gh vkxs viuk vfLrRo cuk;s j[k ldrk gS A blus ekuotkfr ds vfLrRo ij gh ukVdh; <ax ls iz'ufpUg [kM+k dj fn;k gS A 2008 ds oSf'od vkfFkZd o foÙkh; ladV] mRiknu vkSj iqu:Riknu dh iwathoknh O;oLFkk ds <kapkxr ladV] dtZ ds ladV] oSf'od i;kZoj.k ladV] loZgkjk vkSj O;kid turk ds chp ifjokj dh c<+rh vuqifLFkfr vkSj jktuhfrd ladVksa esa rks bldh vfHkO;fDr gqbZ gh gS] lkFk gh ;q) ds c<+rs vUrjjk"Vªh; [krjs] rst gksrs lkezkT;oknh vkØe.kksa rFkk lkezkT;okn dk izfrfØ;kokn vkSj Qklhokn dh vksj c<+rs vke :>ku esa Hkh ;g vfHkO;Dr gks jgk gS A**

1-10      izFke] f}rh; vkSj r`rh; vUrjjk"Vªh; tSls laxBu ds vUrjjk"Vªh; Lo:iksa ds ,sfrgkfld mnkgj.kksa ds le`) vuqHkoksa ds vk/kkj ij vkbZdksj dh LFkkiuk ekDlZoknh&ysfuuoknh rkdrksa }kjk xyr izo`fr;ksa ds f[kykQ rhu n'kd ls T;knk yEcs le; rd fd;s x;s la?k"kZ dk ifj.kke gS A ;g fo'o dE;qfuLV vkUnksyu esa oSpkfjd la?k"kZ dks xgjkbZ esa ys tkus dh fn'kk esa igyk dne gS rkfd ysfuu ds usr`Ro esa dE;qfuLV vUrjjk"Vªh; }kjk is'k vke fn'kk vkSj egku cgl ds nkSjku ekvks Rls rqax ds usr`Ro esa phu dh dE;qfuLV ikVhZ }kjk is'k fo'o dE;qfuLV vkUnksyu dh vke fn'kk ls lacaf/kr izLrko dh dM+h esa vkt dh Bksl ifjfLFkfr;ksa ds vuq:i fo'o loZgkjk lektoknh Økafr dh vke fn'kk dk fodkl fd;k tk lds A vizSy 2014 esa vkbZdksj ds f}rh; fo'o lEesyu ds lQy vk;kstu dh dM+h esa gekjk ;g drZO; gS fd ge vkbZdksj ds dk;ZHkkjksa dks vkxs ys tk;as D;ksafd Bksl vUrjjk"Vªh; ifjfLFkfr us bls t:jh cuk fn;k gS A

jk"Vªh; ifjfLFkfr

2-1       Hkkjr esa lksygoha yksd lHkk dk pquko ,sls le; esa gqvk tc gekjh ikVhZ ds ukSosa egkf/kos'ku ds ckn foxr rhu o"kksZa ds nkSjku laizx ljdkj }kjk mu uo&mnkjoknh uhfr;ksa ij T;knk rsth ls vye fd;k x;k ftls eueksguh vFkZ'kkL= dk miuke fn;k x;k gS A blds pyrs egaxkbZ] csjkstxkjh] Hkz"Vkpkj] foLFkkiu] i;kZoj.k dk fouk'k] vkthfodk ds lk/kuksa dk gj.k] vkfn [krjukd <ax ls c<+ xbZ Fkh vkSj ns'k ds dksus&dksus esa vf}rh; tukØks'k iSnk gqvk Fkk A oke&tuoknh tu fodYi ds vHkko esa] laizx ds jkt esa ftl dkjiksjsV iwath us lcls vf/kd Qk;nk mBk;k Fkk mUgha ds leFkZu ls vkSj lkFk esa vkj,l,l dh vxqokbZ esa fgUnqRooknh rkdrksa dh oSpkfjd o lkaxBfud enn ls] muds }kjk fufeZr ^lkaLd`frd jk"Vªokn*  ds okrkoj.k esa] Hkktik us [kqn dks lÙkk dh dqlhZ esa cSBkus ds fy, bl tu vkØks'k dks lQyrkiwoZd Hkquk;k] vkSj mlus bl izdkj ns'k esa ,d [krjukd ifjfLFkfr iSnk dj nh gS A

2-2       dkaxzsl ds usr`Ro okyh laizx ljdkj us vius nl lky ds 'kkludky ds nkSjku vesfjdh lkezkT;okn ds lkFk j.kuhfrd xBtksM+ ds uke ij mlds oSf'od tksM+rksM+ dk leFkZu djrs gq, ;k mlds lkFk lk>snkjh dh uhfr ij pyrs gq, Hkkjr dh fons'k uhfr ls tqM+s ldkjkRed rRoksa dks Hkh [kRe djuk 'kq# dj fn;k Fkk A vesfjdh lkezkT;okn dh ^vkradokn ls ;q)* uhfr esa mlds nqe ls fpids jg dj laizx ljdkj us if'pe ,f'k;k ds ns'kksa ds lkFk Hkkjr ds vc rd ds nksLrkuk fj'rksa dks [kjkc dj fn;k Fkk A vesfjdk ds ncko esa bjku&ikfdLrku&Hkkjr xSl ikbi ykbu ifj;kstuk dks jn~n djus ls u dsoy jk"Vªh; fgrksa dks {kfr gqbZ Fkh] cfYd bjku ds lkFk n'kdksa yEcs vPNs lEcU/k Hkh [kjkc gks x;s Fks A lkdZ ns'kksa ds lkFk Hkh ;gh gqvk A Hkkjr&ikd fj'rksa ds ekeys esa ?kVukØe nksuksa ns'kksa dh turk dh vkdka{kkvksa dks iwjk djus ds ctk;] mu vL=&'kL= fuekZrk cgqjk"Vªh; dEifu;ksa vkSj gfFk;kjksa ds lkSnkxjksa ds LokFkkZsa ls funsZf'kr gks jgk Fkk tks Hkkjr vkSj ikfdLrku nksuksa gh ns'kksa dks vius iqjkus gfFk;kjksa dks [kikus ds fy, Qyrs&Qwyrs cktkj ds :i esa ns[krs gSa A vius iM+ksfl;ksa ds lkFk ns'k dks vyx&Fkyx djus esa Hkkjrh; 'kkld oxksZa dh cM+s HkkbZ tSls joS¸;s dh cM+h Hkwfedk jgh gS A bl lkezkT;okn&ijLr fons'k uhfr dh dM+h esa] vUrjjk"Vªh; eqnzk dks"k&fo'o cSad&fo'o O;kikj laxBu ¼IMF-WB-WTO½ dh lHkh 'krksZa dks ykxw djds] Hkkjr&vesfjdk ijek.kq laf/k o vesfjdk&Hkkjr d`f"k rduhdh igy tSls le>kSrs djds rFkk ;wjksih; la?k ,oa tkiku tSls vU; lkezkT;oknh 'kfDr;ksa ds lkFk ,d ij ,d vkfFkZd ,oa O;kikfjd djkj djds vkSj lcls c<+dj fons'kh laLFkkxr fuos'k ¼FII½ o fons'kh izR;{k fuos'k ¼FDI½ ds ek/;e ls vUrjjk"Vªh; foÙk iwath ds vck/k ?kqliSB ds fy, Hkkjr ds njokts dks [kksydj eueksgu ljdkj us ladV&xzLr lkezkT;oknh vFkZO;oLFkk ds lkFk Hkkjrh; vFkZO;oLFkk ds iw.kZ ,dhdj.k dh izfØ;k dks vkxs c<+k;k Fkk A bldk ifj.kke ;g gqvk fd foxr ,d n'kd ds nkSjku Hkwe.Myhdj.k] mnkjhdj.k vkSj futhdj.k dh uhfr;kas ij vey yxkrkj rst gksrk x;k Fkk A

2-3       bldk ifj.kke ;g gqvk fd d`f"k] m|ksx] foÙk] fons'k O;kikj vkSj eqnzk {ks= esa fu;eksa esa O;kid <hy nh xbZ vkSj mnkjhdj.k fd;k x;k] VSDl rFkk Je ,oa vkS|ksfxd lEcU/kksa dk mnkjhdj.k fd;k x;k vkSj u;s <kaps esa <kyk x;k vkSj lcls c<+dj lkekftd dY;k.k ds en esa vkfFkZd [kpZ esa dVkSrh dh xbZ vkSj ljdkj blls vius dne ihNs [khaprs xbZ A vkt uo&mnkjokn vkSj eqnzkokn ds n'kZu }kjk lefFkZr jktlÙkk dk pfj= gh cny x;k gS A tgka igys jktlÙkk vkfFkZd xfrfof/k;ksa ds ^^vkjEHkdrkZ** dh dhUloknh Hkwfedk esa gksrh Fkh] vc vc lHkh {ks=ksa esa dkjiksjsV izHkqRo dk;e djus ds fy, ^^fcpkSfy;s** dh Hkwfedk esa vk xbZ gS A vkbZ,e,Q&fo'o cSad&fo'o O;kikj laxBu }kjk Fkksi nh xbZ 'krsZa orZeku le; esa gks jgs uo&mnkjoknh geyksa dk lkj gS A bUgha 'krksZa ds pyrs iwoZorhZ dY;k.kdkjh jkT; dh Hkwfedk de gksrs xbZ gS vkSj og [kqn dks lesVrs x;k gS A [kk|kUu] vkokl] f'k{kk vkSj fpfdRlk ls lEcfU/kr lkekftd dY;k.k ds [kpksZa esa dVkSrh gksrs xbZ gS A mRihfM+r vkSj detksj rcdksa ds fy, fd;s x;s fo'ks"k izko/kkuksa dks [kRe dj fn;k x;k gS A [kk|kUu lesr lHkh jktdh; vuqnkuksa dks lekIr dj fn;k x;k gS A leFkZu ewY; ,oa ljdkjh [kjhn dk;ZØeksa dks jksd fn;k x;k gS A lkoZtfud {ks= ds miØeksa dks cUn dj fn;k x;k gS vkSj ykHkizn bdkb;ksa esa dkSfM+;ksa ds Hkko fofuos'k fd;k x;k gS A ifCyd&izkbosV&ikVZuj'khi ¼futh&lkoZtfud&Hkkxhnkjh] ;k ihihih½ vkSj cukvks&pykvks&lkSaiks ¼chvksVh½ Ldhe tSls tqeyksa dh vkM+ esa vk/kkjHkwr lajpuk] lkoZtfud lsokvksa vkSj lkekftd enksa dk iquxZBu fd;k x;k gS vkSj buds uke ij Vksy dysD'ku ;k rjg&rjg ds miHkksx 'kqYd yxkdj futh {ks= ds fy, vikj lEink bdëk djus dk jkLrk cuk;k x;k gS A O;kikj] cSad vkSj foÙk cktkj dks mnkj cuk;k x;k gS A dj iz.kkyh dks mnkj fd;k x;k gS A osru tke vkSj gM+rky&fojks/kh dkuwu lesr Je cktkj dk mnkjhdj.k fd;k x;k gS A vkSj lcls c<+dj cgqjk"Vªh; dEifu;ksa ds vkokxeu dks eqDr dj fn;k x;k gS A vdsys o"kZ 2006 ls 2014 ds chp gh] dkjiksjsV VSDl esa djhc iSarhl yk[k djksM+ #i, dh NwV nh xbZ gS !

2-4       rFkkdfFkr ^f}rh; gfjr Økafr* ds tfj, d`f"k {ks= foÙk iwath ds ?kqliSB vkSj dkjiksjsVhdj.k dk cqjh rjg f'kdkj gqvk gS A blus Hkkjr ds d`f"k vkSj i;kZoj.k ladV esa ,d u;k vk;ke tksM+ fn;k gS ftls ^izFke gfjr Økafr* us igys gh cqjh fLFkfr esa igqapk fn;k Fkk A tgka ,d vksj fo'ks"k vkfFkZd {ks= ¼lst½] uo fofuekZ.k ,oa vkS|ksfxd {ks=] i;ZVu tksu] Vkmu'khi] baMLVªh;y dkWfjMksj tSlh fofHkUu uo&mifuosf'kd ifj;kstukvksa ds uke ij dkjiksjsV }kjk Hkwfe gM+ih tk jgh gS vkSj ogha nwljh vksj dkjiksjsV [ksrh ds uke ij ,xzh&fcftusl dEifu;ksa ds gkFkksa fo'kky Hkw[k.Mksa dks lkSaik tk jgk gS ftlls fdlku xjhc vkSj Hkwfeghu gksrs tk jgs gSa A dkjiksjsVhdj.k dh jkg lqxe cukus ds fy, ekStwnk Hkwfe gncanh dkuwuksa ¼yS.M flfyax ,DV½ dks [kRe fd;k tk jgk gS ftlds pyrs fdlkuksa dk cM+s iSekus ij foLFkkiu gks jgk gS A bldk urhtk gS fd ekuotkfr ds ntZ bfrgkl esa vHkwriwoZ vkarfjd iyk;u gqvk gS A foLFkkfir Hkwfeghu fdlku cM+h rknkn esa ns'k ds 'kgjh dsUnzksa esa >qXxhokfl;ksa dh drkj esa 'kkfey gks jgs gSa A

2-5       ldy ?kjsyw mRikn ¼thMhih½ esa ;ksxnku ds fygkt ls] foxr dbZ o"kksZa ds nkSjku vkS|ksfxd {ks= dekscs'k Bgjko dh voLFkk esa gS A fofuekZ.k m|ksx ds dbZ {ks=ksa esa iquxZBu ds uke ls iqdkjh tkus okyh izfØ;k 'kq: gqbZ gS vkSj blds QyLo:i jkstxkjghurk c<+ jgh gS A Åij ls Fkksi fn;k x;k fu;kZrksUeq[kh m|ksxhdj.k] ftlds pyrs twV tSls fu;kZr ij vk/kkfjr vusd ?kjsyw m|ksx [kRe gks x;s gSa] eq[;r% lLrs Je ij vk/kkfjr gS A ftrus Hkh u;s jkstxkj dk l`tu gks jgk gS og vukSipkfjd ;k vlaxfBr {ks= esa gS tgka jkstxkj dh lqj{kk fcYdqy Hkh ugha gS A vesfjdk vkSj ;wjksih; la?k esa Nk;s vkfFkZd ladV dh otg ls] tks Hkkjr ds izeq[k fu;kZr cktkj gSa] ,sls vusd ^mn;heku* ¼lujkbt½ m|ksx vkt cUn gksus ds dxkj ij gSa tks Hkwe.Myhdj.k ds vkjfEHkd nkSj esa mHkjs Fks A lwpuk izkS|ksfxdh {ks= ¼vkbZVh lsDVj½ dk vkmVlksflZax cqycqyk] tks lkezkT;oknh ns'kksa esa foÙkh; mNky ij iwjh rjg fuHkZj jgk gS] og Hkh QwVus yxk gS A fofuos'k ds tfj, lkoZtfud {ks= ds j.kuhfrd miØeksa dk ekfydkuk futh {ks= ds gkFkksa lkSaius ls rFkk fjyk;al tSls cM+s dkjiksjsV ?kjkuksa ds gkFkksa ns'k ds [kfut ,oa isVªksfy;e lalk/kuksa dks cspus ls iqu% lajpuk vkSj jkstxkghurk dh izfØ;k T;knk rst gks xbZ gS A ldy ?kjsyw mRikn ¼thMhih½ esa etnwjh dk fgLlk] tks mnkjhdj.k ds igys ds nkSj esa vkSlru 35 izfr'kr ds vklikl gqvk djrk Fkk] eueksgu ljdkj ds vkf[kjh fnuksa esa ?kVdj 20 izfr'kr ls de jgk x;k gS] tks etnwj oxZ dh vkenuh vkSj muds thouLrj eas vke rkSj ij vk jgs fxjkoV dk ladsr gS A

2-6       foÙkh; iwath ds vius [kkl pfj= ds vuq:i] dkjiksjsV cgqjk"Vªh; dEifu;ka vkSj muds Hkkjrh; tqfu;j ikVZuj mRiknu ds {ks= ls gVdj rsth ls lêsckth dh vksj dne c<+k jgs gSa ftlesa Hkw&ifjlEink] foÙk] O;kikj ,oa iSlk&drkbZ ds vU; dkjksckj 'kkfey gSa A lêk iwath us ekuo thou ds izR;sd igyw dks tSls fd tehu] [kk|kUu] nok] f'k{kk] bZa/ku] vkfn dks ,deq'r lêsckth dk f'kdkj cuk fy;k gS A vFkZO;oLFkk esa yxHkx 60 izfr'kr dh fgLlsnkjh djus okys lsok {ks= esa Qwyrs&Qyrs lêk dkjksckj dk ykHk lekt ds Åijh rcds ds eqëhHkj yksx giM+ ys jgs gSa A vfr&yksHk ls izsfjr loZxzklh Hkz"Vkpkj ds lkFk&lkFk] dkjiksjsV iwath }kjk jktuhfrd&vQlj'kkgh ra= ds lkFk feyhHkxr djds ty] taxy vkSj izkd`frd ,oa [kftu lalk/kuksa lesr izd`fr dk vf}rh; iSekus ij nksgu fd;k tk jgk gS] ftlds dkj.k ns'k esa ewyfuoklh vkfnokfl;ksa lesr fdlkuksa dk vius vkokl LFkyksa ls cM+s Lrj ij foLFkkiu gks jgk gS vkSj i;kZoj.k dk vHkwriwoZ fouk'k gks jgk gS A

2-7       d`f"k ds dkjiksjsVhdj.k vkSj vukS|ksxhdj.k ds lkFk&lkFk Hkwe.Myhdj.k ds rgr 'kq# gqbZ lêsckth us lHkh thouksi;ksxh oLrqvksa vkSj lsokvksa dh dherksa dks vkleku ij igqapk fn;k gS A blesa vukt] bZa/ku] LokLF; lsok] f'k{kk vkfn 'kkfey gSa A blus O;kid tu leqnk; dks Hk;kog xjhch vkSj fu/kZurk dh vksj /kdsy fn;k gS A ;fn vUrjjk"Vªh; xjhch js[kk ds vuqlkj 2 Mkyj izfrfnu ¼yxHkx 120 #i,½ dh vkenuh dks Hkkjr esa xjhch ekius ds ekin.M ds crkSj Lohdkj fd;k tk;s rks vkt Hkkjr dh 70 izfr'kr ¼;k 75 djksM+½ ls T;knk vkcknh dks csgn xjhc dh Js.kh eas j[kuk iM+sxk A bl lanHkZ esa] laizx 'kklu ds vkf[kjh fnuksa esa cgqizpkfjr [kk| lqj{kk dkuwu dks ykxw fd;k tkuk vk¡[kksa esa /kwy >ksadus tSlk gS] D;kasfd blds rgr dsoy 25 djksM+ Hkkjrh; yksxksa dh gh igpku xjhc ds :i esa dh xbZ gS ftudh U;wure dSyksjh ¼Hkkstu½ dh t:jr dks djhc <sM+ yk[k djksM+ #i, ds vkadfyr ykxr ls iwjk fd;k tk;sxk] tcfd eqëhHkj lEiUu dkjiksjsV ?kjkuksa dks vkSlru lkykuk djhc ikap yk[k djksM+ #i, dh VSDl fj;k;r nh tk jgh gS A ,d rjQ 'ks;j cktkj] eqnzk cktkj ,oa iSlk&drkbZ ds vU; {ks=ksa esa iwjh rjg lêsckt fons'kh laLFkkxr fuos'k ¼FII½ ds Lokxr esa yky dkyhu fcNkuk vkSj nwljh rjQ j{kk ,oa chek tSls lHkh j.kuhfrd {ks=ksa dks izR;{k fons'kh fuos'k ¼FDI½ ds fy, [kksyuk vkSj equkQs dks mnkjrk ls vius ns'k okil ys tkus dh vuqefr nsuk] ;s dne turk ds lkeus vHkwriwoZ pqukSrh gSa A blds vykok f'k{kk] LokLF; vkSj vkokl dk futhdj.k ,oa cktkjhdj.k] ikuh vkSj fctyh dk futhdj.k] isVªksfy;e inkFkksZa ds fy, iz'kkldh; ewY; fu/kkZj.k ra= dk [kkRek] [kqnjk O;kikj dks izR;{k fons'kh fuos'k ¼,QMhvkbZ½ ds [kksyuk tks d`f"k ds ckn turk dh vkthfodk dk nwljk lcls cM+k {ks= gS] vukt ,oa vU; vko';d oLrqvksa ds ok;nk dkjksckj ¼¶;wpj VsªfMax½ dh vuqefr nsuk] ns'k ds eRL; {ks= dks cgqjk"Vªh; dEifu;ksa vkSj xgjs leqnz esa eNyh idM+us okys tkyhnkj tgkt ds ekfydksa ds gkFkksa cspuk ftldk eNqvkjk leqnk; ij fouk'kdkjh izHkko gks jgk gS] vkSj etnwjksa ds lHkh tuoknh vf/kdkjksa ij dqBkjk?kkr] vkfn us tu leqnk; dks [krjukd xfr ls daxky fd;k gS A blds lkFk gh] turk ds f[kykQ uo&mnkjoknh ,ts.Mk dks ykxw djus ds fy, dkjiksjsV&ukSdj'kkg&jktusrk xBtksM+ ds chp gksus okys lkSnksa us Hkkjr dks nqfu;k ds lcls Hkz"Vre ns'kksa dh lwfp esa Mky fn;k gS A bl ywV dks fLol cSad tSls VSDl pksjksa ds fons'kh LoxksZa rd igqapkus ds fy, ekStwnk 'kklu ra= Lo;a ,d laokgd dk dke dj jgk gS A blds dkj.k ns'k esa ?kksVkyksa vkSj Hkz"Vkpkj ds f[kykQ turk dk vlarks"k c<+ jgk gS A

2-8       uo&mnkjoknh jkt esa ykxw dh tk jgh izfrfØ;koknh uhfr;ksa ds f[kykQ lM+dksa ij mrj jgh turk ij geys dk yxkrkj rst gksrs tkuk bl uo&mnkjoknh ,ts.Ms dk gh urhtk gS A ns'k esa lSU;hdj.k dk foLrkj] tSlk fd tEew&d'ehj vkSj iwoksZÙkj jkT;ksa esa ns[kk x;k Fkk] vc ekvksoknh xfrfof/k;ksa dk eqdkcyk djus ds cgkus NÙkhlx<+ tSls jkT;ksa esa Hkh gks x;k gS tgka lsuk dks rSukr fd;k fd;k tk pqdk gS vkSj bldh dkjZokb;ksa dk [kfut lEiUu lEiw.kZ e/; Hkkjr esa foLrkj gksus dk [krjk gS tgka vkcknh dk cM+k fgLlk vkfnokfl;ksa dk gS A l'kL= cy fo'ks"k 'kfDr;ka dkuwu ¼vk¶lik½ vkSj xSj&dkuwuh xfrfof/k fujks/kd dkuwu ¼;w,ih,½ tSls dkys dkuwuksa dk euekuk bLrseky fd;k x;k gS vkSj turk dks cqfu;knh ukxfjd vf/kdkjksa ls oafpr djus ds fy, u;s&u;s dkuwu cuk;s tk jgs gSa A lkezkT;okn vkSj Hkkjrh; jktlÙkk tks uo&mnkjokn ds iqNYys ds :i esa vkSj turk ds vlarks"k dks xSj&jktuhfrd jkLrs esa eksM+us ds fy, fofHkUu Qf.Mx ,tsfUl;ksa vkSj ,uthvks usVodZ dks izJ; nsrs gSa] os vkt foLFkkiu] i;kZoj.k fouk'k] jktdh; neu vkfn ds f[kykQ gks jgs tu vkUnksyuksa dks dqpyus ds fy, ,uthvks vkSj ekvksoknh gkSOos dk [kqydj bLrseky dj jgs gSa A

2-9       dkaxzsl ds usr`Ro okys laizx ds f[kykQ tu fodYi ds vHkko esa] Hkktik blds fo:) mHkjs tukØks'k dk ykHk mBkus esa dke;kc jgh gS A cM+s dkjiksjsV ?kjkuksa ls feys Hkkjh Q.M vkSj muds }kjk fu;af=r eq[;/kkjk dh ehfM;k dh enn ls] dsoy 31 izfr'kr oksV ikus ds ckotwn] Hkktik us 16oha yksdlHkk esa iw.kZ cgqer ik fy;k A eksnh ljdkj dk lÙkkjksg.k rFkk vkj,l,l dk ,ts.Mk [kqydj lkeus vkus dk [krjk crkrk gS fd mu uo&mnkj uhfr;ksa us Li"Vr% ?kksj&nf{k.kiaFkh eksM+ ys fy;k gS ftls 1990 ds vkjEHk ls lHkh ljdkjsa ykxw djrs vkbZ gSa vkSj ftls laizx ds nl o"kZ ds 'kkludky esa eueksguh vFkZ'kkL= ds :i esa rsth ls ykxw fd;k x;k Fkk A tgka bl pquko esa dkaxzsl lesr laizx ¼;wih,½ ds lHkh ?kVd nyksa dk lQk;k gks x;k] ogha jktx ¼,uMh,½ esa 'kkfey nyksa ds lkFk&lkFk rfeyukMw esa vUuknzeqd] if'pe caxky esa r`.kewy dkaxszl] vksfM+lk esa chtw turk ny ¼chtn½ vkSj rsyaxkuk esa Vhvkj,l tSls {ks=h; nyksa us Hkh] pquko esa mYys[kuh; thr gkfly dh] ftUgksaus dkaxszl fojks/kh :[k viuk;k Fkk A ysfdu os lHkh uo&mnkjoknh vFkZuhfr dk vuq'kj.k dj jgs gSa vkSj ;s ny [kqn viuk oksV cSad lqfuf'pr djus ds fy, lkEiznkf;d rq"Vhdj.k] tkfrokn vkSj va/k&jk"Vªokn ij fuHkZj gSa A ekdik ds usr`Ro okyk oke ekspkZ] tks ekDlZoknh&ysfuuoknh jkLrs dks R;kx pqdk gS vkSj og tgka Hkh lÙkk esa vk;k gS ogka mlus uo&mnkj uhfr;ksa dks ykxw fd;k gS] mls vius bfrgkl esa vc rd dk lcls djkjk /kDdk yxk gS A if'pe caxky esa vkSj dqN gn rd dsjy esa oke ekspkZ ds er izfr'kr esa tks Hkh deh vkbZ gS og Hkktik dh >ksyh esa x;k gS A ;g vf[ky Hkkjrh; :>ku ds leku gh] bu jkT;ksa dh jktuhfr esa rh[ks nf{k.kiaFkh eksM+ dk ladsr ns jgk gS A ns'k esa mHkj jgk ;g ?kksj&nf{k.kiaFk dk [krjk ml vUrjjk"Vªh; ifjfLFkfr ds gh vuq:i gS tgka Økafrdkjh okeiaFk ds detksj gksus ls vUrjjk"Vªh; foÙk iwath ds ekStwnk rh[ks ladV ls mcjus ds fy, lkezkT;oknh rkdrksa vkSj mlds vuqpjksa }kjk ?kksj nf{k.kiaFkh vkSj Qklhoknh :>kuksa dks izJ; fn;k tk jgk gS A

2-10      eksnh ds lÙkkjksg.k dks vfuok;Zr% vkØed fgUnw lkEiznkf;drk ds mHkkj ds crkSj fpf=r fd;k x;k gS] tks dbZ lkjs naxksa] /kekZUrj.k dh eqfge] laLd`fr o foKku ds jgL;e; ^fgUnwdj.k*] fgUnw jk’Vª ds fy, tksjnkj vkOgku] ukFkwjke xksMls dks vkn”kZ cukus vkSj bl izdkj dh ckrksa esa izfrfcfEcr gksrk gS A vkj-,l-,l-] ctjax ny] vkfn }kjk [kqydj lkEiznkf;d /kqzohdj.k fd;s tkus ds dke dks eksnh vkSj mlds iz”kklu dk ekSu leFkZu fey jgk gS A Hkktik ds fo/kk;d vkSj lkaln [kqys rkSj ij lkEiznkf;d c;ku nsuk vkSj ruko dks gok nsuk tkjh j[ks gq, gSa A bu lcds lkFk&lkFk eueksgu flag dh uhfr;ksa dks fu"Bqjrk ls ykxw fd;k tk jgk gS ftldh vfHkO;fDr ^^U;wure ljdkj**] ^^lq'kklu**] ^^fodkl** tSls dkjiksjsV&ijLr yqHkkous ukjksa dh vkM+ esa eksnh ds ^^xqtjkr ekWMy** dks iwjs Hkkjr esa vkjksfir fd;s tkus ds :i esa gks jgh gS A vkus okys o"kksZa ds fy, eksnh ljdkj dh vkfFkZd uhfr;ksa ds ^^jksM eSi** easa fuEu ckrksa dk lekos'k gS ^^O;kikj dh lgtrk** dks c<+kus ds fy, lq/kkj djus ds lesr dkjksckj ds fy, ikjn'khZ uhfr dk ekgkSy rS;kj cukuk] dj iz.kkyh ¼VSDl flLVe½ dks mnkj cukuk] j{kk vkSj jsyos tSls j.kuhfrd {ks=ksa esa ,QMhvkbZ jkt dk iw.kZ mnkjhdj.k djuk] gkbZ&LihM Vsªuksa ds fgjd prqHkqZt ifj;kstuk ds fuekZ.k lesr eky okgd vkSj vkS|ksfxd dkWfjMksj dk fuekZ.k djuk] fo'ks"k d`f"k&jsy usVodZ cukuk] NksVs 'kgjksa dks gokbZ ekxZ ls tksM+uk vkSj de ykxr ds gokbZ vM~Mksa dk fuekZ.k djuk] canjxkgksa dks lM+d vkSj jsy ds tfj, vUn:uh {ks=ksa ls tksM+uk] lkoZtfud {ks= ds cSadksa ds fofHkUu dkeksa dks cgqjk"Vªh; dEifu;ksa vkSj fjyk;al tSls dkjiksjsV nSR;ksa dks vkmVlkslZ djuk] futhdj.k ds fy, iz;qDr gksus okyh eksgd 'kCnkoyh ^lkoZtfud&futh& Hkkxhnkjh* ¼ihihih½ ds vk/kkj ij fo'o Lrjh; lqfo/kkvksa ls ySl 100 'kgjksa dk fuekZ.k djuk] dks;yk lsDVj esa izkbosV fuos'k dks vkdf"kZr djuk] ijek.kq ÅtkZ ifj;kstukvksa dks iwjk djuk vkSj vUrjkZ"Vªh; ijek.kq le>kSrksa dks dk;Zdkjh cukuk] d`f"k dk vk/kqfudhdj.k vkSj dkjiksjsVhdj.k djuk] ifj;kstukvksa ds fy, le;c) :i ls ou ,oa i;kZoj.k dh eatwjh iznku djuk] vkfn] vkfn A ;s lc dne ladV&xzLr vUrjjk"Vªh; foÙkh; iwath dh gqDeksa vkSj mldh t:jrksa ds iwjh rjg vuq:i gSa A lcls igys v<+kbZ yk[k ifjokjksa dks Mwc dk f'kdkj cukrs gq, ueZnk cka/k dh ÅapkbZ dks vkSj Hkh 17 ehVj c<+kus ds fu.kZ; fy;k x;k A blds ckn] ctV&iwoZ ?kks"k.kk ds tfj, Hkkjrh; jsYos ds lEiw.kZ bfrgkl esa jsy HkkM+k esa lcls cM+h o`f) djds bl ?kksj nf{k.kiaFkh ,ts.Ms dh 'kq#vkr dh xbZ] rkfd nqfu;k ds lcls cM+s jsYos esa ls ,d Hkkjrh; jsYos dks izR;{k fons'kh fuos'k ds fy, ,d vkd"kZd xarO; LFky cuk;k tk lds A

2-11      blds i'pkr izFke ctV is'k fd;k x;k ftlesa o"kZ 2014&15 ds fy, j{kk vkSj chek {ks= esa izR;{k fons'kh fuos'k dh lhek dks ,d gh >Vds esa c<+kdj 49 izfr'kr dj fn;k x;k vkSj lkFk gh bu {ks=ksa esa ,oa vU; j.kuhfrd {ks=ksa esa vkxkeh ctVksa ds tfj, 100 izfr'kr ,QMhvkbZ dh vuqefr nsus dk lkQ ladsr fn;k x;k A blds lkFk&lkFk] ctV esa djhc 60000 djksM+ #i, ds fofuos'k y{; dk ,syku fd;k x;k] bZ&dkelZ lesr fofuekZ.k ds {ks= esa fons'kh iwath ds izos'k dh vuqefr nsus dh ?kks"k.kk dh xbZ] QwM dkjiksjs'ku vkWQ bafM;k ¼,QlhvkbZ½ vkSj tu forj.k iz.kkyh ¼ihMh,l½ dks u;s <kaps esa <kyus dh ?kks"k.kk dh xbZ rkfd foÙkh; lêscktksa ds fy, [kk|kUu ,oa d`f"k oLrqvksa ds eqDr O;kikj dh jkg dks vklku cuk;k tk lds] d`f"k&O;olk;] tSo&rduhdh vkSj QkeZ ,xzhdYpj ds vk/kkj [ksrh ds dkjiksjsVhdj.k ds fy, f}rh; gfjr Økafr dk ,syku fd;k x;k] ifCyd&izkbosV&ikVZuj'khi ds tfj, canjxkg] ,;jiksVZ] jksM+ tSlh lHkh vk/kkjHkwr lajpukvksa dk fuekZ.k rFkk lst] vkS|ksfxd dkWfjMksj] 'kgjh vkokl] pqus gq, 'kgjksa esa 16 esVªks ifj;kstuk vkSj 100 LekVZ flVh ds fuekZ.k ds fy, iw.kZ futhdj.k dh ?kks"k.kk dh xbZ] dkjiksjsV VSDl esa ikap yk[k djksM+ #i, ls T;knk dh fj;k;r nh xbZ] vkfn A ;g lc ns'k dks vHkwriwoZ futhdj.k vkSj dkjiksjsVhdj.k ds ;qx esa ys tkus okys jktekxZ ij nkSM+kus ds fy, fd;k x;k gS A dkjiksjsV lsDVj dks reke rjg dh VSDl NwV vkSj vizR;{k lfClMh nsus dh ifjdYiuk dj] ctV ds tfj, ns'k ds ewY;oku lkoZtfud lEink vkSj izkd`frd lalk/kuksa dks fons'kh iwathifr;ksa vkSj muds Hkkjrh; nykyksa dks lkSaius dk fu.kZ; fy;k x;k gS A tSlk fd ge ns[k jgs gSa] ctV dk rRdky vlj ;g gqvk gS fd Hkw&ifjlEink ,oa reke fdLe ds iSlk&drkbZ dh xfrfof/k;ksa esa vHkwriwoZ mNky vk;k gS ftlds dkj.k dkjiksjsV equkQk fouk'kdkjh Lrj ij igqap x;k gS] ogha nwljh rjQ vukS|ksxhdj.k gks jgk gS] jkstxkjghurk c<+ jgh gS] eqnzkLQhfr csdkcw gks jgh gS] O;kid tu leqnk; dh Ø;'kfDr ?kV jgh gS vkSj nfjnzrk ,oa xSj&cjkcjh dk Lrj vf}rh; :i ls c<+ x;k gS A ns'k ds vUnj ls lalk/kuksa dk bartke djus ls dUuh dkVdj vkSj rktk fuos'k ds fy, ladV&xzLr lkezkT;oknh iwath ij cgqr T;knk fuHkZj jgdj] Hkz"Vkpkj vkSj lêsckth] tks eqnzkLQhfr ds cM+s lzksr gSa] ls fuiVus ds fy, dksbZ ;kstuk ugha cukdj] U;wure ljdkj ds uke ij f'k{kk] LokLF; vkfn lkekftd lsokvksa dk vkxs pdyj dkjiksjsVhdj.k djus ds fy, bu {ks=ksa ls vius dne ihNs [khapdj vkSj iwoZorhZ ljdkjksa ds cnuke uo&mnkjoknh jkLrs ij ?kksj nf{k.kiaFkh rjhds ls pydj eksnh ljdkj dkjiksjsVhdj.k ds fy, egt fcpkSfy;k cudj jg xbZ gS tks egkvehjksa ds 'ks;j vkSj lEink iksVZQksfy;ks dks c<+k jgk gS vkSj mUgsa vR;Ur fouk'kd] csjge vkSj vijkf/kd fdLe ds foÙkh; tksM+rksM+ ds fy, l{ke cuk jgk gS A bldk ifj.kke gS fu"Bqj ferO;f;rk ds dk;ZØe] lfClMh esa dVkSrh] vukt] bZa/ku ,oa vU; vko';d oLrqvksa dh Nykax ekjdj c<+rh dhersa] lkoZtfud lqfo/kkvksa ds fy, vR;Ur Hkkjh 'kqYd vkSj isU'ku lesr lHkh lkekftd lsokvksa dk uk'k rFkk etnwj oxZ] esgurd'k ,oa mRihfM+r turk ds thou Lrj esa fxjkoV A bl uo&mifuosf'kd v/khurk ds lkFk&lkFk] pwafd lÙkk dh ckxMksj lh/ks vkj,l,l ds gkFk esa gS] blfy, lEiw.kZ iz'kklu] f'k{kk] oSKkfud ,oa ,sfrgkfld 'kks/k] laLd`fr vkSj iwjs lekt dk lEiznk;hdj.k [krjukd xfr ls rst gks x;k gS A

ikVhZ ds le{k dk;ZHkkj

3-1       ns'k ds reke izxfr'khy rkdrksa] okeiaFkh turk vkSj ikVhZ ds lkeus QkSjh dk;ZHkkj gS fd os yxkrkj [kjkc gks jgh vUrjjk"Vªh; vkSj jk"Vªh; ifjfLFkfr dh i`"BHkwfe esa] tSlk fd Åij js[kkafdr fd;k x;k gS] Hkktik ds ?kksj nf{k.kiaFkh 'kklu ds f[kykQ pkSrjQk vkØked eqfge NsM+sa A blds fy, ikVhZ dks oSpkfjd] jktuhfrd ,oa lkaxBfud :i ls rRdky lqn`<+ cukus dh t:jr gS tks tu leqnk; dks xksycUn djus vkSj mudk usr`Ro djus esa l{ke gks A fofHkUu ikfVZ;ksa }kjk lapkfyr lHkh jkT; ljdkjsa uo&mnkjoknh uhfr;ksa dks rst djus ds fy, izfrc) gSa A ;s lHkh vyx&vyx ek=k esa uo&mnkj uhfr;ksa ds i{kikrh gSa A ;gh ckr ekdik vkSj mlds fe= nyksa ds fy, Hkh lgh gS ftUgksaus dsjy vkSj caxky esa lÙkk esa jgrs gq, bUgha uhfr;ksa ij vey fd;k Fkk A lkEiznkf;drk vkSj uo&mnkjoknh uhfr;ksa dk fojks/k djus okys lHkh rkdrksa dh ,drk ds fy, ekdik }kjk gky esa fd;s x;s vihy dks muds fiNys vkpj.k ds lanHkZ esa ns[kk tkuk pkfg, A pwafd Hkktik ds jkt esa lHkh izeq[k vUrjfojks/k rsth ls rh[ks gks jgk gaS] blfy, le; dh ekax gS fd bldh uhfr;ksa ds f[kykQ ns'kO;kih eqfge NsM+k tk;s A bl izdkj ekStwnk jk"Vªh; ifjfLFkfr ekax dj jgh gS fd ,d la?k"kZ'khy oke] /keZ fujis{k vkSj tuoknh fodYi dk fuekZ.k fd;k tk;s tks uo&mnkjoknh uhfr;ksa vkSj lkEiznkf;d jktuhfr dks [kkfjt djds tui{kh; fodkl uhfr dks ykxw djus ds fy, izfrc) gks A ikVhZ ds lkeus dk;ZHkkj gS fd og bl eqfge dks oSpkfjd vkSj jktuhfrd usr`Ro iznku djus ds fy, rRdky dne mBk;s A

3-2       gekjk izkFkfed dk;ZHkkj gS ekStwnk ikVhZ laxBu rFkk oxZ@tu laxBuksa dks fodflr djuk rkfd mUgsa uo&mnkj uhfr;ksa vkSj lkEiznkf;d Qklhoknh :>kuksa dks m[kkM+ Qsadus ds fy, rFkk fodkl ds tuksUeq[kh ekin.M ij vey dh 'kq#vkr djus ds fy, la?k"kZ dks rst djus esa l{ke cuk;k tk lds A blds lkFk&lkFk] lHkh oxZ ,oa tu laxBuksa esa ikVhZ ÝSD'ku ds dke dks etcwr djus rFkk bu laxBuksa ls ikVhZ lnL;ksa dh HkrhZ djus ds dke dks loksZPp egRo fn;k tkuk pkfg, A gesa ikVhZ dh oSpkfjd&jktuhfrd fn'kk ds vk/kkj ij Økafrdkjh cqf)thfo;ksa] fo|kfFkZ;ksa vkSj ukStokuksa ds chp ls ikVhZ lnL;ksa dh HkrhZ ds fy, vkstiw.kZ eqfge NsM+uk gS A dsoy turk ds chp jgdj dke djus okyh ikVhZ }kjk gh uo&mnkjoknh jkt ds f[kykQ tu izfrjks/k dks izHkko'kkyh <ax ls [kM+k fd;k tk ldrk gS A blds fy, t:jh gS fd ftu jkT;ksa esa ikVhZ desfV;ka igys ls lfØ; gS ogka laxBu dks lqn`<+ cuk;k tk;s vkSj mldk foLrkj fd;k rFkk T;knk bykdksa esa bldk QSyko fd;k tk;s A ikVhZ dks vf[ky Hkkjrh; Lrj ij ,d jktuhfrd rkdr cukus ds fy,] ikVhZ }kjk is'k oSpkfjd o jktuhfrd fn'kk ds vk/kkj ij] jktuhfrd ,oa lkaxBfud dke dks O;ofLFkr <ax ls 'kq# fd;k tkuk pkfg, vkSj mldk fodkl tkuk pkfg, A oxZ ,oa tu laxBuksa dk fuekZ.k dj o mUgsa etcwr cukdj] budh lnL;rk vkSj la?k"kksZa dk foLrkj dj vkSj bu laxBuksa ls dkejsMksa dh HkrhZ dj ,oa mUgsa jktuhfr ls ySl dj ikVhZ fuekZ.k dh izfØ;k dks vkxs ys tkus ds dke dks izkFkfedrk nh tkuh pkfg, A fopkj/kkjk o jktuhfr ls ySl is'ksoj Økafrdkfj;ksa dh HkrhZ vkSj mudk fodkl djus ds fy, fujarj iz;kl djus dh t:jr gS A

3-3       ikVhZ iquxZBu dk dke lHkh ekDlZoknh&ysfuuoknh rkdrksa dks ,d ,sls rkdroj dE;qfuLV ikVhZ esa ,drkc) djus ds dke ds lkFk vfHkUu :i ls tqM+k gqvk gS tks Økafrdkjh lkekftd cnyko ds fy, etnwj oxZ] fdlkuksa vkSj turk ds vU; lHkh 'kksf"kr o mRihfM+r oxksZa ,oa rcdksa dh vxqokbZ djus esa l{ke gks A ,sls le; esa tc Hkktik us vius ?kksj&nf{k.kiaFkh vkSj lkEiznkf;d Qklhoknh ,ts.Mk ds lkFk vHkwriwoZ geyk NsM+ j[kk gS] rks la?k"kZ'khy okeiaFkh rkdrksa dks ns'k ds lkeus ,d fodYi izLrqr djuk pkfg, rFkk lkezkT;okn ds f[kykQ] eksnh ljdkj ,oa fofHkUu jkT; ljdkjksa dh uo&mnkjoknh uhfr;ksa o dk;ZØeksa ds f[kykQ rFkk lkEiznkf;drk ds f[kykQ turk ds la?k"kksZa dks usr`Ro iznku djuk pkfg, A ysfdu tSlk fd ekdik igys gh ekDlZoknh&ysfuuoknh jkLrs dks R;kx+ pqdh gS vkSj nf{k.kiaFkh voljoknh ,oa lalnh; ckSusiu esa ifrr gks pqdh gS] blfy, mlesa cps jg x;s Økafrdkjh fgLls dks vius i{k esa ykus ds /;s; ds lkFk mlds f[kykQ le>kSrkghu oSpkfjd la?k"kZ NsM+uk pkfg, A nwljh rjQ] Hkkdik¼ekvksoknh½ vjktd jkLrs ij pyrs gq, ijks{k :i ls 'kkld oxksZa dks enn igqapk jgh gS vkSj turk ls yxkrkj vyxko esa iM+rh tk jgh gS A bl fgLls ds f[kykQ fcuk dksbZ <hy fn;s oSpkfjd la?k"kZ tkjh j[kuk pkfg, A bu :>kuksa ds f[kykQ le>kSrkghu oSpkfjd la?k"kZ pykrs gq, fofHkUu okeiaFkh laxBuksa ds lkFk LoLFk jktuhfrd lEcU/k fodflr djuk pkfg, A ,d rjQ] muds lkFk feydj dj eqn~nk&vk/kkfjr la?k"kksZa dk fodkl djks] vkSj nwljh rjQ] mUgsa ikVhZ ykbu ds i{k esa ykus dh lEHkkoukvksa dks ryk'krs gq, ^,drk vkSj la?k"kZ* ds vk/kkj ij oSpkfjd la?k"kZ esa 'kkfey djks A

3-4       uo&mnkj uhfr;ksa vkSj c<+rs Qklhoknh [krjs ds f[kykQ lEHko O;kidre tu izfrjks/k [kM+k djus ds fy, lHkh oke ,oa tuoknh rkdrksa dks ,drkc) djus dh fn'kk esa mBk;s x;s dneksa ds lkFk dE;qfuLV ikVhZ ds iquxZBu ds iz;kl dks tksM+uk pkfg, A ,d ,sls le; esa tc vkj,l,l lefFkZr dkjiksjsV vkØedrk us l?ku :i ys fy;k gS] rks 'kklu ra= ds f[kykQ lk>k U;wure dk;ZØe ds vk/kkj ij oke ,oa tuoknh rkdrksa dh ,drk dk fuekZ.k fugk;r gh t:jh gks x;k gS A lefopkjh rkdrksa ds lkFk feydj 2010 esa xfBr yksdrkaf=d tu eap ¼Mhih,Q½ us foxr ikap o"kksZa ds nkSjku uo&mnkj uhfr;ksa ds fo:) vusd eqfge pyk;k gS vkSj tu xksycanh dh gS] ftlesa uoEcj 2012 esa ^eksnh gVkvks* ukjs ds lkFk vgenkckn esa fudkyh xbZ rkdroj jSyh rFkk fnYyh eas vk;ksftr lkykuk tu xksycanh 'kkfey gS A ubZ mHkj jgh ifjfLFkfr ekax dj jgh gS fd uo&mnkjoknh uhfr;ksa vkSj mlds dqifj.kkeksa ds f[kykQ rFkk lkEiznkf;d Qklhoknh rkdrksa ds f[kykQ O;kij Lrj ij vkUnksyu NsM+us ds fy, la?k"kZ'khy oke] tuoknh vkSj /keZ fujis{k rkdrksa dk ,d eap cukus ds fy, ubZ ÅtkZ ds lkFk iz;kl fd;k tk;s] rkfd eksnh ljdkj }kjk is'k pqukSfr;ksa dk eqdkcyk djus ds fy, T;knk ls T;knk rkdrksa dks vius i{k esa yk;k tk lds A

3-5       ;fn ikVhZ ds if=dkvksa ,oa izdk'kuksa ds ek/;e ls izpkj vkSj jktuhfrd f'k{k.k dk dke rFkk ekDlZoknh lkfgR;] ikVhZ ,oa vkbZdksj ds cqfu;knh nLrkostksa vkSj oxZ ,oa tu laxBuksa ds nLrkostksa ,oa izdk'kuksa ds vk/kkj ij dSMjksa dks O;ofLFkr <ax ls f'kf{kr djus dk dke vkxs c<+rk gS rks ikVhZ fuekZ.k ds dke vkSj la;qDr ekspkZ dh igydneh dks Hkh cy feysxk A ,sls le; esa tc lkezkT;okn vkSj mlds vuqpjksa }kjk dkjiksjsV ehfM;k ds reke jkLrksa dk bLrseky dj lkE;okn vkSj Økafrdkjh rkdrksa ds f[kykQ fo'o Lrj ij vHkwriwoZ nf{k.kiaFkh vkSj cnfu;r Hkjk >wB QSykus okyk vfHk;ku vkSj izpkj pyk;k tk jgk gS] rc lekt ds u;s fgLlksa dks ikVhZ dh oSpkfjd&jktuhfrd fn'kk ds i{k esa ykus rFkk la;qDr vkUnksyu ds fy, lefopkjh rkdrksa dks ,d lkFk ykus gsrq ns'k esa Økafrdkjh okrkoj.k fufeZr djus ds fy, Økafrdkjh izpkj pykus dh furkar vko';drk gS A ,d ,sls le; esa tc lkezkT;okn ds fnekxh&rksifp;ksa vkSj lkezkT;oknh ehfM;k ra= }kjk rjg&rjg ds mÙkj&vk/kqfud vkSj mÙkj&ekDlZoknh fl)kUrksa dk rkcM+rksM+ mRiknu fd;k tk jgk gS vkSj mldk izpkj&izlkj fd;k tk jgk gS] rks mudk inkZQk'k djus ds fy, rFkk yksxksa dks Økafrdkjh fn'kk esa ykus ds fy, nqfu;k Hkj ds ekDlZoknh&ysfuuokfn;ksa }kjk oSpkfjd eqfge pyk;k tkuk vR;Ur t:jh gS A vius izdk'kuksa dks etcwr cukdj rFkk lks'ky ehfM;k lesr fizUV ,oa bysDVªkfud nksuksa rjg ds ehfM;k dk izHkkoh <ax ls mi;ksx djds gh bl dk;ZHkkj dks iwjk fd;k tk ldrk gS A ikVhZ ds lHkh jkT; desfV;ksa dks ekDlZoknh 'kkL=h; jpukvksa vkSj izxfr'khy iqLrdksa ds izdk'ku ds fy, viuh&viuh Hkk"kkvksa esa izdk'ku dsUnzksa dh 'kq#vkr djuh pkfg, A dSMjksa ds oSpkfjd Lrj vkSj le> dks fodflr djus ds fy, dsUnzh; desVh dks pkfg, fd og ekDlZokn&ysfuuokn ds fl)kUr dks Bksl ifjfLFkfr ds vuqlkj iz;ksx esa ykus ds fy, ikVhZ Ldwyksa] LVMh Dyklksa vkSj lS)kfurd ppkZvksa dk fu;fer vk;kstu djs A vUrjkZ"Vªh; Lrj ij Hkh Økafrdkjh fl)kUr vkSj O;ogkj dk fodkl djus ds fy, leqfpr oSpkfjd&jktuhfrd igy rFkk izpkj dk;Z pykus dh t:jr gS A

3-6       orZeku lanHkZ esa ftu jktuhfrd vfHk;kuksa ij lcls T;knk /;ku nsus dh vko';drk gS] muesa ls ,d gS pquko lq/kkj A 2014 dk vke pquko vc rd dk lcls T;knk dkjiksjsV Q.MsM x;k pquko Fkk ftlesa ek= 31 izfr'kr oksV ds lkFk Hkktik us yksd lHkk esa iw.kZ cgqer gkfly fd;k gS A gkykafd dkaxzsl dks 19-3 izfr'kr oksV feyk gS] ysfdu bls dsoy 44 lhVsa gh izkIr gqbZ gaS] tcfd clik 4-1 izfr'kr oksV ikus ds ckotwn ,d lhV Hkh ugha ik ldh gS A Hkkdik¼ekys½ ds pquko ?kks"k.kki= esa *igys LFkku ij vkus okys izR;k'kh dks fot;h ?kksf"kr djus dh iz.kkyh* ¼QLVZ ikl nh iksLV½ dh txg vuqikfrd izfrfuf/kRo dh iz.kkyh ykxw djrs gq, QkSjh pqukoh lq/kkj djus dh ekax dh xbZ Fkh A ?kks"k.kki= esa bl ij tksj fn;k x;k Fkk fd /keZ fujis{k ewY;ksa dks etcwr djus ds fy, /keZ vkSj jktuhfr ds chp vyxko] tkfr O;oLFkk ds mUewyu] okLro esa tehu tksrus okyksa dks tehu dk caVokjk lesr vkewyxkeh Hkwfe lq/kkj vkSj d`f"k ds dkjiksjsVhdj.k dh izfØ;k dks jksdus] vkfn ds fy, lafo/kku esa cqfu;knh la'kks/ku ds fgLls ds :i esa pqukoh lq/kkj fd;k tkuk pkfg, A blds lkFk&lkFk] jktuhfr dks yksdrkaf=d cukus ds fy,] Hkz"V vkpj.k esa fyIr ljdkjh vQljksa lesr pqus gq, izfrfuf/k;ksa dks okil cqykus ds vf/kdkj dks ykxw djus ds fy,] jksVh&diM+k& edku&LokLF;&f'k{kk&jkstxkj ds vf/kdkj dks lcds fy, ekSfyd vf/kdkj ds :i esa lqfuf'pr djus ds fy, lafo/kku esa QkSjh rkSj ij egRoiw.kZ la'kks/ku djus dh t:jr gS A ,d vU; egRoiw.kZ {ks= ftlesa pquko lq/kkj djus dh t:jr gS og gS pqukoh la?k"kZ esa /kucy dk bLrseky A jkT; }kjk Qf.Mx ds fodYi dks jk"Vªh; cgl esa yk;k tkuk pkfg, A

3-7       tSlk fd ikVhZ dk;ZØe esa js[kkafdr fd;k x;k gS] dsoy etnwj oxZ ds usr`Ro esa gh 'kklu O;oLFkk ds f[kykQ ns'kO;kih tumHkkj iSnk fd;k tk ldrk gS A fdUrq v<+kbZ n'kdksa ls tkjh uo&mnkj uhfr;ksa dh dM+h esa] ?kksj nf{k.kiaFkh eksnh ljdkj] ^^U;wure ljdkj** ds ukjs ds lkFk] fofuos'k uhfr rFkk vkfFkZd ,oa lkekftd {ks=ksa ls jkT; ds ihNs gVrs tkus dh uhfr ij rst ls vkxs c<+ jgh gS] ftlds pyrs laxfBr {ks= dk jkstxkj vkSj Hkh fldqM+dj dqy jkstxkj dk ek= 7 izfr'kr jg x;k gS A jkstxkj ds tks Hkh u;s volj iSnk gks jgs gSa os vukSipkfjd {ks= esa gSa A dStqvy Jfed izFkk] Bsdk Je izFkk] ^dke djkvks fudky nks* ¼gk;j ,.M Qk;j½] vkfn dk rst foLrkj gks jgk gS A QSDVjh ,DV esa la'kks/ku lesr Je cktkj ds mnkjhdj.k dh lexz uhfr ykxw dh tk jgh gS A buds lkFk&lkFk] Hkktik ds ctV esa lHkh {ks=ksa esa izR;{k fons'kh fuos'k ¼,QMhvkbZ½ vkSj lkoZtfud&futh Hkkxhnkjh ¼ihihih½ ds vk/kkj ij dkjiksjsVhdj.k vkSj futhdj.k dh ?kks"k.kk dh xbZ gS A pwafd uo&mnkjoknh O;oLFkk esa lEink gj.k vkSj iwath lap; dk ,d egRoiw.kZ lzksr izkd`frd lalk/kuksa dh ywV gS] vkSj pawfd jkstxkj iSnk djus okys mRiknu esa dVkSrh gks jgh gS] blfy, csjkstxkjh vkSj v)Z&csjkstxkjh O;oLFkk&tfM+r izo`fr cu xbZ gS A vr% iwath vkSj Je ds chp vUrjfojks/k us vR;Ur rh[kk vk;ke xzg.k dj fy;k gS A bl fLFkfr esa uo&mnkjoknh uhfr;ksa dk izfrjks/k djuk etnwj oxZ dk loZizFke dk;ZHkkj cu x;k gS A pwafd cqtqZvk] la”kks/kuoknh] lq/kkjoknh vkSj lkEiznkf;d usr`Ro esa pyus okys VsªM ;wfu;u dsUnz bl dk;ZHkkj ds izfr xaHkhj] vfMx vkSj iw.kZ lefiZr ugha gaS] blfy, Vh;wlhvkbZ ,oa vU; VsªM ;wfu;uksa esa dk;Zjr ikVhZ dkejsMksa dks bu uhfr;ksa ds f[kykQ yM+us ds fy, etnwj oxZ dk ,d O;kid eap cukus ds edln ds lkFk bl loky dk mBkuk pkfg, A bl izfØ;k esa] etnwj oxZ dks jktuhfr ls ySl djus ij fo'ks"k tksj nsuk pkfg, A

3-8       Hkwe.Myhdj.k ls igys ds nkSj dh izFke gfjr Økafr dh dM+h esa] uo&mnkj Hkwe.Myhdj.k ds bl nkSj esa ,d ds ckn ,d vkus okyh lHkh ljdkjksa us ,xzh&fcftusl] dkjiksjsV QkfeZax vkSj ubZ d`f"k rduhd ds vk/kkj ij ftu uhfr;ksa dks ykxw fd;k gS og d`f"k {ks= dks 'kuS%&'kuS% f}rh; gfjr Økafr dh vksj ys xbZ gS] ftldk lkj :i esa vFkZ gS d`f"k {ks= dk yxkrkj c<+rk dkjiksjsVhdj.k A dkjiksjsV ?kjkukas vkSj cgqjk"Vªh; dEifu;kasa }kjk d`f"k dh vfr vk/kqfud rduhdh vkSj cktkj dh btkjsnkj 'kfDr;ksa ds leFkZu ls d`f"k Hkwfe ds fo'kky Hkw[k.Mksa ij dCtk fd;k tk jgk gS vkSj xzkeh.k vapy ds dqN bykdksa dks cM+s dkjiksjsV QkeksZa esa cnyk tk jgk gS A os ekStwnk Hkwfe gncanh dkwuuksa dk Hkh mYya?ku dj jgs gSa A ;g fdlkuksa dks Hkkjh fouk'k dh vksj ys tk jgk gS A vkapfyd Lrj ij v/;;uksa ds tfj, bldh ckfjfd;ksa dks lkeus yk;k tk ldrk gS A blds ifj.kkeLo:i gks jgs fdlkuksa ds foLFkkiu ds lkFk&lkFk lst] dkWfjMksj] [kuu ifj;kstukvksa vkfn ds fy, mUgsa vius fuokl LFkyksa ls cyiwoZd mtkM+k tkuk vkt Hk;kog vk;ke ys pqdk gS A ;s foLFkkfir fdlku] vkfnoklh vkSj nfyr dkjiksjsV QkeksaZ ;k gkM+ fupksM+ ysus okys m|ksxksa dh vksj tk jgs gSa] ;k izoklh etnwj ds :i esa >qaM ds >qaM 'kgj dh >qfXx;ksa dh vksj tk jgs gSa A foxr dbZ n”kdksa ls tkjh bl fodklØe ds QyLo:i vkt d`f’k {ks= esa iwathoknh laca/kksa dk fodkl vf[ky Hkkjrh; Lrj ij c<+rk gqvk :>ku cu gS] gkykafd blesa dkQh gn rd fofo/krk vkSj vleurk Hkh ekStwn gSA ;g fofo/krk vkSj vlekurk fofHkUu jkT;ksa ds chp] jkT; ds vUnj vkSj ;gka rd fd ftys ds vUnj Hkh fo|eku gS A ,sls bykds Hkh gSa tgka d`f’k esa iwathoknh laca/k fu;a=.kdkjh fLFkfr esa igqap x;s gSa A ogha ,sls bykds Hkh gSa tgka lkearh vkSj v)Z&lkearh laca/k dkQh etcwrh ls ekStwn gSa A iwjs ns”k esa lwn[kksj iwath vkSj tkfrxr mRihM+u dk cksyckyk gS A

3-9       fir`lÙkk vkSj oLrqdj.k ¼deksMhfQds'ku½ ds f'kdats ls efgykvksa dh foeqfDr ds fy, efgyk ekspsZ dk dke turk dh tuoknh Økafr dk egRoiw.kZ ?kVd gS A u dsoy jktuhfrd lÙkk n[ky djus ds fy,] cfYd lektoknh :ikarj.k dh fn'kk esa Økafr dks tkjh j[kus ds fy, Hkh bls Økafrdkjh vkUnksyu ds egRoiw.kZ igyw ds :i esa fy;k tkuk pkfg, A ekStwnk lanHkZ esa] efgyk,a cM+s iSekus ij ?kj dh pkjfnokjh ls ckgj vk jgh gSa rkfd os vkthfodk dek ldsa A lkFk gh bl nkSj esa efgykvksa vkSj yM+fd;ksa ij ;kSu geyk yxkrkj c<+ jgk gS A 'kklu O;oLFkk bl ij vkijkf/kd mnkflurk cuk;s gq, gS A dsoy ,d 'kfDr'kkyh efgyk vkUnksyu dk fodkl djds gh bl ccZj ifjfLFkfr dk eqdkcyk fd;k tk ldrk gS vkSj mls ijkLr fd;k tk ldrk gS A Økafrdkjh efgyk vkUnksyu bl n`f"Vdks.k ds lkFk dsoy rHkh dke ldrk gS tc og fofHkUu lkekftd Jsf.k;ksa ls cM+h la[;k esa efgyk dk;ZdrkZvksa dks vkdf"kZr djrs gq, okLro esa ,d tu vkUnksyu ds :i esa fodflr gks A gkykafd ikVhZ ds lkFk tqM+h efgyk,a cM+h la[;k esa vf[ky Hkkjrh; Økafrdkjh efgyk laxBu ¼AIRWO½ esa dke dj jgh gSa] fdUrq mls iwjs lekt ls la?k"kZ'khy efgykvksa dks vkdf"kZr djrs gq, viuh ekStwnk lhekvksa ls ckgj fudyuk gS A blls Økafrdkjh efgyk vkUnksyu ds Lora= fodkl dk jkLrk [kqysxk tks fir`lÙkk ds lHkh :iksa dks] ;gka rd fd ikVhZ esa blds izHkko dks pqukSrh nsus esa l{ke gksxk A efgyk ekspkZ ds bl rjg ds fodkl ds fy, ikVhZ dks lc izdkj dk leFkZu nsuk pkfg, A

3-10      ,slh ,d ifjfLFkfr esa tc vUrjkZ"Vªh; Lrj ij vkSj Hkkjr esa okeiaFkh vkUnksyu dks xgjk /kDdk yxk gS] os ukStoku vkSj fo|kFkhZ tks uo&mnkjokn ds nkSj esa tUes vkSj iys&c<+s gSa] muds fnekx dks lkE;okn&fojks/kh izpkj ls tcjnLr :i ls nwf"kr fd;k x;k gS A ukStokuksa vkSj fo|kfFkZ;ksa dks jktuhfr ls vyx j[kus ds fy, lkezkT;okn vkSj 'kkld oxksZa }kjk reke izfrfØ;koknh rkdrksa ds lkFk feydj vjktuhfrdj.k dh lrr eqfge pykbZ tk jgh gS A ,slh ifjfLFkfr esa] ?kksj nf{k.kiaFkh eksnh ljdkj dks lÙkk esa cSBkus okys oksV esa ,d cM+k fgLlk ukStokuksa dk Fkk A pwafd csjkstxkjh] egaxkbZ] Hkz"Vkpkj] f'k{kk lesr lHkh phtksa ds cktkjhdj.k] vkfn leL;kvksa dk rRdky lek/kku ryk'k jgs ukStokuksa dh fLFkfr csgn uktqd gks xbZ gS] blfy, os fodkl vkSj jkstxkj dh tqeysckth esa vklkuh ls cg tkrs gSa A okeiaFk dh vksj ls fo'oluh; fodYi ds vHkko esa] O;fDroknh miHkksDrk laLd`fr ls izHkkfor] ukStoku vkSj fo|kFkhZ /kkfeZd ,oa tkfroknh rkdrksa ds vklku f'kdkj cu x;s gSa A ;g ifjfLFkfr ekax dj jgh gS fd ukStokuksa vkSj fo|kfFkZ;ksa ds lkeus mifLFkr okLrfod leL;kvksa ds oLrqfu"B ewY;kadu ds vk/kkj ij rFkk muds fy, Økafrdkjh fodYi izLrqr djrs gq, Økafrdkjh vkUnksyu dh vksj mUgsa vkdf"kZr djus ds fy, pkSrjQk eqfge pykbZ tk;s A bl utfj;s ds lkFk rFkk Bksl gkykr vkSj [kkl eqn~nksa dk tk;tk ysrs gq, ikVhZ dks pkfg, fd ukStoku vkSj fo|kFkhZ ekspsZ ij xfrfof/k;ksa dks etcwr cukus ds fy, jktuhfrd vkSj lkaxBfud nksuksa rjg ds leqfpr dne mBk;s A bu ekspkZsa dh lQyrk ikVhZ ds vkxs fodkl vkSj foLrkj esa ,d fu.kkZ;d ?kVd gksxk A O;kid tu vkUnksyu ds :i esa ukStoku vkSj fo|kFkh laxBuksa dh xfrfof/k;ksa dks rkdroj cukus ds fy, tksjnkj iz;kl djus dh t:jr gS rkfd os vius ToyUr eqn~nksa dks ysdj vkSj lkFk gh turk ds vke eqn~nksa dks ysdj jkT;O;kih vkSj ns'kO;kih vkUnksyu NsM+us esa l{ke gks ldsa A c<+rh csjkstxkjh] v)Z&csjkstxkjh] f'k{kk ds cktkjhdj.k] Hkz"Vkpkj] ukStokuksa ,oa fo|kfFkZ;ksa ds chp lEiznkf;rk o vijk/khdj.k] vkfn ds f[kykQ vkUnksyu NsM+ks rFkk mUgsa jktuhfr ls ySl djus vkSj cM+h la[;k esa ikVhZ esa HkrhZ djus dk fujarj iz;kl djks A

3-11      vkfnoklh tks vkcknh ds yxHkx 10 izfr'kr gSa] os Hkkjrh; lekt dk lcls T;knk 'kksf"kr vkSj mRihfM+r rcds gSa A pwafd uo&mnkjokn ds rgr izd`fr dh ywV /ku lap; dk ,d egRoiw.kZ tfj;k gS] blfy, dkjiksjsV ?kjkus vkSj cgqjk"Vªh; dEifu;ka mu [kfut lEiUu bykdksa esa izos'k dj jgh gSa tgka vkfnoklh turk jgrh gS A buesa ls dqN bykdksa esa ekvksokfn;ksa dh mifLFkfr dk bLrseky djrs gq, ljdkj }kjk ogka cM+s iSekus ij iqfyl vkSj v)Z&lSfud cyksa dh rSukrh dks tk;t Bgjk;k tkrk gS A ekvksoknh gkSOos rFkk ,uthvks ds ckjs esa [kqfQ;k C;wjks ¼vkbZch½ dh rktk fjiksVZ dk bLrseky dj ns'k dh le`) [kfut lEink dh dkjiksjsV ywV ds f[kykQ gks jgs izfrjks/k dk neu fd;k tk jgk gS A Hkktik ds ctV esa VªkbCy Iyku ds rgr tks vis{kkd`r vf/kd jkf'k dk vkoaVu fd;k x;k gS mles ls ,d cM+h jde vke rkSj ij jktusrk vkSj vQlj'kkgh xBtksM+ dh tsc esa tkus ds vykok og eq[;r% vkj,l,l }kjk iz;ksftr ,uthvks dks fn;k tk;sxk A ikVhZ dks vkfnokfl;ksa ds chp dke vkxs c<+kus ds fy, lexz ;kstuk cukuh pkfg, rFkk vkfnoklh ekspsZ esa xfrfof/k;ksa dk fodkl djus ds fy, lc rjg ls lg;ksx djuk pkfg, rFkk bls usr`Ro nsus ds fy, bu bykdkas ls dSMjksa dks xksycan djuk pkfg, vkSj mUgsa jktuhfr ls ySl djuk pkfg, A tgka Hkh vkcknh dk ,d cM+k fgLlk vkfnokfl;ksa dk gS ogka iw.kZ vf/kdkj lEiUu Lok;Ùk'kklh ifj"knksa ds fuekZ.k ds fy, ikVhZ dks fujarj la?k"kZ pykuk pkfg, A

3-12      ikVhZ ,oa lefopkjh rkdrksa dh igy ij nks lky igys tkfr mUewyu vkUnksyu dh 'kq#vkr dh xbZ Fkh vkSj rc ls ;g vf[ky Hkkjrh; Lrj ij yxkrkj fodkl dj jgk gS A ;g bl egRoiw.kZ loky ij Økafrdkjh utfj;s dk fodkl djrs gq, dE;qfuLV vkUnksyu dh detksjh dks lq/kkjus dh fn'kk esa ,d egRoiw.kZ dne gS A nfyr tks vf/kdk'kar% xjhc ,oa Hkwfeghu fdlku vkSj [ksr etnwj gSa vkSj ftUgksaus ns'k ds Økafrdkjh vkUnksyu ds bfrgkl esa ,d egRoiw.kZ Hkwfedk vnk dh gS] Hkkjr dh vkcknh ds 15 izfr'kr gSa A nfyrksa ij uo&mnkjoknh uhfr;ksa ds rgr c<+rh vkfFkZd ekj ds lkFk&lkFk] mu ij tkfr vk/kkfjr lkekftd&lkaLd`frd geyk] ftldh vfHkO;fDr [kki iapk;r tSlh laLFkkvksa ds tfj, gksrh gS] fo'ks"k :i ls nfyr efgykvksa ds izfr ;kSu fgUlk rst gks jgh gS A tSlk fd tkfr mUewyu vkUnksyu ds dk;ZØe esa O;k[;k dh xbZ gS] nfyrksa ds tehu ds loky dks gy djus ds fy, tuoknh vkUnksyu NsM+rs gq, rFkk tkfroknh mRihM+u ds f[kykQ ,d tuoknh vf/kdkj ds :i eas ^vkj{k.k* dh j{kk djrs gq,] ikVhZ dks pkfg, fd tkfrxr izrhdksa ds bLrseky lesr tkfroknh HksnHkko ds lHkh :iksa ds f[kykQ le>kSrkghu yM+kbZ vkxs ys tk;s A tkfroknh mRihM+u dh izdV ?kVukvksa dks mBkus esa l{ke ,d ns'kO;kih vkUnksyu ds :i esa tkfr mUewyu vkUnksyu dk fodkl djus ds fy, ikVhZ dks igy djuh pkfg, rFkk vUrj&tkrh; fookg tSls rjhdksa ds izpkj lfgr ns'kO;kih vfHk;kuksa vkSj la?k"kksZa dks izksRlkfgr djuk pkfg, A

3-13      vUrjjk"Vªh; Lrj ij okeiaFkh vkUnksyu dks yxs oSpkfjd o jktuhfrd /kDds dk Qk;nk mBkrs gq,] foÙkh; iwath ds leFkZu ls] nqfu;k Hkj dh nf{k.kiaFkh rkdrksa us tks izfrfØ;koknh ckSf)d vkSj lkaLd`frd geyk NsM+ j[kk gS og f}rh; fo'o ;q) ds ckn uo&mifuosf'kd O;oLFkk ds nkSj esa ntZ lcls cM+s geyksa esa ,d gS A Hkkjr esa vkj,l,l vkSj fgUnqRooknh rkdrksa ds lÙkk 'kh"kZ ij mHkkj us lkezkT;okn vkSj Hkkjrh; 'kkld oxksZa ds lkearh vkSj uo&mifuosf'kd lkaLd`frd geys dks xq.kkRed :i ls u;k vk;ke ns fn;k gS A f'k{kk] ,sfrgkfld ,oa lkaLd`frd 'kks/k] oSKkfud 'kks/k] ehfM;k] lwpuk] lapkj vkSj czkMdkfLVax dks viuh tdM+ esa ysdj ?kksj nf{k.kiaFkh vkSj izfrfØ;koknh rkdrksa us dE;qfuLVksa vkSj tuoknh rkdrksa ds f[kykQ oSpkfjd&jktuhfrd geyk 'kq: fd;k gS A bl izfr&lkaLd`frd geys esa Hkkjr ds izfrfØ;kokfn;ksa dks lkezkT;oknh dsUnzksa ls rjg&rjg ds mÙkj&vk/kqfud fl)kUrdkjksa dk iwjk leFkZu izkIr gS A Økafrdkjh lkaLd`frd ekspsZ ds dk;ZØe esa ,d rjQ bfrgkl vkSj laLd`fr dks fod`r djus ds f[kykQ vFkd la?k"kZ NsM+us rFkk lkearh] lkezkT;oknh o miHkksDrk laLd`fr] vLoLFk ijEijkvksa vkSj va/k fo'oklksa ds izHkko dks m[kkM+ Qsadus vkSj nwljh rjQ] Økafrdkjh] tuoknh o lektoknh lkaLd`frd ewY;ksa ds fodkl dks lkaLd`frd ekspsZ ds ewyHkwr dk;ZHkkj crk;k x;k gS A lHkh Lrjksa ij vfoyEc rkdroj Økafrdkjh lkaLd`frd eqfge NsM+dj ubZ ifjfLFkfr ds lanHkZ esa bl le> dks iq[rk cukuk pkfg, A

3-14      dsUnz dh vc rd dh lHkh ljdkjsa tEew&d'ehj vkSj iwoksZÙkj jkT;ksa esa tu vkdka{kkvksa dk neu djus ds fy, lSU;hdj.k dh uhfr ij vey djrh jgh gSa A vc NÙkhlx<+ tSls u;s bykdksa rd bls QSyk fn;k x;k gS tgka lsuk dks rSukr fd;k tk pqdk gS A e/; Hkkjr ds [kfut lEiUu lHkh bykdksa esa] tgka vkcknh dk ,d cM+k fgLlk vkfnokfl;ksa dk gS] blds foLrkj dh ea'kk gS A l'kL= cy fo'ks"k vf/kdkj dkuwu ¼vk¶lik½ vkSj xSj&dkuwuh xfrfof/k fujks/kd dkuwu ¼;w,ih,½ tSls dkys dkuwuksa dk va/kk/kqa/k iz;ksx fd;k x;k gS rFkk turk dks muds tuoknh vkSj cqfu;knh ukxfjd vf/kdkjksa ls oafpr djus ds fy, u;s&u;s dkys dkuwu cuk;s tk jgs gSa A fgUnw&Js"Brkoknh vkSj udyh&jk"Vªoknh Hkktik ds lÙkkjksg.k ls tEew&d'ehj dh turk dk tkjh la?k"kZ T;knk xaHkhj gks x;k gS D;ksafd vkj,l,l ds yksx /kkjk 370 dks jn~n djus dh ekax djds gkykr dks vkSj Hkh lkEiznkf;d cuk jgs gSa A lÙkki{k ds izoDrkvksa us tksj nsdj dgk gS fd tEew&d'ehj vkSj iwoksZÙkj jkT;ksa esa vk¶lik dks T;knk fu"Bqj rjhds ls ykxw fd;k tk;sxk A blh lqj esa] vius igys ctV esa gh] Hkktik ljdkj us ^ekvksokn izHkkfor bykdksa* ds lSU;hdj.k ds fy, fo'ks"k ctVh; vkoaVu fd;k gS A bu bykdksa ls lsuk dh okilh vkSj dkys dkuwuksa dks [kRe djus ds fy, rFkk vkRe fu.kZ; ds vf/kdkj ds vk/kkj ij bu bykdksa ds jk"Vªh;rk ds loky dk jktuhfrd lek/kku djus ds fy, ikVhZ dks viuk vfHk;ku rst djuk pkfg, A NÙkhlx<+ ,oa vU; vkfnoklh cgqy bykdksa ls lsuk vkSj v)Z&lSfud cyksa dks gVkus ds fy, tksjnkj vfHk;ku pykus dh QkSjh t:jr gS A pwafd la?k ifjokj ls tqM+h rkdrsa tEew&d'ehj ds loky dks vkSj Hkh T;knk lkEiznkf;d cukus ds fy, fnu&jkr dke dj jgh gSa] blfy, gekjh ikVhZ dks bls pqukSrh nsrs gq, bl ukjs ds lkFk vkxs vkuk pkfg, fd /kkjk 370 dks mldh ewy “kfDr;ksa o vUroZLrq ds lkFk cgky djks] tEew&d”ehj dh turk dh vkdka{kkvksa dk lEeku djks] ogka ls lSU; dCtk gVkvks] lHkh dkys dkuwuksa dks [kkfjt djks rFkk vyx gksus ds vf/kdkj lesr vkRe fu.kZ; dk vf/kdkj nks A blh rjg] leku ukxfjd lafgrk dh fgUnqRooknh ekax dk izfrjks/k djuk pkfg, vkSj ;g vkg~oku fd;k tkuk pkfg, fd lHkh rcdksa dh lekurk lqfuf'pr djrs gq, /keZ fujis{k ukxfjd lafgrk ykxw djks A

3-15      gekjh ikVhZ us izd`fr&fe=] tui{kh; fodkl dk izfreku is'k fd;k gS tks eq[;/kkjk ds dkjiksjsV fodkl ekWMy ds Bhd foijhr gS ftlds i{k/kj 'kkld oxZ] voljoknh] vjktdoknh] mÙkj&vk/kqfudrkoknh] Q.MsM ,uthvks] vkfn gSa] pkgs mudk ?kksf"kr oSpkfjd fo'okl dqN Hkh D;ksa u gks A ge i;kZoj.k ds izfr vius utfj;s ds vk/kkj ij foxr o"kksZa ds nkSjku mu tu vkUnksyuksa ds chp leUo; dk;e djus ds fy, fujarj iz;kljr jgs gSa tks dkjiksjsV ifj;kstukvksa ls gks jgs foLFkkiu] cgqjk"Vªh; dEifu;ksa }kjk izkd`frd lalk/kuksa ds va/kk/kqa/k nksgu vkSj turk ds Åij ijek.kq la;a=ksa dks Fkksis tkus ds f[kykQ vyx&vyx LFkkuksa ij mHkj jgs Fks A oSKkfud vkSj vkfFkZd :i ls vO;ogkfjd ijek.kq ÅtkZ ij fuHkZjrk ds f[kykQ gekjh igydneh ds pyrs vf[ky Hkkjrh; ijek.kq ÅtkZ fojks/kh tu igy dk xBu gqvk gS rFkk if'pe ?kkV ds laj{k.k ds fy, tu vkUnksyuksa dh vf[ky Hkkjrh; leUo; lfefr dk xBu dj if'pe ?kkV cpkvks eqfge esa gekjh usr`Rodkjh Hkwfedk dh fofHkUu oSpkfjd fo'oklksa okys tu vkUnksyuksa] oSKkfudksa] i;kZoj.k dk;ZdrkZvksa vkSj lefopkjh yksxksa ds chp vPNh izfrfØ;k gqbZ gS A vkxkeh fnuksa esa bls vkxs ys tkuk pkfg, vkSj lqn`<+ cukuk pkfg, A blh rjg] if'pe esa tEew&d'ehj ls ysdj iwoZ esa v#.kkpy izns'k rd] fgeky; vkSj rjkbZ {ks= ds foLr`r vkSj i;kZoj.k ds fygkt ls vR;Ur laosnu'khy vapy ds vkinkxzLr i;kZoj.k dh pqukSfr;ksa ds lanHkZ esa] bl Hkaxqj vapy esa ykxw dh tk jgh ekStwnk fouk'kdkjh uhfr;ksa ds f[kykQ ,d le> fodflr djus ds fy, vkSj bl vapy ds fodkl dh oSdfYid ladYiuk is'k djus ds fy, geus fgeky; cpkvks eqfge ds cSuj rys oSKkfudksa vkSj jktuhfrd dk;ZdrkZvksa dh lfØ; Hkkxhnkjh ds lkFk ppkZvksa dh 'kq#vkr dh gS A i;kZoj.k ds vkSj Hkh xaHkhj eqn~ns lkeus vkus okys gSa D;ksafd dkjiksjsV cgqjk"Vªh; dEifu;ksa ds fgrksa dh lsod eksnh ljdkj vius uhfrxr c;kuksa vkSj ctV ds tfj;s dkjiksjsVhdj.k dh izfØ;k dks rst djus ds fy, ekStwnk i;kZoj.kh; fu;eksa esa <hy nsus dh viuh ea'kk dks tkfgj dj pqdh gS A ikVhZ dks fodkl ds izfr viuh oSKkfud le> ds vk/kkj ij bu lHkh vkUnksyuksa ds chp jkT;ksa esa vkSj vf[ky Hkkjrh; Lrj ij leUo; LFkkfir djus ij fo'ks"k /;ku nsuk pkfg, A bu iz;klksa ds vk/kkj ij turk ds O;kid fgLlksa dks xksycUn dj i;kZoj.k ds fy, fouk'kdkjh uo&mnkj uhfr;ksa ds f[kykQ ns'kO;kih vkUnksyu NsM+k tkuk pkfg, A

3-16      orZeku ifjfLFkfr esa] fgUnqRooknh rkdrksa ds gkFk esa jktlÙkk gksus ds dkj.k os vkradh xfrfof/k;ksa vkSj /keZ ifjorZu dk gkSOok [kM+k djds /kkfeZd vYila[;dksa ds izfr uQjr QSykus ds fy, dkuwu ykxw djus okyh ,tsfUl;ksa vkSj lHkh iz'kkluhd jkLrksa dk bLrseky dj jgs gSa] gkykafd] tSlk fd ckn esa lkfcr gqvk gS] bl rjg dh dkjZokb;ksa ds ihNs vkj,l,l vkSj blds fofHkUu ?kVd laxBuksa dk gkFk jgk gS A ogha nwljh rjQ] cgqla[;d /kkfeZd dêjrk ls yM+us ds uke ij fujk'k rcdksa }kjk dh tk jgh vjktd dkjZokb;kas dh iyV ekj vYila[;dksa ij gh iM+ jgh gS A dkaxzsl dk uje fgUnqRo vkSj rFkkdfFkr /keZ fujis{k nyksa dh oksV cSad dh jktuhfr Hkh fgUnqRooknh rkdrksa }kjk vkj,l,l dk ,ts.Mk Fkksius ds fy, vuqdwy ekgkSy cuk jgh gS A lkFk gh] ;g Hkh lkfcr gqvk gS fd la?k ifjokj dk rFkkdfFkr fgUnw jk"Vªokn lkezkT;oknh iwath dh lsok djus ds fy, ,d /kqa, dk inkZ ek= gS A bl lanHkZ esa] /keZ fujis{k vkSj yksdrkaf=d n`f"Vdks.k ds lkFk] gekjh ikVhZ dks pkfg, fd og cgqla[;d vkSj vYila[;d nksuksa dh lkEiznkf;drk ds f[kykQ n`<+rk ds lkFk vuojr la?k"kZ djs] ftlesa Hkkjr dh Bksl ifjfLFkfr esa igyk ¼cgqla[;d dêjiaFk½ eq[; [krjk gS A jkT; vkSj /keZ] jktuhfr vkSj /keZ rFkk f'k{kk vkSj /keZ ds chp iw.kZ vyxko djrs gq, ftlesa /keZ ukxfjdksa dk futh ekeyk gS /keZ fujis{krk ds izfr uo&tkxj.k dky ds utfj;s dks lkeus j[kdj vkstiw.kZ eqfge pykuk gS A leku ukxfjd lafgrk ds ckjs esa fgUnw Js"Brkoknh c;kuckth dk] ftlesa ges'kk gh cgqerokn dk lqj lqukbZ nsrk gS] inkZQk'k djuk pkfg, rFkk lPps vFkZ esa /keZ fujis{k o tuoknh leku ukxfjd lafgrk dh vo/kkj.kk ds lkFk] tks lHkh /keksZa dh efgykvksa ds fy, lekurk lqfuf'pr djrh gks] bldk eqdkcyk djuk pkfg, A Hkkjr tSls egk}hi ds vkdkj okys ns'k esa] tgka vusd Hkk"kkvksa vkSj cksfy;ksa dk iz;ksx gksrk gS] viuh ekr`Hkk"kk eas ;k viuh ilan dh Hkk"kk esa f'k{kk izkIr djus dk vf/kdkj turk dk ,d tuoknh vf/kdkj gS A bl ekeys esa] ikVhZ dks /kkfeZd vYila[;dksa ds vf/kdkjksa dh j{kk djus ds fy, rFkk cgqer dh Hkk"kk dks vU; Hkk"kk&Hkk"kh yksxksa ij Fkksius ds f[kykQ ges'kk vkxs jguk pkfg, A

3-17      laizx ds nl lky ds 'kklu us Hkkjr dh fons'k uhfr ds izxfr'khy rRoksa dks dkQh gn rd /oLr dj fn;k gS A jk"Vªh; vkSj vUrjjk"Vªh; egRo ds lHkh ekeyksa esa vesfjdh lkezkT;okn dh nqe idM+dj blus Hkkjr dks vesfjdh lkezkT;okn ds tqfu;j ikVZuj esa rCnhy dj fn;k gS A bl Øe dks tkjh j[krs gq, vkSj blls Hkh T;knk izfrfØ;koknh voLFkku ysrs gq,] tc ;gwnhoknh btjk;y us xktk iêh vkSj osLV cSad esa turk dk dRysvke 'kq# fd;k rks eksnh ljdkj bl ekeys ij laln esa ppkZ ds fy, Hkh rS;kj ugha Fkh A 'kiFk xzg.k lekjksg esa lkdZ ns'kksa ds usrkvksa dks vkeaf=r djus ds ckotwn] eksnh ljdkj muds izfr igys tSlk gh foLrkjoknh joS¸;k viuk;s gq, gS A HkwVku] eky}hi] Jhyadk] caXykns'k vkSj usiky tSls iM+kslh ns'kksa ds Åij viuh gqDe'kkgh yknus ds Hkkjr ds iz;kl ds pyrs os nf{k.k ,f'k;kbZ cM+s HkkbZ dks lansg dh utj ls ns[kus gSa A lkezkT;oknh vfrØe.k ds f'kdkj vU; ns'kksa ds lkFk Hkh Hkkjr dk fj'rk rsth ls [kjkc gks jgk gS A ikVhZ dks pkfg, fd og lkezkT;okn fojks/kh fons'k uhfr ds fy, tksjnkj vfHk;ku pyk;s ftlesa lkezkT;okfn;ksa] fo'ks"k :i ls vesfjdh lkezkT;okn ds vkØe.k] ywV vkSj nknkfxjh ds f'kdkj lHkh ns'kksa ds lkFk] [kkldj iM+kslh ns'kksa ds lkFk lEcU/kksa dks etcwr djus ij tksj gks A vUrjjk"Vªh; Lrj ij lefopkjh ikfVZ;ksa vkSj laxBuksa ds lkFk fcjknjkuk lEcU/kksa dks etcwr djus ds fy, rFkk turk ls turk ds chp fj'rksa ds fodkl ds fy, iwjk iz;kl fd;k tkuk pkfg, A

3-18      vksckek dh Hkkjr ;k=k rFkk ijek.kq le>kSrs ij gLrk{kj us uo&mifuosf'kd nklrk dks T;knk xgjk dj fn;k gS A fo/ks;dksa dks ikfjr djus ds fy, lalnh; izfØ;k ls gksdj xqtjus dk /kS;Z ugha j[kdj] eksnh ljdkj egRoiw.kZ eqn~nksa ij dbZ lkjs v/;kns'k ykdj ^v/;kns'k jkt* pyk jgh gS A Hkwfe vf/kxzg.k fo/ks;d fdlkuksa ds vf/kdkjksa vkSj mudh tehu ij geyk gS A pquko ds le; fons'kh cSadksa ls dkyk /ku okil ykus dk tks tqeyk mNkyk x;k Fkk] mls nQu dj fn;k x;k gS A Hkz"Vkpkj ls yM+us dh lkjh ckrsa Hkqyk nh xbZ gSa A dkjiksjsV ywV fnu&c&fnu rst gks jgk gS] tcfd vR;Ur ?k`f.kr rjhds ls lkEiznkf;d foHksn iSnk fd;k tk jgk gS A viuh foLrkjoknh uhfr dh dM+h esa Hkkjr ljdkj us jkW ds tfj, Jhyadk ds gky ds pqukoksa esa viuh ukd ?kqlkbZ gS A

3-19   bu dk;ZHkkjksa dks gkFk esa ysrs le;] ikVhZ dks pkfg, fd og lkezkT;oknh Hkwe.Myhdj.k ds rgr yxHkx iphl o"kksZa ds nkSjku ns'k esa vk;s xq.kkRed ,oa ek=kRed cnykoksa ij xaHkhrjk ls fparu&euu djs A bu cnykoksa dk oxhZ; rkdrksa ds chp ijks{k :i ls tks vkfFkZd vkSj lkaLd`frd izHkko iM+k gS rFkk etnwjksa] fdlkuksa] efgykvksa] ukStokuksa] fo|kfFkZ;ksa vkSj nfyr] vkfnoklh o vYila[;d lesr vU; lHkh mRihfM+r rcdksa ij bldk tks vlj gqvk gS] og [kkl fparu dk fo"k; gksuk pkfg, A ikVhZ fuekZ.k ds lkFk&lkFk rFkk ,d tu fodYi ds fuekZ.k ds fy, 'kklu O;oLFkk ds f[kykQ pkSrjQk oSpkfjd] jktuhfrd o lkaxBfud eqfge ls tksM+rs gq, lHkh lPps okeiaFkh vkSj tuoknh rkdrksa dh lEHkore O;kid dk;e ds iz;kl ds lkFk&lkFk bu igyqvksa dk Bksl fo'ys"k.k djus vkSj le> cukus dk dke djuk pkfg, A bl eksM+ ij] tc lkezkT;oknh foÙk iwath us izfrfØ;koknh rkdrksa ds lkFk xBtksM+ cukdj etnwj oxZ vkSj O;kid tu leqnk; ij tcjnLr geyk NsM+k j[kk gS] bl uo&mnkjoknh] uo&mifuosf'kd pj.k ds Bksl ewY;kadu ds vk/kkj ij] Hkkdik¼ekys½ jsM LVkj dks pkfg, fd og Økafrdkjh vxzxfr dks ubZ fn'kk nsus dh vxqokbZ djs A

 

Read Hindi Version of Political Resolution in PDF

[Adopted by the Tenth Congress of the CPI(ML) Red Star]

1. Presently the situation in India has changed drastically. The rightist Congress led government has given way to the ultra-rightist BJP led Government. But that is not the phenomenon only in India. The world today presents a mixed picture. On the one hand, in many Latin American countries the Left are being voted to power, and the recent success of the Syriza in Greece is quite as spectacular. On the other hand, in several countries across the globe the Right and the Ultra-Right are being returned to power with a vengeance. In Turkey, the Erdogan regime got a larger percentage of the vote after the struggle at Taksim square than before. In Nepal, the government of the UCPN (Maoist) has been replaced by the openly rightist Nepali Congress government. In Egypt, the leadership of the Muslim Brotherhood was stopped, but only by the army taking over power once again. Still, the youth in general do not appear to be attracted by the ideas put forward by the revolutionary left. Rather, their opposition to rightist regimes and policies is reflected in their gravitation towards sundry alternatives like the Aam Aadmi Party in India or the Greens, NGOs, etc., which have no radical alternatives to put forward against the reactionary ruling system which is speeding up imposition of the neo-liberal policies.

2. The situation in around 1950s was exactly the opposite. The upsurge of the international communist movement was so powerful that half of the land of the world and a third of the population were living in socialist countries. Powerful national liberation movements were challenging the vestiges of colonial domination. Strong communist parties were leading the movements of the working class and oppressed peoples in a number of countries. Since then, however, there has been a decline. It was usual for us, earlier, to blame Khruschevite revisionism for this decline. However, even the Chinese Party, even though it led the opposition to Khruschevite revisionism, itself fell prey to left deviation and, subsequently, revisionism. Many of the Marxist-Leninist parties which emerged in large number of countries all over the world finally accepted that both the USSR and China were not socialist any more but had degenerated as imperialist countries, colluding and contending for power with US and other imperialists. However, many of these Marxist-Leninist parties have simply vanished without a trace, while many have degenerated all over the world either into becoming neo revisionists or left adventurists. The problem with the international and national communist movement therefore is clearly not only the problem of Khruschevite revisionism or neo-revisionism or the left sectarianism that the Chinese leadership succumbed to. The solutions must be sought even deeper than this.

3. In 2004, fighting against a section within the party which wanted to go closer to the CPI(M), the then CPI(ML) Red Flag had reached a conclusion that it was necessary to unite all sections of the ML forces who were opposed to both right revisionism and left sectarianism. It undertook an experiment in this regard of forging a unity "with differences". It was guided by the understanding that the Communist party must have a mechanism for solving all problems of program, strategy and tactics on the basis of a democratic procedure, once the basic ideas of class struggle, dictatorship of the proletariat and democratic centralism are accepted. That our understanding and faith was misplaced is a testament of history. The section with whom the unity was forged based on the agreement that through a Conference the majority line shall be evolved and it will be accepted by all as the general line for practice rejected it, making this experiment a failure. There were gains from this experience, may not be so much in terms of membership and spread, but in terms of learning the problems that the movement faced.

4. In the subsequent All India Special Conferences in Bhopal in 2009 and in the Ninth Party Congress held at Bhubaneshwar in 2011 we have succeeded to address many questions related to problems faced by the communist movement and put forward some new developments of thought. We were able to put forward our understanding of the neo-colonial phase of imperialist domination as distinguished from the colonial phase. We accepted that there has been a growth of capitalistic type of relations even in the agricultural sector while remnants of feudal relations still existed. We accepted the reality that new classes were developing in the rural areas. We were able to clearly show that Mao himself said that the foot must not be cut to fit the shoe, but rather the path of revolution in each country must follow the concrete conditions of that country. We were able to openly and without hesitation or apology reject the path of protracted people's war for India. We have put forward the necessity to link the struggle for protection of nature with the class struggle.

5. With this new understanding also came glimpses of what was the problem with the communist movement in the world. It was no coincidence that the decline of the International Communist movement had started taking place since around 1950s, the same time as imperialism had changed from the colonial phase to the neo-colonial phase of plunder. When Marx was writing about capital, it was the stage of free competition and he naturally could not foresee that capitalism would develop into a new phase – imperialism. Around the turn of the 20th century, when capitalism was developing into imperialism and free competition was giving way to monopoly, Lenin who, having read all the literature on the subject, laid bare the machinations of the new capitalist cartels and exposed that imperialism was nothing but a higher stage of capitalism. They were talking about how the capitalists had formed cartels, about how the big banks were not only loaning money to industrialists but were entering into industrial ventures on their own thus forming "finance capital". They were talking about how war was inevitable in such a scenario where groups and sections of capitalists, backed by certain states would have to fight it out for the raw materials and markets of the world. Lenin in around 200 pithy pages laid bare the machinations of the new capitalist cartels and exposed that imperialism was none other than a higher stage of capitalism. In continuation to this the basic contradictions of this era were then put forward by the Communist International as: (1) between imperialism and the oppressed nations and peoples of the world; (2) between capital and labour; (3) between socialism and imperialism; and (4) among the various imperialist countries.

6. It was Lenin who extended the theory of the workers in the imperialist countries uniting to liberate themselves from their wage-slavery to the peoples of the exploited countries liberating themselves from imperialism. It was the Bolshevik party under the leadership of Lenin which put forward the thesis of turning the world war into civil war in Russia and of the essential link between the movement of the workers for socialism in the imperialist countries and the movement of the peoples of the oppressed nations for national liberation. It was on the basis of this understanding that the original slogan of the Communist Manifesto, "Workers of the world unite" was subsequently developed to "Workers and Oppressed Peoples of the World, unite!"

7. We may well criticize this understanding of the world, in retrospect, as being inadequate. It did not say anything about the environment and "sustainable development". It did not put forward a new paradigm of "development". It did not give a clear enough understanding of the problem of women's liberation. It did not even have a whiff of the need for fighting against caste, colour, "race", etc. However, such a judgement would clearly partake of idealism. We would be trying to judge the leaderships and movements of those times on the anvil of today's social structure and understanding.

8. Based on this General Line the international communist movement grew from strength to strength till the 1950s. The main thrust behind this growth was the basis line laid down by the understanding of imperialism put forward by Lenin. No doubt, this understanding had to develop – and it was developed to a very great extent. This understanding was also able to grip the masses and become a social force. Even, till after 1950s, when many countries of the world had come under neo-colonial domination, even the ruling classes in the countries under neo-colonial domination had agreed, at least in words, that colonialism and neo-colonialism must be opposed. The writings of Nkrumah on neo-colonialism, the acceptance of the Bandung Declaration and the starting of the Non-Aligned Movement were all testaments to this felt need. There was a profound change in the situation in the world around 1950s. Bretton Woods Conference had given rise to a new economic system of which the WB and the IMF were the pillars. There was a massive proliferation of MNCs. Green revolutions started taking place all over the world. Connected to this was the political system put in place. Not only the formation of the United Nations Organization as a world body, but also the acceptance of the UN Declaration of Human Rights in 1948 which then became the basis for most of the Constitutions written during that period (though each Constitution did have its particularities). New blocs were formed like SEATO, CENTO, NATO, Warsaw Bloc, etc. Soon discussions started on the GATT and finally in 1995 the WTO was formed. On the philosophical front, post modernism took on an ever growing role and became the theoretical backbone for the proliferation of reactionary schools of thought and became the basis of formations like NGOs.

9. The International Communist Movement responded to these changes in two ways. Firstly, under Khruschev, the Communist Party of the Soviet Union took the line that with the disappearance of colonies, imperialism itself had become very weak and that there was now no more need of revolutionary change. The Socialist camp and the imperialist camp would now peacefully coexist, compete peacefully on the market and finally, seeing the innate superiority of the socialist system, the newly independent colonies would peacefully transform themselves to socialism. The Chinese Communist Party opposed this analysis and put forward that the disappearance of colonies did not herald the disappearance of imperialism. They put forward that the old colonial system had given way to a new neo-colonial system, which, they emphasized, was more pernicious than the earlier colonial system. However, beyond this short analysis made in "Apologists of neo-colonialism", the CPC did not take this further forward. The General Line document made an attempt to put forward a strategy for the communist movement in the new situation. Though it was not developed further, its contents are relevant in today's communist movement too.

10. This clearly outlines the need for a theoretical offensive. At the international level we are one of the few parties which are now willing to see the real concrete situation. We are willing to make a self-criticism of our past and are also willing to make an attempt to rectify these mistakes. We are therefore in a stronger and more advantageous situation for undertaking such a theoretical offensive. What does such an offensive entail? a) We have to undertake a thorough study and analysis to identify the causes of the collapse of the erstwhile socialist countries, especially Soviet Union and China; b) We have to launch a vigorous ideological struggle to establish across society the superiority of communism over the present ruling system as well as over various alien trends; c) We have to develop Marxism-Leninism on the basis of a concrete analysis of the concrete situation.

11. We have already made certain theoretical gains. We have a deeper understanding today of the neo-colonial system. We have found that in India and in many other countries under neo-colonial domination, there has been an ever more capitalistic system being introduced in agriculture. We have understood the importance of the environmental question and given it the importance it deserves. Many more questions still face us such as further studies on the nature of imperialism today, the meaning of a new paradigm of development and the building of socialism with greater democracy .We have to face such questions fearlessly and study them.

12. We must take up a clear, unsparing and scientific analysis of our past! Without this we cannot make a correct objective analysis of the present. This will mean asking a lot of uncomfortable questions and shedding some of our dearly held conceptions. This is necessary even to begin a theoretical offensive. Even during such an offensive we may, many times come to the conclusion that many of the positions put forward by us in the past were wrong. We must be able to boldly put forward a clear and pointed self-criticism including how and why we went wrong. This requires that we must build up an atmosphere of trust, openness and frankness within the party. We must not be scared of analyzing the situation of ours and of others around us and must go, in practice, to wherever such an analysis takes us.

13. We must develop a system of propagating our ideas to the masses. To do that requires not only a good development of our publications but also a more systematic use of the social media. We have to develop such a style of writing which will help the people to clearly understand what we stand for in the concrete situation of today.

14. A party does not consist of a few thinkers and a mass of doers. Today there is a great gap in the consciousness of a few leading cadres and of the rest of the cadres in the party. A systematic method of developing the party study schools etc must be undertaken to build up the party as a whole.

15. Even with party study schools, etc we will not be able to propagate the ideas for a theoretical offensive on our own. We have to take the help of mass organizations like cultural organizations, anti-caste organizations, trade unions, peasants' organizations, etc for this purpose. We must involve all such organizations into the debate on the real questions which are facing the people today and must use their resources to propagate radical solutions for such questions.

16. The task before us is to take up the building of the communist movement in India and to play active role in doing so in the rest of the world. A major part of this task is to take such a theoretical offensive as we have outlined above. We must boldly seize the real questions of the people in today's situation and must scientifically search out the solutions. We must unsparingly lay bare our own history, the history of the communists in India and all over the world. We must make a base for combining with all sections of the people who are fighting against the injustice caused by the present imperialist-capitalist system – whether in intensifying the human labour, in all forms of environmental damage, gender injustice, caste and racial injustice, persecution of minorities, etc. We must fervently organize the workers and peasants to face the new situation. Students, youth etc must be rallied on the basis of the new understanding. It is precisely if we develop the correct theory, that we will not have to go behind the workers, peasants, youth, women, dalits, etc – they will be drawn forward to the correct theory. This true measure of the theoretical offensive has to be grasped and carried forward.

Central Committee,

CPI(ML) Red Star.

Dated 28th April, 2015.

 

Read Resolution on Theoritical Offensive in PDF file  

1. International situation

1.1 The international situation almost six years after the eruption of the economic crisis in the latter half of 2008 continues to be gloomy. As investment, the driving force behind capitalist accumulation is still lagging, any return to the pre-crisis growth rates is ruled out by the most optimistic imperialist projections. The whole set of neoliberal policies super-imposed on humankind by ruling classes everywhere in the guise of alleviating the crisis has dragged the whole world into a vicious circle of speculation, inflation, unemployment, austerity, recession, social decay and cultural degradation. The much trumpeted talk on a 'recovery' during the 2010-12 period in imperialist circles has once again exposed following reports recently released by various international agencies including UN and ILO and even by the Bretton Woods twins (the IMF and the World Bank) on the continuing stagnation and unemployment. All the indicators point towards a further acceleration in the immediate future of all the negative trends associated with stagflation. All over the imperialist world as well as in countries under neocolonial domination, fresh capital investment in employment oriented productive spheres is collapsing at an alarming speed and finance capitalists are only interested in ballooning money-spinning speculative businesses. The resulting decline in the consuming power of the vast majority of people has created gruesome levels of inequality and poverty and a contraction in market.

1.2 A striking feature of neo-liberalism today is horrific levels of unemployment and underemployment quite unparalleled in capitalist history such that the entire world is now transformed into a 'waste-land of unemployment.' Growing unemployment resulting in relatively low share of national income to the working people coupled with rising prices of essentials today is an ingenious device that systematically redistributes income in favour of finance capitalists in both imperialist countries and countries under neocolonial domination, as well as to the rural landlord class in case of the latter. Capitalism has become so decadent and moribund that rather than production, it is redistribution of income and wealth that forms the basis of appropriation and that leads the capitalist accumulation process today. At a time when the employment growth rate is plummeting under stagflation and income inequality is rising alarmingly through monetarist policies, corporate profits are soaring in the neoliberal world order. Unprecedented growth in the number of "absolute poor" lacking minimum food, medi-care and shelter which are indispensable for life's sustenance alongside the most shameless and conspicuous displays of wealth by corporate elite are inseparable components of neoliberal accumulation today. According to ILO's latest World Protection Report 2014-15, at a global level, 18000 children below the age of five are dying per day due to lack of food. The study that examined primary health care, maternal and child protection, condition of the workers and old age people in 200 countries found an average 37 percent reduction in the availability of these services in the year 2013 compared with 2012. At a global level only 0.4 percent of the GDP is set apart for child welfare. While the EU spends 2.2 percent of GDP for child protection, the corresponding figure for the US is 0.69 percent and for Africa and Asia-Pacific only 0.2 percent. In the year 2013, only 25 percent of world's women workers got maternity benefits and the US, still the leading imperialist power is among the group of countries along with Oman, New Guinea, etc., that deny even the minimum maternity benefits including wages to women workers. In imperialist countries, during the period 2008-13, unemployment has increased by 45 percent, and 48 percent of the pensioners were pushed out of the pension system. The number of American households that lives on less than $2 per day more than doubled during the past decade and the proportion of households that are "food insecure" is almost one-fifth in 2013. Today the US, whose real economy is shrinking at a level comparable with that of the Depression years, has become far more unequal than any other period in history, as the top 10 percent there received more than 50 percent of the national income and owns three-fourths of the national wealth. All these are the direct outcome of the neoliberal measures implemented after the eruption of the global meltdown in 2008 to save the finance capitalists from collapse. While it worsened economic and social conditions of the broad masses of people in US and EU, the bubble that is created in the process is ripe for another meltdown. There is no solution for this contradiction within the present parasitic system and it can be resolved only by revolutionary transformation of the society.

1.3 The critical situation in imperialist countries and countries under neocolonial domination whereby corporate profits are at the highest levels when economic crisis as manifested in stagnant production and sliding wages is the deepest is a relatively new phenomenon. On account of the inherent parasitism and decay of finance capital, a large chunk of the profits is not used to finance increased productive capacity or investing even in profitable industrial outlets, but to buy back shares and inflate stock prices and for trading in commodity futures leading to sky-rocketing prices of everything. Speculation in real estate, currency, stock and futures markets coupled with the inherent corrupt deals has led to a financial parasitism or 'crony capitalism' engulfing the whole world at maddening pace. As economic breakdown and joblessness mount, instead of taking up the fundamental questions concerning the people, the ruling classes everywhere is eulogizing sky-rocketing financial indices as true indicators of capitalist vitality and seeks to defend soaring corporate profit rates by putting heavier burdens on the shoulders of working class and toiling masses. Left with no other alternative, the imperialist effort to resolve the crisis by diverting public resources to private coffers through austerity programs is reducing the purchasing power of the masses further making the crisis irreversible, once again underlining non-viability of the imperialist system.

1.4 The efforts on the part of US-led imperialism and its lackeys to help corporate profits to leap by shifting the burden of this ever-mounting crisis on to the shoulders of working class and oppressed masses in the imperialist countries and in the countries under neocolonial domination are met with resistance and upsurges in diverse forms in different parts of the world ranging from Occupy Wall Street type movements to massive upsurges against authoritarian regimes, to anti-corruption movements in India. Struggles against soaring prices of food and other essentials, corruption, commodification of women and gender discrimination, ecological and cultural degradation and against state oppression and denial of hard-earned democratic rights have become features worldwide. People's uprising in Nepal succeeded in throwing out the two-and-a-half century old monarchy. In North Africa and West Asia, these uprisings were so powerful that they uprooted decades-long dictatorships in countries like Tunisia and Egypt. But, ideological bankruptcy of the so called Left forces or the absence of powerful communist parties capable of providing political orientation and leadership to these struggles helped the forces of 'political Islam' or religious fundamentalists aligned with finance capital in one way or other to come to power again in these countries. Imperialism is trying to overcome world people's resistance to the rule of capital by releasing reactionary forces everywhere. In this process it intensifies existing conflicts and creates new ones. In several African countries, US led imperialism has succeeded in diverting people's simmering discontent against the ruling system into internecine tribal conflicts. In countries like Libya, US-led imperialists succeeded in regime-replacement with their puppets. In Ukraine US-NATO intervention has led to a sharpening of inter-imperialist contradiction with Russia. The civil war like situation created in Syria by US and its European allies is presently having its worst ramification in Iraq already ruled by the US puppet Shia regime with the advent of ultra-fundamentalist ISIS. This has resulted in ever-mounting Sunni-Shia civil-war destroying the remaining social fabric there, compelling US to redraw its West Asian strategy accordingly. The US backed Zionists of Israel are slaughtering the people of Gaza and West Bank. The mockery of US withdrawal plan from Afghanistan has led to more problems there. The 'pivot to Asia' policy of US for isolating China and re-militarisation of Japan coupled with new Sino-Russian strategic economic and military alliance have led to an aggravation of inter-imperialist conflicts in East Asia as in the case of East Europe.

1.5 Meanwhile, US hegemonic position in Latin America which had been depicted as the former's backyard since the nineteenth century has considerably weakened. Emergence of progressive-democratic movements in many Latin American countries against US backed military dictatorships since the beginning of the 1980s followed by persistent people's resistance codified as "anti-IMF riots" against IMF-imposed structural adjustment programs leading to the "debt crisis" of the late 1980s and cold-war justifications for continued US military presence becoming no longer valid in the 1990s, etc., are major factors that challenged decades long American neo-colonial strategy there. As a result, many progressive governments with a nationalistic and anti-imperialist orientation have come to power in countries like Venezuela, Bolivia, Nicaragua, Ecuador, etc. which along with Cuba are resisting US intervention in Latin America through nationalisation of essential natural resources such as petroleum and resorting to a whole set of welfare-oriented policies. In this peculiar situation, already burdened with a crisis-ridden domestic economy coupled with successive military disasters in Iraq and Afghanistan and being overstretched and finding itself difficult to manage the neocolonial geo-political system so assiduously built up in the postwar period, US imperialism is forced to divert major part of its military investments in West Asia, North Africa, Asia pacific Region and more recently to East Europe in the context of growing conflict with Russia.

1.6 Along with this, the relative economic declines of the US vis-à-vis other imperialist powers on the one hand, and China's ascendancy as an imperialist power together with its acknowledged position as the second largest economy in the world are new developments. Backed by its inexhaustible source of cheap labour, China's emergence as a low wage manufacturing hub successfully carving out export markets and sources of raw materials and neocolonial spheres of influence in Asia, the Pacific and Africa has taken its bureaucratic state monopoly capitalism into conflict with other imperialist powers , especially with the US and Japan. China's position as world's biggest exporter and growing trade surplus against the US which is the largest in recorded economic history and the consequent pressure on US dollar to depreciate and China's strengthening militarization as a corollary of its neocolonial ambitions leading to increasing conflicts with Japan, and above all China's role as the leading player in BRICS, etc., have imparted new dimensions to inter-imperialist rivalries. American effort to involve India, one of its junior partners in the region and other countries in its machinations against China along with Japan is transforming the whole of South Asia and East Asia as conflict zones. However, though US direct and indirect involvement as the leading imperialist player of the neocolonial order is visible everywhere, relative alterations within the imperialist system have made the post cold-war world situation as one where the uni-polar situation with hegemonic role of US is transforming in to a multi-polar one with sharpening inter-imperialist contradictions.

1.7 As a result, all the major contradictions at the global level, the contradiction between imperialism and the oppressed peoples and nations, the contradiction between capital and labor, the contradiction between the imperialism and the socialist forces and the contradiction among the imperialist countries and monopoly groups have intensified to unprecedented levels. In addition, plunder of nature has become a major form of accumulation by finance capital today such that with the further intensification of internationalization of finance capital, humankind today faces an environmental catastrophe of hitherto unknown levels. Consequently, world people's growing resistance against displacement from their habitat and movements against super-imposed calamities such as those arising from fresh water scarcity, desertification, deforestation, chemical pollution, and above all against radio-active contamination from nuclear industry and so on which are inseparably linked up with the predatory plunder by corporate capital have become a major arena of class struggle today. As such, along with the above four major contradictions, the contradiction between capital and nature has become a fifth major contradiction, the resolution of which along with the other four also forms a major task of the international proletariat.

1.8 In the international arena in the place of uni-polar world, multi-polar world has emerged. The contradiction among the imperialist forces has got intensified. The contradiction between the oppressed nations and peoples on the one hand and imperialism, especially US imperialism, on the other has also got intensified. The contradiction between capital and labour has also intensified. However balance of power is still inclined in favour of imperialism and the reactionaries and against the world people. The west wind still prevails over the east. In this situation, the possibility of yet another world war remains, though there exist factors to prevent it. As imperialism is carrying forward the capitalist accumulation process by shifting the burden of the continuing capitalist crisis to the shoulders of people, it is met with stiff resistance and recent years have witnessed growing workers struggles in countries such as France, Greece, Spain and Britain. Though the political leadership is weak, working class in countries like India is coming forward to participate in general strikes. No doubt, as the economic crisis intensifies and as the ruling classes will try to put heavier burdens on the working class and oppressed masses by curtailing wages and democratic rights on the one hand, and resorts to ruthless plunder of nature on the other, these emerging struggles are going to develop further.

1.9 In this context, the founding of ICOR in October 2010 following the initiatives taken by CPI (ML) Red Star along with MLPD has created favourable conditions for Marxist-Leninist and revolutionary parties to carry forward the revolutionary task in the present world situation. Led by ICOR significant steps are taken to organize the workers, peasantry and women together with the building up of ecological and anti-nuclear movements having international ramifications. Asserting that "capitalism has no future to offer to the working class and the broad masses of people in the world", the Founding Document of ICOR stated: "The founding of the ICOR follows from the understanding: The time is ripe to counter highly organized, globally linked international finance capital and its imperialist world system with something new - the organized power of the international revolutionary and working-class movement and of the broad masses in a new stage of the cross-border cooperation and coordination of the practical activity: "Imperialism with its system of neo-colonialism can further exist only in a developing proneness to crisis which dramatically calls into question the existence of humankind. It is expressed in the world economic and financial crisis 2008, the structural crises of the capitalist system of production and reproduction, the debt crises, the global environmental crisis, the growing absence of family of the proletariat and the broad masses, the political crises, but also in the growing international threat of war, the increasing imperialist aggressions, and in the general tendency of imperialism to reaction and fascism."

1.10 The founding of ICOR based on the rich experiences of historical examples of international forms of organization like the First, Second and Third International is the result of more than three decades of struggle by the Marxist-Leninist forces against erroneous tendencies. It is a first step towards deepening the ideological struggle in the ICM in order to develop a General Line For The World Proletarian Socialist Revolution according to the concrete conditions of today, in continuation to the general line put forward by the Comintern under Lenin's leadership and the Proposal Concerning the General Line of the ICM put forward by the CPC during the Great Debate under the leadership of Mao Tsetung. In continuation to the successful convening of the Second World Conference of ICOR in April 2014, it is our duty to carry forward the tasks of the ICOR as necessitated by the concrete international situation.

2. National Situation

2.1 The 16th Indian General Election took place when further intensification of the neoliberal regime nicknamed Manmohanomics under the UPA government during the three years since our Tenth Congress has led to alarming price rise, unemployment, corruption, displacement, ecological destruction, loss of livelihood, etc. which have aroused unprecedented people's fury across the length and breadth of the country. In the absence of a left-democratic people's alternative, with the backing of corporate capital that gobbled up the biggest gains from the UPA rule, together with the ideological and organisational backing of the Hindutva forces led by RSS, in the atmosphere created by its 'cultural nationalist' offensive, the BJP had succeeded in utilizing people's fury to catapult itself to power, thereby creating a dangerous situation in the country.

2.2 During its ten-year rule, pursuing a policy of supporting or collaborating with US imperialist global manoeuvres under the 'strategic alliance' with it, the Congress-led UPA regime had started repudiating even the positive elements associated with India's erstwhile foreign policy. Clinging to the apron strings of US imperialism in its 'war on terror' policy, the UPA regime worsened India's hitherto friendly relations with the West Asian countries. The cancellation of the Iran-Pakistan-India pipeline under pressure from US had not only harmed the national interests, but also worsened decades-long good relations with Iran. Same was the case with SAARC countries. Developments pertaining to Indo-Pak relations rather than serving the aspirations of people in both countries continued to be dictated by the interests of multinational arms manufacturers and arms dealers for whom both India and Pakistan are flourishing markets for dumping their obsolete weapons. The big brother attitude of the Indian ruling classes has contributed much in isolating the country from its neighbours. In continuation of this pro-imperialist external policies, by implementing all the IMF-WB-WTO conditionalities, through agreements such as Indo-US Nuclear Accord, US-India Agricultural Technology Initiative, etc., and through a series of economic and trade pacts with other imperialist powers such as EU and Japan and above all by opening up India for unhindered penetration of international finance capital through FIIs and FDIs, the UPA regime had carried forward the process of full integration of Indian economy with the crisis-ridden imperialist economy. Its outcome has been an intensification of globalization-liberalization-privatization policies over the past decade.

2.3 It resulted in an extensive deregulation and liberalization of the agricultural, industrial, financial and foreign trade and currency sectors, liberalization and restructuring of tax, labour and industrial relations and above all a down- sizing and rollback of the state from economic social spending. Backed by the philosophy of neo-liberalism or monetarism, the state itself was transformed from its erstwhile Keynesian role of an 'initiator' of economic activities to a 'facilitator' of corporate dominance in all fields. The IMF-World Bank-WTO enforced conditionalities which form the core of the neoliberal attack, led to a downsizing and roll back of the erstwhile welfare state, cut in social welfare expenditures pertaining to food, health, education and shelter, abolition of special provisions oppressed and weaker sections, elimination of state subsidies including that of food, stoppage of price support and procurement programs, closing down of public sector units and disinvestment of even the very profitable ones at throwaway prices, restructuring infrastructures, public utilities and social overheads under the euphemism of public-private partnership(PPP) and BOT schemes enabling private sector to accumulate vast amount of wealth through toll collection or imposition of appropriate user charges, liberalization of trade, banking and financial markets, liberalization of tax regime, liberalisation of the labour market including wage freeze along with required anti-strike laws and above all, through free entry and exit of MNCs. During 2006-14 alone, corporate tax exemptions have amounted to around Rs. 35 lakh crore!

2.4 Agriculture was subjected to the worst form of financial penetration and corporatisation through the so called 'Second Green Revolution', adding a new dimension to India's agrarian and ecological crisis already worsened by the 'first green revolution'. Along with corporate land grab in the name of various neocolonial projects such as SEZs, New Manufacturing and Industrial Zones (NMIZs) tourism zones, townships, industrial corridors, etc., vast land areas are concentrated in agri-business companies in the name of corporate agriculture leading to further landlessness and destitution of the peasantry. Even existing land ceiling acts are repealed to facilitate corporatisation resulting in large scale displacement of the peasantry. The result has been an unprecedented internal migration ever recorded in human history and the displaced landless peasantry is joining the ranks of slum dwellers in urban centers of the country.

2.5 During the past several years, in terms of its contribution to GDP, industrial sector was more or less stagnant. Several spheres of manufacturing industry had already started experiencing what is called restructuring and consequent joblessness. The super-imposed export-oriented industrialization that has destroyed several export-based domestic industries such as jut being primarily cheap-labour based, whatever new employment created is in the informal or unorganized sector where job security and social security are nil. As a result of economic crisis in US and EU which are India's major export markets, several 'sunrise' industries that emerged under globalization are facing threat of closures. The IT- related outsourcing bubble which has been solely depending on the financial boom in imperialist countries is also bursting. Transfer of ownership of strategic public sector undertakings to the private sector through disinvestment programs and sell-out of country's mineral and petroleum resources to to big corporate giants such as Reliance strengthened the restructuring process and joblessness further. As a mark of declining earnings and the deterioration in the standard of living of the working class in general, the share of wages in GDP that on an average hovered around 35 percent in the pre-liberalization period has fallen to less than 20 percent at the fag end of Manmohan regime.

2.6 In tune with the specific character of finance capital, corporate MNCs and their Indian junior partners are fast moving from the sphere of production into the sphere of speculation composed of real estate, finance, trade and other money-spinning businesses. Speculative capital has subjected every item of human life such as land, food, medicine, education, fuel and so on to outright speculation. The gains from the flourishing speculative activities in the service sector comprising almost 60 percent of the economy are gobbled up by a tiny upper echelon of society. Along with all pervasive corruption propelled by extreme greed, corporate capital with the connivance of political-bureaucratic set up has unleashed an unprecedented plunder of nature including water, forests and natural and mineral resources leading to massive displacement of peasants including even aboriginal tribes from their habitats and unprecedented ecological destruction in the country

2.7 Corporatization of agriculture and deindustrialization coupled with globalization induced speculation has led to sky-rocketing of the prices of all essential commodities and services including food, fuel, healthcare, education, etc. This has inflicted horrific levels poverty and destitution on the broad masses of population. If the international poverty line of $ 2 (120 rupees) is accepted as the criterion of ascertaining poverty in India, then more than 70 percent( or 75 crore) of the Indian population is to be characterized as absolute poor today. In that context, the much publicized food security bill promulgated during the last days of UPA rule around will be an eyewash as it identifies only 25 crore of Indian people as poor whose minimum calorific requirement will be met at an estimated a cost of one-and-a- half lakh crore rupees, when the tax exemptions to the corporate elites every year come to around 5 lakh crore rupees on an average. Laying red carpet for the highly speculative FII in stock, currency and other money-spinning sectors on the one hand, and throwing open all strategic sectors such as defense and insurance to the FDI on the other, with liberal repatriation offers are unprecedented challenges before the people. Coupled with this, theprivatization and commercialization of education, healthcare and housing, privatization of water and electricity, abolition of administered price mechanism in the petroleum sector, opening up the retail sector which is second only to agriculture as a source of livelihood for the people to FDI, allowing futures trading in food and other essential commodities, sell-out of the country's fisheries sector to MNCs and deep-sea trawlers with devastating consequences for the fishing community, and removal of all democratic rights to workers, etc. have led to the impoverishment of masses at an alarming rate. Along with these, the deals involved among the corporate-bureaucrat- politician nexus in accomplishing all the neo-liberal agenda against the people have put India as one of the most corrupt regimes in the world. And in the repatriation of this loot to foreign tax havens such as Swiss banks, the present regime itself is being exposed as a conduit. This has led to people's growing resentment against scams and corruption in the country.

2.8 A corollary of this neoliberal agenda has been ever-intensifying attacks on the people coming out against the reactionary policies pursued under neo-liberal raj. The militarization of the country as witnessed in Jammu and Kashmir and Northeast is spread to more areas like Chhattisgarh where the military is already deployed with the danger of its operations spreading to all of mineral rich central India where adivasis constitute a major section of the population, under the pretext of countering the Maoist activities. Black laws such as AFSPA and UAPA are wantonly used and new ones created to deny basic civil rights to the people. Imperialism and Indian state which prop up various funding and NGO network as an adjunct of neo-liberalism and to divert people's discontent to apolitical channels have started effectively utilizing the NGO and Maoist bogey to suppress people's movements against displacement, ecological destruction, state repression, etc.

2.9 In the absence of a people's alternative to Congress-led UPA, the BJP succeeded in reaping the benefit of people's fury against it. Despite receiving only 31 percent votes, it managed to get absolute majority in the 16th Lok Sahba with the backing of large scale funding from big corporate houses and with the help of main stream media controlled by them. Modi government's ascendancy to power together with the danger of RSS agenda coming to the forefront marks a distinct ultra rightwing shift in the neoliberal policies pursued by successive governments since the beginning of 1990s and getting intensified as Manmohanomics during the ten-year UPA regime. While all the UPA constituents together with the Congress were routed in the election, along with the NDA partners, the regional parties such as AIADMK in TN, TMC in W. Bengal, BJD in Odisha, and TRS in Telengana which took an anti-Congress position also could make significant gains in the election. But all of them are following neo-liberal economy and themselves depend on communal appeasement, caste and chauvinism for ensuring their vote banks. The Left Front led by CPI(M) which had abandoned the Marxist-Leninist path and was implementing the neo-liberal policies wherever it came to power, suffered the worst-ever setback in its history. In West Bengal and to a certain extent in Kerala whatever vote share was lost by the LF was gained by BJP, which indicates a sharp rightist turn in these states' politics in line with the all India developments. This ultra-rightist threat in the country is similar to the international situation where with the weakening of the revolutionary Left, the imperialist forces and their lackeys are propping up ultra rightist and fascist trends to tide over the present acute crisis faced by the international finance capital system.

2.10 Modi's ascent to power has been inevitably characterized by the ascendancy o aggressive Hindu communalism, as reflected in a slew of riots, religious conversion drives, esoteric Hinduisation of culture and science, strident calls for Hindu Rshtra, idiolization of Nathuram Godse and like features. The opn communal polarization resorted to by RSS, Bajrang Dal etc has ben met with silent support from Modi and his administration. BJP MPs and MLAs continue to make blatant communal statements and to incite tensions. All this has been accompanied by ruthless acceleration of Manmohanomics as is manifested in the extrapolation of his 'Gujarat model' to the whole of India with the corporate-friendly catchwords such as 'minimum government,' 'good governance', development, etc. The 'road map' for Modi regime's economic policy in the coming years containing transparent policy environment for business including reforms to enhance "ease of doing business", liberal tax regime, full liberalization of FDI regime in strategic sectors such as defense and railways, construction of freight and industrial corridors including the creation of what is called a Diamond Quadrilateral project of high speed trains, specialized Agri-Rail networks, promotion of air connectivity to smaller towns and development of low-cost airports, connecting ports with hinterland through road and rail, outsourcing of public sector banking operations to MNCs and corporate giants such as Reliance, building up of 100 cities equipped with world class amenities, etc. based on PPP, a euphemism for privatization, attracting private investment in coal sector, completion of nuclear power projects and operationalization of international nuclear agreements, modernization and corporatization of agriculture, time-bound forest and environmental clearance for projects, and so on are fully in conformity with the diktats and requirements of crisis-ridden international finance capital. Followed by the decision to raise the height of Narmada Dam by another 17 metres leading to the submergence of two-and-a-half lakh families, this ultra-rightist economic agenda was inaugurated with the extra-budgetary announcement accomplishing the largest-ever rail fare hike in the entire history of Indian railways, one of the world's largest, to make it an attractive destination of foreign direct investment.

2.11 This was followed by the presentation of its maiden Budget which raised FDI limit in Defense and Insurance to 49 percent at a stroke for the year 2014-15 with clear hints on 100 percent FDI in these and other strategic sectors through successive budgets. Along with this, the budget announced a disinvestment target of around Rs. 60000 crore; across the board entry of foreign capital in manufacturing including e-commerce; restructuring of Food Corporation of India and PDS to facilitate free trade led by speculative financiers in food and agricultural goods; Second Green Revolution-linked corporatization of agriculture based on agri-business, bio-technology and farm agriculture; complete privatization of all infrastructures such as ports, airports, roads, SEZs, industrial corridors, urban housing, 16 metros in selected cities and 100 smart cities and so on through the public-private-partnership (PPP) mode; corporate tax exemptions to the tune of more than 5 lakh crores, etc. to put the country along the high way to an era of unprecedented corporatization and privatization. Envisaging a whole set of tax giveaways and indirect subsidies to the corporate sector, the Budget took decision to transfer the country's precious public assets and natural resources to foreign capitalists and their Indian compradors. As we are experiencing, the immediate impact of the budget has been an unprecedented boost in real estate and all sorts of money spinning activities leading to destructive levels of corporate profits coupled with de-industrialization and further joblessness, run-away inflation, loss of purchasing power for the broad masses and hitherto unknown levels of pauperization and inequality. Abstaining from domestic resource mobilization and heavily depending on the crisis-ridden imperialist capital for fresh investment, and having no plan to deal with corruption or speculation which is major source of inflation, and withdrawing from social services such as education, healthcare, etc. altogether for their eventual corporatization, in the name of minimum government and pursuing the discredited neoliberal trajectory of its predecessor in an ultra-rightist manner, the Modi regime has become a mere facilitator of corporatization that fattens the stock and asset portfolios of the super-rich enabling them to indulge in most destructive, reckless and criminal forms of financial manipulation. Its outcomes are brutal austerity programs, cut in subsidies, galloping prices of food, fuel and other essentials, exorbitantly heavy charges for public utilities and destruction of social services including even pensions and the living standards of the working class, toiling masses and oppressed peoples. Together with this neocolonial servitude, since the reins of power are directly wielded by RSS, further communalization of the entire administration, education, scientific and historical research, culture, and the society as a whole has intensified in an alarming manner.

3. Tasks before the Party

3.1 The urgent and primary task before all progressive forces in the country, of the left masses and of the party is an all-out offensive against BJP's ultra-rightist rule in the background of ever worsening international and national situation sketched above. It calls for immediate strengthening of the Party ideologically, politically and organizationally, capable of mobilizing and leading the masses of people. All state governments run by different parties are also committed to speed up the neo-liberal policies. All of them are adherents of neoliberal policies in varying degrees. The same is true for the CPI (M) and its allies who practiced the same policies while in power in Kerala and Bengal. The recent appeal of CPI(M) for the unity of of all those opposed to communalism and neo-liberal policies should be viewed in the context of their past practice. As all the major contradictions are intensifying fast under the BJP regime countrywide offensive against its policies is the need of the hour. So the present national situation calls for building a struggling left, secular democratic alternative committed to throw out the neo-liberal policies and communal politics to usher in a people oriented development paradigm. The task before the party is to take immediate steps to give ideological and political leadership to this offensive.

3.2 The primary task is to develop the existing Party organization and class/mass organizations to make them capable of intensifying the struggles to throw out neo-liberal policies and communal fascist tendencies, and to launch people oriented development paradigm. Along with this, strengthening party fraction work in all class/ mass organizations and recruiting party members from them should be given utmost importance. A vigorous campaign for recruiting party members from revolutionary intellectuals, students and youth based on the ideological political line put forward by the Party has to be launched. People's resistance against the neoliberal regime can be built up effectively only by a party working among the masses. It calls for consolidation and expansion of the Party organisation in those states where party committees are already active, and to spread the Party to more areas. Based on the ideological political line put forward by the party, systematic political and organisational work should be initiated and developed to make the Party a political force at all India level. The process of party building through building and strengthening of class and mass organizations, by expanding their membership and struggles and recruiting comrades from them and politicizing them should be given priority. Continuous efforts are needed to recruit and develop ideologically-politically equipped professional revolutionaries.

3.3 Reorganization of the party is inseparably linked to uniting all Marxist-Leninist forces in to a powerful Communist party capable of leading the working class, peasantry and all other exploited and oppressed classes and sections of people for revolutionary social transformation. While the BJP with its ultra-rightist and communal fascist agenda has unleashed an unprecedented onslaught, the struggling left forces should put forward an alternative before the country and give leadership to people's struggles against imperialism, against neo-liberal policies and programs of the Modi government and various state governments, and against communalism. As CPI(M) has already abandoned Marxist-Leninist path and degenerated to right opportunism and parliamentary cretinism, uncompromising ideological struggle should be waged against it with the intention of winning over all revolutionary sections remaining in it. On the other hand, the CPI (Maoist) pursuing anarchist path is indirectly helping the ruling classes and getting increasingly alienated from the people. Ideological struggle against this section should be continued without any let up. While waging uncompromising ideological struggle against these trends, healthy political relations should be developed with different left organizations. The unfolding situation calls for renewed efforts for development of a platform of struggling left, democratic and secular forces for initiating broad movements against neo-liberal policies and their consequences and against communal fascist forces, winning ever more forces to confront the new challenges posed by the Modi government.

3.4 The efforts to reorganize the communist party should be linked with moves tounite all left and democratic forces for broadest possible people's resistance against neo-liberal policies and intensifying fascist danger. When the RSS backed corporate offensive has assumed intensive forms, building unity of left and democratic forces based on a common minimum program against the ruling regime is highly imperative. The DPF initiated with like-minded forces from 2010 has taken up many campaigns and mobilizations against neo-liberal policies during last five years including the powerful rally at Ahmedabad in November 2012 with 'Oust Modi' slogan and yearly mobilizations in Delhi. The unfolding situation calls for renewed efforts for further development of DPF as a platform for initiating broad movements against the neo-liberal policies and their consequences and against communal fascist forces, winning over more forces to confront the new challenges posed by the Modi government.

3.5 The Party building and united front initiatives get strengthened if concerted propaganda and political education work through party organs and publications, and systematic education of cadres based on Marxist literature, basic documents of the Party and ICOR, and the documents and publications of the class and mass organizations are carried forward. When imperialism and its lackeys have unleashed unparalleled rightwing, malicious global misinformation campaign and counter propaganda against communism and revolutionary forces through all the avenues of corporate media, revolutionary propaganda is indispensable for creating a revolutionary atmosphere in the country for bringing new sections to the ideological-political line of the Party and to bring together like minded forces for joint movements. At a time when imperialist think-tanks and imperialist media machine are profusely producing and spreading various hues of postmodern and post-Marxist theories, ideological offensive to expose them and for bring the people to revolutionary orientation is indispensable for the Marxist-Leninists the world over. This task can be fulfilled only through strengthening the publications and the effective use of media, both print and electronic including social media. Language-wise publication centers all over India for bringing out Marxist classics and progressive books should be started by all Party state committees. To develop ideological level and understanding of the cadres, the Central Committee should further improve the system for organizing regular party schools, study classes and theoretical discussions for applying the theory of Marxism-Leninism according to concrete situation. Appropriate ideological-political initiatives and propaganda work are required for the development of revolutionary theory and practice at international level too.

3.6 One of the political campaigns that require foremost attention in the present context is regarding the election reforms. The biggest-ever corporate-funded 2014 General Elections gave BJP absolute majority in Lok Sabha with just 31 % votes. Though Congress got 19.3 percent of votes, it got only 44 seats, while BSP with 4.1 percent votes could not get even one seat. The Election Manifesto of CPI (ML) had demanded urgent electoral reforms, replacing the 'first pass the post system' with the method of proportional representation. The Manifesto had stressed that electoral reforms should be implemented as part of basic changes in the Constitution for separation between religion and politics to strengthen secular values, for abolition of the caste system, for radical land reforms including distribution of land to the real tillers and rejection of corporatization of agriculture etc. Along with these, important reforms are urgently needed in the Constitution for democratization of the polity, for introducing the right to recall the elected representatives as well as all government officials indulging in corrupt practices, for ensuring the right to food-clothing-shelter-health-education-employment as fundamental right for all and so on. The option of state funding of elections must be taken up as a national debate.

3.7 As the Party Program points out conditions for countrywide people's uprisings against the ruling system can be created only under the leadership of the working class. But, in continuation to the two-and-a-half decades of neoliberal policies, the ultra-rightist Modi regime, under the banner of "minimum government" is accelerating the policy of disinvestment and state's withdrawal from economic and social sectors leading to further shrinking of organised sector employment to just 7 percent of the total. Whatever new job opportunities are created are in the informal sector. So further intensification of casualisation, contract labour system, hire and fire, etc. are taking place. A comprehensive policy of liberalization of the labour market, including amendment to Factories Act is on the anvil. Coupled with these, the FDI and PPP based corporatization and privatization of every sphere is announced in the BJP budget. As one of the important sources of wealth appropriation and capital accumulation under the neo-liberal order is through plunder of natural resources, as job oriented production is cut down, unemployment and under employment have become in built trends. So, the contradiction between capital and labour has assumed extreme dimensions. Resisting neoliberal policies has become the foremost task of the working class. Since the trade union centres led by bourgeois, revisionist, reformist and communal leaderships are not serious, consistent and thoroughgoing about this task, the Party comrades working in TUCI and other trade unions should take up this question with the aim of building broad platforms of the working class- by uniting those forces that can be united - to fight these policies. In this process, particular emphasis should be given for politicizing the working class.

3.8 In continuation to the first Green Revolution of the pre-globalization period, under neoliberal globalization, the policies pursued by successive governments based on agribusiness, corporate farming and new agricultural technologies, the agricultural sector is increasingly subjected to what is called a Second Green Revolution, which in essence means ever growing corporatization of the agrarian sector. Corporate houses and MNCs with the backing of most modern agricultural technologies and monopoly market power are grabbing vast tracts of agricultural lands and transforming certain areas of the rural heartland in to big corporate farms. They are violating even the existing land ceiling laws. It is leading to massive devastation of the peasantry. Through region-specific studies the details can be brought out. The consequent displacement of peasantry coupled with forcible eviction from their habitats for SEZs, corridors, mining projects, etc. have assumed horrific proportions today. These displaced peasantry, adivasis and dalits, flock to corporate farms or extractive industries. Or as migrant workers they flock to slums in urban areas.. As a result of these developments during many decades, the development of capitalist relations in agriculture is now a growing trend at all India level, though there are diversities and unevenness to a large extent. These diversities and unevenness exist among the different states, within a state and even within a district. There are areas where the capitalist relations in agriculture have reached dominant position. Again there are areas where feudal and semi-feudal relations exist quite strongly. Throughout the country there is prevalence of usury capital and caste oppression.

3.9 Work in the women's front for their emancipation from the clutches of patriarchy and commodification is crucial component of the PDR. It should be taken up as a vital aspect of the revolutionary movement not only for capturing the political power, but also for continuing the revolution in the direction of socialist transformation. In the present context women are coming out of the confines of home on a large scale so as to earn a living. At the same time, women and girls are coming under increasing sexual assaults. The ruling system is maintaining criminal indifference to it. This barbaric situation can be resisted and defeated only through the development of a powerful revolutionary women's movement. It can function with this perspective only if it is developed as a real mass movement attracting large number of women activists from the different social strata. While large number of women from the Party are working in the AIRWO, it has to grow beyond this present limitation attracting the masses of struggling women from the society as a whole. This will pave the way for the independent development of the revolutionary women's movement capable of challenging all forms of patriarchy including even its influence within the Party. Party should extend all out support for such a development in the women's front.

3.10 In a situation when the left movement has suffered severe setbacks internationally and in India, the youth and students who are born and brought up in the neoliberal period are ferociously indoctrinated with anti-communist propaganda. Imperialism and ruling classes along with all reactionary forces are constantly engaged in de-politicization drive to make the youth and students apolitical. In such a situation, a major chunk of votes that put the ultra-rightist Modi regime in power came from the youth. Unemployment, price rise, corruption, commercialization of everything including education, etc. make the youth very vulnerable. In search of quick-fix solutions, they are easily carried away by rhetoric on development and job. In the absence of credible alternative from the left, influenced by individualist consumer culture, the youth and students have become easy prey to religious and caste forces. This situation calls for an all-out offensive to attract youth and students to the revolutionary movement based on an objective evaluation of the real problems confronting them and putting forward revolutionary alternative to them. With this perspective and taking stock of the concrete situation and specific issues, the Party should take appropriate steps, both political and organizational, to strengthen the activities of the students and youth fronts. The success in these fronts will be a determining factor in the further growth and expansion of the Party. Vigorous efforts are needed to strengthen the activities of the youth and student organizations as broad based mass movements capable of launching state wide and country wide agitations for urgent issues confronting them as well as for the general issues before the masses. Movements against growing unemployment, under employment, commercialization of education, corruption, communalization and criminalization of youth and students etc along with continuous efforts to recruit large number of them in to party and to politicize them.

3.11 Adivasis who constitute almost 10 percent of the population are the most exploited and oppressed section of the Indian society. Since plunder of nature is an important means of wealth accumulation under neo-liberalism, corporate houses and MNCs are entering the mineral-rich areas inhabited by tribal people. The presence of Maoists in some of these regions is utilized by the government to justify the large-scale deployment of police and para-military forces in these areas. The Maoist bogey and the recent IB Report on NGOs are utilized to suppress the resistance to corporate plunder of country's rich mineral wealth. The relatively large allocation set apart for Tribal Plan in the BJP budget will mainly be channeled to RSS sponsored NGOs in addition to diverting big sums to the politician-bureaucrat nexus as usual. The Party should develop a comprehensive plan to advance the work among the adivasis and render all assistance to develop activities in the adivasi front and to mobilize and politicize cadres from the region to lead it. Party should wage a consistent struggle for implementation of the autonomous councils with full rights wherever adivasis constitute a sizable section of the population.

3.12 The Caste Annihilation Movement which is developing at all India level after it was launched two years ago through the initiative taken by the Party and like-minded forces is a crucial step for rectifying the weakness of the Communist Movement to develop a revolutionary approach to this important question. Dalits who are predominantly poor and landless peasants and agricultural workers and who have played an important role in the revolutionary movement in the country constitute almost 15 percent of the Indian population. Apart from growing economic subjection under neoliberal policies, caste-based socio-cultural attacks on dalits as manifested through khap panchayats like institutions, especially sexual atrocities on dalit women are intensifying. As explained in the Program of CAM, while waging democratic movements to solve the land question faced by the dalits, and defending 'reservation' as a democratic right against caste oppression, the Party should carry on an uncompromising fight against all forms of caste discriminations including the use of caste symbols. The Party should take initiative to develop CAM as a country-wide movement capable of taking up concrete instances of caste oppression and should encourage nation-wide struggles and campaigns including the propagation of such means as inter-caste marriages.

3.13 Taking advantage of the ideological-political setbacks suffered by the left movement internationally, propped up by the finance capital, rightwing forces the world over have unleashed one of the biggest reactionary intellectual and cultural offensives ever recorded in the postwar neocolonial period. The advent of RSS and Hindutva forces at the helm power in India has given rise to a qualitatively new dimension to the feudal and neocolonial cultural onslaught by imperialism and Indian ruling classes. Having established their stranglehold on education, historical and cultural research, scientific research, media, information, communication and broadcasting, the ultra-right-wing and reactionary forces have started an ideological-political offensive against communists and democratic forces. In this counter-cultural offensive, Indian reactionaries have the full support of all hues of postmodern ideologues from imperialist centers. The program of Revolutionary Cultural Front has laid down the fundamental task in the cultural front for launching relentless struggles against distortion of history and culture and to throw out the influence of feudal, imperialist, consumer culture, unhealthy customs and superstitions on the one hand, and for developing democratic, revolutionary, socialist cultural values on the other. Emphasis should be given to developing proletarian culture. This approach should be strengthened in the context of the new situation by launching powerful revolutionary cultural offensive at all levels..

3.14 Successive governments at the centre were pursuing the policy of militarization in Jammu and Kashmir and Northeast to suppress the people's aspirations. Now it is being extended to more areas like Chhattisgarh where the military is already deployed with an intention to spread to all areas of mineral rich central India where adivasis constitute a major section of the population. Black laws such as AFSPA and UAPA are wantonly used and new ones are created to deny democratic and basic civil rights to the people. With the ascendancy of Hindu supremacist and pseudo-nationalist BJP to power, the continuing struggle of the people of Jammu and Kashmir has become all the more serious as RSS elements have started further communalizing the situation by demanding a repeal of Article 370. Spokespersons of the ruling regime have asserted that the AFSPA will be implemented more ruthlessly in Jammu and Kashmir as well as in the Northeast. In the same vein, in its first budget itself, the BJP government has earmarked special budgetary allocation for further militarization of the 'Maoist-infected areas'. The Party should intensify its campaign for withdrawal of the military and abolition of black laws from these regions and for political settlement of the national question in these regions based on the right of self determination. A vigorous campaign for withdrawal of the military and para-military from Chhattisgarh and other adivasi areas is urgently required. While the Sangh Parivar forces are working overtime to further communalize the J&K question, challenging it our Party should come forward with the slogan for restoration of Article 370 with its initial power and content, respect the aspirations of the people of J&K, withdrawal of military occupation and repeal of all black laws, and right of self-determination up to the right of secession.. Similarly, the Hindutva demand for a uniform civil code should be resisted with the call for a secular civil code, ensuring equality for all sections.

3.15 Our party has put forward a pro-nature, people's development paradigm in contradistinction to the mainstream corporate model of development espoused by the ruling classes, opportunists, anarchists, postmodernists, funded NGOs, etc. irrespective of their declared ideological persuasions. Based on the approach to environment during the past years we are engaged in continuous efforts to coordinate the different people's movements developing at various regions against displacement from corporate projects, reckless plunder of natural resources by MNCs, and superimposition of nuclear plants on the people. Our initiative against the dependence on scientifically and economically unviable nuclear energy leading to the formation of All India People's Initiative Against Nuclear Power and our leading involvement in the Save Western Ghats campaign by forming All India Coordination Committee of People's Movements for the Protection of Western Ghats have evoked good responses from people's movements, scientists, environmental activists and like-minded people of different ideological persuasions. They should be carried forward and strengthened in the coming days. In the same vein, under the banner of Save Himalaya Campaign we have started discussions for developing a perspective against the present devastations and to put forward an alternative concept of development of this fragile region, in the context of the catastrophic ecological challenges faced by the vast and most ecologically sensitive region extending from J&K in the West to Arunachal in the East, the Himalayas and the Terai region with the active involvement of scientists and political activists. More serious environmental issues are in store as the Modi regime serving the interests of corporate MNCs has declared both in its Policy Statement and in the Budget its intention to dilute even the existing environmental regulations for speeding up corporatization. The Party should give special attention to coordinate all these movements in the states and at all India level based on our scientific understanding on development. Based on these efforts broad sections of people should be mobilized for country-wide movements against the ecologically catastrophic neoliberal policies.

3.16 In present situation, with state power in hand, the Hindutva forces are using all administrative avenues and law enforcement agencies to promote hatred towards religious minorities using the bogey of terrorist actions, religious conversions etc, though, as proved later, RSS and its various offshoots are behind these actions. At the same time, anarchic acts by frustrated sections in the name of fighting majority religious fundamentalism are boomeranging on the minorities. The soft Hindutva of Congress and the vote-bank politics of so called secular parties are also creating a favourable climate for Hindutva forces to impose the RSS agenda. At the same time, it is proved that the Hindutva nationalism of Sangh Parivar is a smokescreen to serve imperialist capital. In this context, from a secular-democratic perspective, our Party should resolutely and consistently fight both majority and minority communalisms, the former being the main danger in the concrete Indian situation. A vigorous campaign putting forward the renaissance approach to secularism as complete separation between state and religion, politics and religion, and education and religion – treating religion as a private affair of citizens, is to be carried forward. Hindu supremacist rhetoric on uniform civil code that always smacks of majoritarian undertones should be exposed and countered with the concept of a truly secular democratic common civil code that ensures equality for women irrespective of all religions. In a country like India of continental size where several languages and innumerable dialects are in use, the right to receive education in their mother tongue or in the language of choice is a democratic right of the people. In this regard, the Party should always be in the forefront of protecting the rights of religious minorities and against the imposition of the language of the majority on people speaking other languages.

3.17 The ten-year UPA rule demolished to a great extent the progressive elements of India's foreign policy. Clinging to US imperialism on all matters of national and international importance, it had converted India as a junior partner of US imperialism. In continuation to these and going to more reactionary positions, when Zionist Israel unleashed a slaughter of people in Gaza and West Bank, the Modi regime is reluctant even to discuss this matter in Parliament. In spite of inviting SAARC leaders to the oath taking ceremony, Modi government is continuing India's expansionist approach to them unabatedly. Indian attempts to impose its dictates over neighbouring countries like Bhutan, Maldives, Sri Lanka, Bangladesh and Nepal, have compelled them to view the South Asian big brother with suspicion. India's relations with the other countries subjected to imperialist aggression have also deteriorated fast. The Party should wage a vigorous campaign for an anti-imperialist foreign policy, which will focus on strengthening relations with all countries, especially the neighbouring countries, subjected to aggression, plunder and bullying by the imperialists, especially US imperialists. All efforts should be made to strengthen fraternal relations with like-minded parties and organizations at the international level and to develop people to people relations.

3.18 The visit of Obama and signing of the nuclear treaty has deepened the neo-colonial servitude further. Impatient to go through the parliamentary process for passing the bills, Modi government has resorted to 'ordinance raj' promulgating a number of ordinances on important issues. The Land Acquisition Bill is an attack on the right of the peasantry to their land. At the same time the election time rhetoric on getting back the black money from foreign banks is given a buried. All the talks about fighting corruption are also thrown overboard. At the same day by day the corporate loot is allowed to intensify while communal division is promoted in most heinous ways. In continuation to its expansionist policies, the Indian government has meddled in the Sri Lankan elections through RAW.

3.19 While taking up these tasks, the Party should seriously ponder over the quantitative and qualitative changes that have taken place in the country as a result of almost two-and-a-half decades of imperialist globalization. Of particular concern should be with reference to the economic and cultural repercussions that these changes have brought among the class forces and their impact on working class, peasantry, women, youth, students, and all other oppressed sections including dalits, adivasis and minorities. A concrete analysis and understanding on these aspects must go hand in hand with Party building and with the efforts for broadest possible unity of all genuine left and democratic forces, linking them with all out ideological, political and organizational offensive against the ruling system for building up a people's alternative. At this juncture when the imperialist finance capital in alliance with all reactionary forces have launched the worst-ever offensive against the working class and broad masses of people, on the basis of a concrete evaluation of this neoliberal-neocolonial phase, the CPI (ML) Red Star pledges to take the lead to impart fresh orientation to the revolutionary advance.

 

Read Political Resolution in PDF File

1     A Budget for the Corporates

Under the guise of putting the Indian economy on a full growth trajectory a whole set of giveaways and exemptions to corporates like abolition of wealth tax and reduction in corporate tax from 30% to 25% are introduced in the 2015-16 budget. As a result the effective corporate tax is reduced to about 20%, one of the lowest compared to other countries.  The implementation of the General Anti-Avoidance Rule (GAAR) enacted by parliament to deal with the evasion of tax by the corporate is postponed for another to years.

In the name of making the subsidies more targeted through various schemes of direct transfer of payment, the budget proposals have brought about an unprecedented 20% cut in food, health, education and women's development. At the same time, defence allocation, a major portion of which is flowing in to international arms dealers and weapons companies has been raised almost 10% to Rs. 2,46, 727 crores this budget.

The budget has incorporated all the corporate agenda enumerated in the 'Make in India' program announced by Modi. It has unleashed a whole set of PPP schemes in all infra-structural projects including railways, roads, ports and power plants. The 'strategic disinvest'' plan to mobilize Rs.69,500 crores through sale of public sector units will result in dismantling the domestic industrial base on the one hand and aggravation of unemployment on the other.

The proposal to introduce an all India Goods and Services Tax (GST) and across the board increase in all indirect taxes and the proposal to increase service tax from present 12.6% to 14 % coupled with the withdrawal of the government from price control program shall be highly detrimental for the broad masses of people.

The Tenth Congress of the CPI(ML) Red Star appealed to the workers, peasants and all other toiling masses and all progressive forces rise up against the pro-corporate, ant-people budget proposals and to resist their implementation. n

2     Against Nutrino Project in Tamilnadu

The Nutrino Project being constructed in Theni district of Tamilnadu by the central government without any transparency, without explaining its purpose to the people is suspected to cause earth quakes in a region where more than a dozen major dams exist in the surrounding areas. More than Rs.1500 is going to be invested in this project in the name of developing understanding about Nutrino for Research Institutes. But the information from unofficial sources shows that it may be for nuclear waste disposal. The authorities have not come out with clarifications to remove people's anxiety.

The Tenth Congress condemns the imposition of this project without clarifying its actual purpose, creating panic among the people. It demands that all activities connected with it should be stopped till the apprehensions among the people are removed. n

3     Stop POSCO Plant Construction

TheModi government has extended all support to the Odisha government which has issued orders to the CEO of POSCO project to restart the project work as early as possible, defying the eight year old people's movement against it. Not only against the POSCO project but also against many neo-liberal projects to serve the interests of international and native corporate, people are struggling all over the country for last many years. Irrespective of it, and against the existing laws which forbid such projects without the approval of the people of the area, they are imposed using barbarous state force by the central and state governments.

The Tenth Congress salutes the valiant people fighting against these projects which are part of the anti-people development plans and calls on all progressive and democratic forces to extend support to these struggles so as to stop them forthwith. n

4     For Right to Housing and Against Demolition of Slums

As a result of the policies pursued by the central and state governments, large scale migration to urban areas is increasing day by day. There are no schemes for the housing of these tens of millions of workers in the unorganized sectors. So they also depend on the mushrooming slums which are already overfilled. Almost half of the population in the cities and major industrial areas are depending on the slums which have no basic facilities like drinking water, electricity and sanitation. Instead of providing housing with basic facilities near their areas of work, these ever increasing people are subjected to further torture through the demolition of these slums by the state government agencies.

The Tenth Congress demand an immediate end to demolition of all slums and provision of housing to all including all basic facilities like water and electric supply, sanitation, educational institutions, transport etc.n

5.    Against "Make in India" Call by Modi Government

With the advent to power of Modi government, it has enhanced the utter dependence on foreign capital with the call for "Make in India" in the name of developing goods manufacture and services. It is known to all that the paradigm of development pursued under neo-liberal regime is under serious attack form the popular forces for last two decades due to its anti-people, anti-nature character. Under it while the corporate are growing fast, tens of millions are displaced and impoverished. Refusing to heed the demands of the people, the BJP government is intensifying these policies and implementing the blue print of the imperialist agencies and corporate forces to loot the natural resources and human resources.

The Tenth Congress condemns the shameful comprador policies of the Modi government and calls on the people to combat and defeat them. n

6.    Defeat the land Acquisition Bill

The Tenth Congress severely condemns the ordinance followed by the draconian bill for land acquisition promulgated in the interest of corporate forces by Modi government. Forcible land grabbing is going on in the name of 'public purpose' from the 1950s onwards using the colonial 1894 Land Acquisition Act. But following the imposition of imperialist globalization, in the interest of foreign and native corporate lobby forcible land grabbing has increased manifold in the name of development, industrialization, employment generation, public interest etc.

But the movement against the forcible land acquisition all over the country like the movement against POSCO, Kalinga Nagar in Odisha, at Singur and Nandigram in West Bengal etc forced the central and state governments to take in to consideration the demands of the people particularly the peasantry, the adivasis and dalits. As a result, the parliament passed the existing Land Acquisition Act which provided better protection for the owner, took social impact and food security in to consideration, and insured better compensation and rehabilitation.

But immediately after coming to power the Modi government came out with the land ordinance writing off whatever positive aspects the previous act had. It is an attempt to impose a more draconian law than the colonial 1894 act. It is now trying to enact it by bulldozing through the parliament.

The Tenth Congress calls upon all the progressive forces to resist this reactionary move and to get mobilized to defeat the heinous moves of the Modi government to impose this draconian move over the people. n

7.    Against Oppressive Laws and Oppression of Democratic Rights

The Tenth Congress demands the withdrawal of all oppressive laws like AFSPA, UAPA etc, and an end to fake encounter killings, torture of people under police custody and day to day attacks on rural and urban poor.

The colonial legal system intended to institutionalize suppression, put down all dissent, and keep people submissive to state authority to the lowest power centers like police station/village office is followed lock-stock and barrel by the post-colonial state for last more than six decades To impose the neo-liberal policies with more ferocity these black laws and state terror are intensified ruthlessly.

The Tenth Congress calls on all democratic forces to mobilize the people against the reactionary ruling system to realize all democratic rights of the people. n

8.    Protect Western and Eastern Ghats

TheTenth Congress calls for resisting the mafia forces who have devastated the Western Ghats and the Eastern Ghats irrecoverably and are engaged in further damaging whatever is left of these with the connivance of the central and state governments. It demands the progressive implementation of the Gadgil Report and other commission reports which recommend measures to stop the loot of natural resources impoverishing the people and devastating the nature.

The Tenth Congress calls for a mighty people's movement for the protection of the these Ghat regions along with the natural resources against the marauding forces of the 'development paradigm' imposed under continuous reactionary governments and further speeded up by the Modi government. n

9.    On the Involvement and Rehabilitation of Indian Expatriates in a Peoples' Development Alternative

At present, more than 6 million Indians are working all over the world. Out of this, a large majority of them are labourers working in very precarious political-social-climatic conditions in gulf countries, without internationally recognized wage and working conditions and often being denied even basic human rights. However, their collective remittance per annum to India amounts to more than one lakh crore rupees. In the absence of a proper policy to utilize these funds in a fruitful and productive way, under the successive Central and State Governments in India these huge funds are being diverted to corporate coffers and often wasted in propping up consumerism and other speculative options. Nor the Indian authorities have any policy of effectively rehabilitating the lakhs of workers returning every year from the Gulf after spending their prime life in miserable living conditions. These immense remittances by expatriate Indian workers are a source of resource mobilization for a progressive, people oriented development program. However, the Indian ruling regime which serves the interest of corporate capital has no inclination in utilizing these funds for such purpose.

The 10th Congress of CPI (ML) Red Star resolves to take up the entire Indian expatriate workers' question from a people oriented development perspective in which their earnings, skills and experiences can be effectively utilized, thereby ensuring their rehabilitation in the most appropriate manner. n

10.  Fight against  Human Right Violations

The ever-growing nationwide agitation against plundering of natural resources by multinational corporations, agri-business monopolies, BOT companies, FDI, real-estate mafia and against commercialization of education and public health are being suppressed by Modi Govt, alleging Maoist and extremist links.

The Govt. should immediately stop all its moves against peoples' right to genuine protests. The 10th Congress of CPI (ML) Red Star appeals to all democratic forces in the country to unite together and come forward for the protection of people's democratic rights effectively resisting the repression unleashed by governments both at the centre and in the states. n

11.  Against Ordinance Raj

Keepingthe parliament itself as a spectator, Modi Government is indiscriminatingly promulgating ordinances which affect the larger section of the ordinary people very adversely. These ordinances pertain to the abolition of several hard-earned social security measures through yester years struggles, violation of labour and environmental regulations, for forcible land acquisitions and so on. Even the limited democratic right available by way of parliamentary functioning is thus flouted in the interests of corporate capital.   The Tenth Party Congress demands that the Modi Govt. should immediately desist from the ordinance raj and put all proposals before the parliament enabling the general public also to debate all such issues. n

12.  Abolish corporate control over plantations  and bring them under social control

Aspart of corporatization and commercialization of agriculture, corporate giants, with the connivance of ruling class parties and institutionalized trade unions, are establishing their control over the plantations all over the country and agri-business farms are mushrooming.  Landless plantation workers who have been working in the plantations lands for many generations and dwelling in line rooms are denied their basic democratic rights are being thrown away at an alarming rate compelling them either to become migrants or slum dwellers.

The Tenth Congress of CPI (ML) Red Star appeals to plantation workers and landless peasantry in the country to come forward for establishing their democratic rights and for bringing social control over plantations by uniting with left –democratic forces. n

13.  Against Growing Atrocities against Woman

Day by day, attack against woman is increasing everywhere, including work places and in families. Patriarchal values and commodification of women are prime reasons for these increased attacks. Even after raising concerns and mobilization of the democratic sections against the heinous attacks, Govt. and its institutions are not doing anything to stop such attacks.

The 10th Party Congress of CPI (ML) Red Star appeals to all democratic sections to join and voice against growing attacks against women in India. n

14.  Solidarity with European Working Class

Recentdevelopments in Greece, Spain and other European Countries show the increasing vigor of the working class movement across Europe when imperialist world system is  trying to shift the burden of its own crisis to working class and general public.  Re-assertion of working class and its ideology have great importance today.

The Tenth Congress of CPI (ML) Red Star salutes and expresses solidarity to the working classes in these countries in their fight against imperialist world system. n

15.  Condemn dastardly attack on comrade Govind Pansare

The Tenth Congress condemns the dastardly attack on com. Govind Pansare and his wife com. Uma at Kolhapur in Maharashtra. A veteran leader of AITUC, he was known for his progressive and outspoken scientific views. His book on Shivaji is well known against the jingoistic communal colour given by the Hindutua brigade. A month ago he had exposed the real thinking of Nathuram Godse. Later he had spoken on 26/11 incident in Mumbai in which ATS chief Hemant Karkare, who had made exposures on links of Hindutua forces in terror attacks, was killed. He became a target of Hindutua forces for his outspoken secular views.

On 16th February when he with his wife had gone for morning walk he was shot and as a result he died on 21st.  The tenth Congress extends its condolences to his wife and family and pledges to intensify the struggle against the communal forces who are perpetuating such dastardly acts. n

16.  Expose and oppose Modi Regime's Duplicity on Black Money Issue

Beforecoming to power, Modi had promised to transfer Rs. 15 lakh to each Indian family by confiscating the huge amounts stashed away in foreign banks. Once in power he is repeating the same arguments of earlier UPA government to justify his inability to bring back the amounts.

As everyone knows, the very same corporate forces aligned with former UPA government are aligning with the BJP government. Even when talking big about bringing back the stashed away money, Modi regime is not ready to execute agreements with these governments for the return of these amounts.

The Tenth Congress resolutely condemns the Modi government's double talk on bringing back the black money and appeals to the progressive forces to stand up and struggle for the return of the black money. n

17.  Intensify Struggle Against All Types of Caste Discrimination and Suppression

Theatrocities and discrimination against dalits, adivasis and all oppressed castes are increasing day by day in an unprecedented manner in all parts of the country. Khap Panchayat like degenerated caste based institutions are conducting many atrocities against these oppressed sections.

Historically the caste system always served the interests of the oppressive ruling class system. Ideologically and in practice it was used as a tool to subjugate the oppressed sections. Even after the freedom struggle it continued unabated and still it is used as an oppressive political system to subjugate the down trodden sections. The Tenth Congress calls intensifying the caste annihilation movement to put an end to all types of caste discrimination and suppression.n

18.  In Support of Maruti Workers' Struggle

TheTenth Congress applaud the brave struggle of the workers of Maruti Suzuki Ltd plant at Manessar, Gurgaon, Haryana. While there are no evidences whatsoever that any worker was involved in the death of a manager of the plant, there are also no evidences of murder or conspiracy for it.

It is a sad reflection of the state of the judiciary in this country that 147 workers have been languishing in jail for two years on charges of conspiracy to murder the said manager. The 10th Congress demand that the workers should be released at once and the workers are permitted to form the union of their choice. n

19.  Confiscate and return the money deposited in the Chit Funds to common people

Thousandsof crores of rupees are looted from the common people by Chit Fund companies of many states in collaboration with the corrupt political leaders and bureaucrats. These poor people have lost their hard earned money putting them in to abject misery. In spite of many protest movements the governments are not taking any speedy action to save these people. The Tenth Congress demand that all these looted amounts should be confiscated from the culprits and returned to the suffering people looted by the Chit Fund companies. n

20.  Resist Environment Threats

The humanity is facing a great threat challenging its very existence due to environmental destruction. In the name of development the natural resources are looted wantonly and the atmosphere is polluted increasingly. As a result the relation between humans and nature is made antagonistic.

The Tenth Congress call for vigorous campaign s to make the people aware of this increasing threat and to resist and defeat the anti-people development perspective imposed by the imperialists and their lackeys which is devastating nature and people's life. n

21.  Bring Plantations and Corporate Farms Under Social Control

As corporatization of agriculture is intensifying, the plantation owners and the corporate forces are violating all existing rules and regulations, pushing the plantation workers and agricultural workers to pauperization. The central and state governments are conniving with these attacks on the toiling masses.

The Tenth Congress calls for confiscating and bringing these plantations and corporate farms under social control of the plantation workers and agricultural workers. n

22.  On Oppression on Minorities

Underthe ultra rightist Modi government the minorities are under increasing threats. With its connivance the RSS Parivar is propagating Hindu Rajya and cultural chauvinism along with intimidations and violent physical attacks against the minorities and secular democratic forces. Along with cultural code, dress code, now even food code is imposed banning cow slaughter. Even existing Constitutional rights are taken away to intensify communal fascist onslaughts.

The Tenth Congress strongly condemns these communal fascist actions and calls on all secular democratic forces to resist and defeat these heinous moves. n

23.  In Support of the people of Kobane and Rojava

Thestruggle of the people of Kobane, Rojava against US imperialism, its lackeys and the Islamic State terrorists is one of the important struggles of today. Not only they are fighting for their freedom, but they also the last line of defense against the new Islamic terrorist IS.

The Islamic State (IS) is backed by Saudi money. The Saudi Arabia is closely supported by the US. Even when the IS was in the area where they could be in control of all oil wells, the US did not act against them promptly. When Kobane was first attacked US remained a silent spectator leaving it to the heroic fighters of Rojava and of Kobane to defend not only their own land but also to become the last line of defense, for the whole world against Islamic fascism. It was only when there was an international uproar against the inaction of the US that they finally began bombing the IS forces. Even then, for days the bombs were only dropped in pretense largely in areas where there was no fighting whatsoever. Only after much Kurdish blood has been spilled did the US actually start supporting the Kurdish fighters. This was also largely due to the pressure of the movements in various nations against US inaction.

The 10th Congress take great pride in the fact that the Coordination Council of the Kurdish organizations has appealed for membership of the ICOR. The Congress fully support the steps taken by the ICOR to sign a solidarity pact with the leadership of Rojava. The Congress pledge to support the initiative of ICOR to send different kinds of aid and to send international brigades in to Rojava to help the process of rebuilding.

Long Live the freedom of Rojava'!

Everlasting victory to heroic fighters of Kobane !

Down with US imperialism and IS fascists !

Workers and oppressed peoples of the world unite !n

24.  In memory of the martyr comrades and comrades departed us after the Ninth Congress

TheTenth Congress extends revolutionary greetings to the martyr comrades who sacrificed their lives for the liberation of humankind from all forms of oppression and for a world without exploitation and oppression.

March 2nd marks the 39th anniversary of com. Rajan's martyrdom, who died due to torture in a concentration camp of the Kerala Police during the emergency rule. Along with him comrades Vijayan and Balakrishnan in Kerala and about 250 communist revolutionaries became martyrs in the struggle against the emergency rule of Indira Gandhi government.

During the last three years after the Ninth Congress in 2011, many of our comrades have departed us. They include comrades, Mukul Sinha who was secretary of NSM, Gujarat and president of TUCI, com. AB Das, veteran trade union activist of Karnataka, ES George, and com. NM Baby who died during the recent Kerala state conference and many other comrades from different states.

The Tenth Congress remembers all of them and pledges to continue the revolutionary struggles for realizing the cause of liberation and socialism for which they strived hard during their life. n

25.  Against the vulgarization and communalization of education and      culture

Duringthe last two and half decades of neo-liberal raj, whatever progressive values existed in the fields of historical research and culture is under increasing attacks. With the coming to power of BJP government the commercialization and communalization of these fields have intensified manifold. The concept of Hindu Rashtra based on RSS agenda is being put in to practice. As the Modi government is doing everything to promote these tendencies all the scientific values are being destroyed in a planned manner.

The Tenth Congress calls upon the progressive forces and the cultural movements to expose the vulgarization of history and culture by the ultra rightist forces and to build up resistance against these heinous moves. n

26.  Against commercialization and communalization of education

Withthe coming to power of the ultra rightist BJP government the commercialization and communalization of education has further intensified. At the same time, against the corporatization of education the unity of progressive forces and students is also getting strengthened.

In this situation the Tenth Congress calls for intensification of the movement against commercialization, privatization and communal-ization of education with the demand for socialization of education, ensuring free, equal and scientific education for all. n

27.  Against nuclear Energy and nuclear agreements signed by BJP government

During the last decade the UPA government followed by present BJP government is intensifying efforts to speed up installation of nuclear plants in the country. But because of the increasing resistance from the people the Jaitapur project in Maharashtra, Chutka in MP, Fatehabad in Haryana, expansion of Kudamkulam plant in Tamilnadu etc are delayed or stalled. Bowing to pressure from US, Japan governments earlier UPA and now the BJP governments are signing agreements favoring the nuclear MNCs. On the occasion of Obama's visit to India, Modi government has speeded up moves to take up the construction of nuclear plants claiming that it is the only way to overcome power shortage, while more economic and safer alternatives are available. The nuclear liability act pushed forward by it is only helping the nuclear MNCs while endangering people's life.

The Tenth Congress calls for intensification of the anti-nuclear movement to defeat the nuclear plans of Modi government, putting forward alternate safe and economic energy options before the people. n

28.  Oppose the oppressive black act in Punjab

TheAkali-BJP government in Punjab has put in to force the Prevention of Damages to Government and Private Property Act, 2014, which is used to prevent demonstrations, hartal like people's protest actions. All democratic forces in the state have opposed this draconian act. The Tenth Congress condemns this black act and pledges its support to the movement to get it scrapped. n

29.  Intensify resistance to increasing communalization by Modi Govt.

Aftercoming to power the Modi government is giving a free lease to the RSS Parivar to unleash Brahmanical offensive in different forms in the name of Ghar Vapasi, dress code, food code etc. The state governments run by BJP are competing with each other to intensify the saffronization of the society and its culture. The Tenth Congress calls for intensification of resistance to the increasing communalization promoted by Modi government.
Great Significance of Observing the Centenary of October Revolution.

KNR

1. The Communist forces the world over are observing the centenary of the October Revolution for a year starting from the 7th November, 2016 to 7th November next year for carrying forward the world proletarian socialist revolution by drawing lessons from it. The international Coordination of Revolutionary Parties and Organizations (ICOR) has also called for observing it internationally. These programs are being organized when the International Communist Movement (ICM) is passing through a critical period. It is generally accepted among the Marxist-Leninist forces that the communist movement started facing these severe challenges and setbacks from the time of the 20th Congress of the CPSU in 1956 when it embraced revisionist positions abandoning the socialist path utilizing subjective attacks on Stalin as a pretext. When the ICM and the Communist movement in different countries started confronting this crisis, the imperialist camp and its lackeys further intensified the counter revolutionary offensive against the revolutionary movement as a whole, which they had started from the time when the Communist Manifesto was published in 1848 as the platform of the Communist League. Marx and Engels had written in its beginning:“A specter is haunting Europe, the specter of Communism. All the powers of old Europe have entered in to a holy alliance to exorcise this specter”. When the ICM was facing crises and setbacks, especially after the disintegration of Soviet Union in 1991, these forces of the old world joined hands to ‘exorcise’ the Communist movement for ever in a more frenzied form, by screaming “end of history” and “socialism is dead”.

2. But with the beginning of this millennium, the situation has started changing though slowly. As imperialism in its neo colonial phase, and its lackeys have launched neo liberal policies to perpetuate their hegemony and plunder the world people and the natural resources in new, more barbarous forms, the major contradictions at international level became more intensified and numerous people’s movements started coming up against them in large number of countries. In short, once again the objective situation is becoming increasingly favorable for a new offensive by the revolutionary forces. This is the time when throwing away despondency, the communist forces have to start moving forward once again. The centenary celebrations of the October Revolution provide an excellent opportunity for taking stock of the past experiences and to prepare themselves to move forward throwing away old garbage and daring to seize the new opportunities. The Communist movement can take significant steps forward only by recognizing the setbacks suffered, finding the reasons for them, making concrete analysis of the present situation, and by developing its theoretical orientation and practice according to present realities, taking lessons from the positive and negative aspects of the past experiences.

3. It is in this context the importance of the Resolution on Launching Theoretical Offensive for Communist Resurgence adopted by the Tenth Congress of the CPI (ML) Red Star in 2015 should be viewed. It says: “What does such an offensive entail? (a) we have to undertake a thorough study and analysis to identify the causes of the collapse of the erstwhile socialist countries, especially Soviet Union and China; (b) we have to launch a vigorous ideological campaign to establish across society the superiority of communism over the present ruling system as well as against various alien tends; (c) we have to develop Marxism- Leninism on the basis of a concrete analysis of the concrete situation....” In the concluding paragraph it states: “...We must boldly seize the real questions before the people in today’s situation and must scientifically search out the solutions. We must unsparingly lay bare our own history, the history of the communists in India and all over the world...” It is based on this orientation we are trying to analyze the experience of the October Revolution and of the socialist construction in Soviet Union.

4. Nobody can obliterate the fact that it was the degeneration of the CPSU to capitalist path that led to the disintegration of the Soviet Union later. It was followed by the deviation of other socialist countries including China also to capitalist path. The Communist Parties of erstwhile socialist countries and the parties formed during the Comintern period in other countries degenerated to social democratic path or disintegrated. Though Marxist-Leninist parties or groups were formed in a large number of countries during the 1960s in the course of the struggle against Soviet revisionism, they soon came under left deviation and faced disintegration to numerous groups. While many of them have deviated to rightist positions, some are still persisting in the anarchist path. Not daring to confront the new realities and to develop their program and path accordingly, most of the other groups are facing liquidation. These developments have enormously helped the imperialist forces and their lackeys to launch an anti-communist offensive confusing large sections of people. This is a fact to be recognized and have to overcome.

5. While going through the history of the October Revolution in Tsarist Russia it can be seen that it was an arduous task to establish the revolutionary line there. While trying to do this, Lenin attacked the revisionists for completely neglecting the importance of ideological struggle. Exposing the counter-revolutionary character of this outlook, he said:”Without revolutionary theory there can be no revolutionary movement. This idea should be insisted upon too strongly at a time like this when the fashionable preaching of opportunism goes hand in hand with an infatuation for the narrowest forms of practical activity...At this point, we wish to state only that the role of the vanguard fighter can be fulfilled only by a party that is guided by the most advanced theory” (What is to be done?)

6. While analyzing the theoretical struggle led by Lenin to establish the line and practice of October Revolution, first of all it should be recognized that this first successful revolution by the working class to capture political power and to establish a socialist state making a rupture from the imperialist camp itself took place at the culmination of the theoretical and practical struggles taking place in Europe and North America against the capitalist system from the time of its emergence. As the class struggle intensified between the working class and all oppressed sections on the one hand and the capitalist system on the other, utopian and anarchist tendencies had emerged weakening the efforts to develop the theory and practice of revolution in the new situation. It was in the course of this struggle Marxism emerged and the Communist Manifesto was put forward providing the basic orientation of the struggle to overthrow the capitalist system and to lead world proletarian socialist revolution forward. Following it a series of proletarian struggles broke out in West European countries, especially in the advanced capitalist countries, challenging the capitalist system. These reached a peak with the working class in Paris capturing power and establishing the Paris Commune in 1871.

7. Before that the French Revolution had established the ideological motifs of the modern capitalist societies through its famous slogan: “liberty, equality, fraternity” and laid the foundation for secularism and democracy based on universal suffrage. Advancing from them, the Paris Commune provided a path forward through its revolutionary practice. Evaluating the lessons of the Paris Commune, Marx wrote:“The direct antithesis to the empire was the Commune. The cry of the “social republic” with which the February Revolution was ushered in by the Paris proletariat did but express a vague aspiration after a republic that was not only to supersede the monarchical form of class rule, but class rule itself. The Commune was the positive form of that republic”. Though the Commune was soon suppressed brutally by the combined forces of the capitalist states, it had given a new fillip to the working class movement.

8. At the same time the capitalist system itself was undergoing vast changes with the emergence and domination of finance capital transforming capitalism to its monopolistic era, to the era of imperialism. The imperialist powers soon succeeded in dividing the world among them territorially under colonial system, subjecting the colonies, semi-colonies and dependent countries to various forms of ruthless exploitation. While this colonial loot helped them to tide over the cycle of crises the capitalist system was facing and to weaken the class struggle in their own countries by bribing a section of the proletarian leaders, the labor aristocracy, at the same time it led to intensification of the inter-imperialist contradictions for re-division of the world. It was soon creating the possibilities for the outbreak of the First World War (FWW).

9. When the Second International (SI), which was formed reorganizing the First International after the experience of the Paris Commune, discussed these new developments, there were different interpretations of them among the social democratic parties who were its constituents. Many of them including the leaders of the German party which was playing a leading role in it refused to see the transformation of capitalist system to its moribund form, imperialism, as a more reactionary one. Still in the Basle Congress they had agreed that if the FWW breaks out, instead of supporting the imperialist bourgeoisie of their own countries they should try to turn the World War in to a civil war led by the proletariat to capture political power. But as the War broke out in 1914, most of them including the leaders of the German party went against it. Preaching theories like ultra imperialism they joined the war efforts of the ruling classes of their own countries. This degeneration of the theoretical and practical positions of these parties led to the liquidation of the SI in effect. These parties degenerated to reformist positions. Social democracy itself became a pronoun for renegacy. Many sections of the RSDLP of Tsarist Russia also had degenerated to this reformist position abandoning the path of class struggle.

10. It was in this critical phase Lenin put forward a scientific analysis of the imperialist system in his famous work, Imperialism, the highest stage of capitalism, as a more barbarous stage of capitalist system and pointed out that the centre of revolution has shifted from the developed capitalist countries to the ‘weak links of imperialist system’ including Russia and to the countries under colonial domination. Defeating the reformist and anarchist positions, he made a concrete analysis of the conditions in the Tsarist Russia explaining the imminent possibility of proletarian revolution in the country. Based on this understanding he developed its theoretical basis, program and path, and successfully led October Revolution to victory in 1917, leading to the founding of the first proletarian state, Soviet Union, uniting all nationalities, which were subjugated under Tsarist Russia, based on the right of self-determination including the right to secede. Consistently teaching the Bolsheviks, or the majority in the RSDLP, to turn the imperialist WW in to a civil war uniting the working class, the peasantry and the army men who were returning from the war fronts, uniting all sections of the Bolsheviks under a common banner in spite of differences on tactical line, Lenin led the revolution to victory. The workers’ state withdrew from the WW and proceeded to build a socialist society. These were momentous developments, breaking Soviet Union away from the imperialist world system.

11. Soon after the founding of Soviet Union, frightened by it the warring imperialist forces ended the War. They entered in to a truce and united to launch a ferocious attack on the proletarian state, imposing total economic sanctions against it. They supported the counter revolutionaries in the country to sabotage it from within also. Mobilizing the working class and all revolutionary masses, the Bolsheviks succeeded in defeating these all round attacks and to launch the socialist construction. Upholding the spirit of proletarian internationalism, the international communist movement was reorganized by replacing the liquidated SI with the Third International or Communist International (CI) which was popularly known as Comintern. Under the leadership of Lenin it put forward the strategic line of the world proletarian socialist revolution which included the two streams of revolution: the people’s democratic revolution in the countries under colonial domination and socialist revolution in the imperialist countries. The salvos of October Revolution thus created conditions for the formation of Communist parties in large number of countries, very soon challenging the imperialist system and its lackeys everywhere. These were historic developments.

12. The newly born socialist state confiscated the properties of the capitalist and landlord classes, brought the industries under the leadership of workers’ soviets, implemented revolutionary land reforms based on the principle of ‘land to the tillers’ and took up the challenge of socialist construction mobilizing the masses in spite of the economic blockade of the imperialist forces and the backwardness of the economy of the pre-revolutionary Russia. It was a great task, which very soon advanced towards fulfilling the basic requirements including food, clothing, housing, healthcare, education and employment for all. Along with this, significant victories were achieved in carrying forward the task of modernizing and developing the industry and agriculture, transforming SU in to a modern nation. As a result, by 1930s when the whole imperialist camp was facing Great Depression and severe economic and political crisis, it did not affect the planned economy of the SU. While these great achievements were being realized through socialist construction, the Comintern extended full support to the national liberation movements in the Asian, African, Latin American countries.

13. When the Second World War (SWW) broke out, once again for the re-division of the world among the imperialist forces, evaluating it as an inter imperialist war, the SU kept away from it. But when the German Nazi forces attacked SU, the Soviet people succeeded in waging a historic resistance struggle and in defeating the fascist forces decisively. All these achievements inspired the world people, and the post SWW years show the emergence of a powerful socialist camp with national liberation movements developing in all the continents. By 1950s the world situation had turned so revolutionary that it looked like the socialist forces may overtake and defeat the imperialist forces once for all. These were momentous contributions of the October Revolution and the ICM should uphold these achievements and take lessons from these while observing the centenary of this great revolution.

14. But while upholding all these great contributions of the October Revolution which led to the spread of Marxism all over the world, the proletarian revolutions reverberating in all the continents leading to one third of the world population living in socialist countries, national liberation movements emerging and strengthening in a number of countries and powerful communist parties leading in a large number of countries like Indonesia, India etc by the beginning of 1950s, today the situation is drastically different. The capitalist roaders who had started gaining strength in SU and other former socialist countries, later led to their disintegration or degeneration to capitalist path. The national liberation movements went astray and almost all the countries formerly under colonial domination are reduced to neo-colonially dependent countries. Under the influence of right or left deviations including the formerly strong communist parties, the communist parties in almost all countries have disintegrated and divided in to many groups with no country having a powerful communist party strong enough to lead the present people’s upsurges with revolutionary orientation. Alien thoughts and reactionary, communal, caste, racist ideologies spread from imperialist headquarters and by reactionary think-tanks have become so powerful that the Communist ideology is under severe attack with many more counter-revolutionary deviations emerging from within the existing communist organizations themselves. So when we are celebrating the centenary of the October Revolution it is necessary to evaluate the history of the ICM with the perspective of finding out the reasons for the severe setbacks suffered by the once powerful movement. Such an evaluation should not to influenced by subjectivism or taken up to find fault with any individual, but to overcome them and to help the development of the Marxist theory and practice according to present conditions.

15. How to evaluate Soviet Developments: The October Revolution had frightened the imperialist powers so much that as already pointed out they hastened to arrive at a temporary truce and pooled their forces for a military encirclement and aggression against the nascent state. In this they could involve the defeated enemy class forces inside Russia also. As the revolutionary Soviet forces succeeded in defeating this attack, the imperialist camp imposed economic blockade to suffocate and destroy the socialist state. The formation of the Comintern was seen as a further threat and vehemently attacked by the imperialists. If this was the situation from 1919 onwards, the first half of the 1920s, especially the years after Lenin’s illness, saw a further intensification of these attacks. So, the challenge before the post- Lenin leadership was how to face this economic and military encirclement along with the ideological political attack by the enemy camp and to carry forward the revolutionary offensive initiated by Lenin.

16. In spite of the great contributions of the Soviet experience as pointed out above, the severe setbacks suffered by the socialist experience in Soviet Union openly from the time of the 20th Congress of the CPSU, set backs suffered by the ICM and by the anti-imperialist movement as a whole call for an evaluation of the pursuit of socialist construction, the approach towards the ICM and world revolution, and the waging of the ideological struggle both inside the Soviet Union and at international level. A serious discussion on the development paradigm pursued in the erstwhile socialist countries and whether they were basically different from the imperialist development perspective also needs scrutiny. The experience of the erstwhile socialist countries show that attempts to compete for surpassing the economic targets of the imperialist countries were increasingly visible among them. Similarly the question of developing the concept of dictatorship of the proletariat to reflect a more advanced form than the bourgeois democracy practiced in the capitalist countries was also a great challenge before these former socialist countries. How far it could be achieved and did the weakness in this field also led to the setbacks also call for a serious evaluation. This analysis also should extend to how much emphasis was given to super structural changes in the SU compared to the changes being made in the economic base. Already all these questions are taken up repeatedly, especially after the disintegration of the SU by many forces. More in depth studies are required so that they can help the future activities of the communist parties.

17. An evaluation of the Soviet experience shows that during the post- Lenin years the importance of the Soviets started to dwindle or they were not approached in the way Lenin did. As the Five Year Plans and collectivization of agriculture started, instead of experimenting how they can be carried forward through the Soviets, the influence of centralization increased in the name of improving efficiency, rather than increasing people’s participation. The Five Year Plan targets started getting decided with a view to overtake production figures of imperialist countries. Various studies have pointed out that probably the Stakhnovite movement of 1935 was almost the last effort to unleash people’s initiative in socialist construction. As the threat of fascist attack increased, and later when the attack did take place, in spite of calling for people’s initiative, the one sided emphasis on centralization went on increasing. Naturally, these developments led to bureaucratic tendencies gaining strength in all fields and the Soviets started disappearing in practice. Of course the loss of large number of experienced comrades, first during the resistance to imperialist aggression during 1919 to 1922 and later during the anti-fascist war, also should be taken in to consideration while evaluating the capitalist tendencies which were sneaking in at various levels.

18. From the lessons of Paris Commune Marx had pointed out that the process of developing democracy after the capture of political power by the proletariat and other oppressed classes cannot be seen in abstract. It is integrally linked to destroying the “the standing army and the police.” and the bureaucratic structure of the state and creating basically new ones in their place.. As the Commune did not last long it could not give any lessons on organizing production under it. But, in his studies about capital and how the capitalist system works, Marx had pointed out that the proletarians have to overthrow everything the bourgeoisie consider sacrosanct and to create new models in all fields. The Commune initiated this process. That is why he upheld it as the fore runner for the future. For him the proletarians after seizing power have to build revolutionary alternatives to what the capitalist system has created. That is why Lenin, based on the lessons of the Commune, proceeded to develop the Soviets, which had emerged in the course of revolutionary struggles in Russia, as the new form of the state. To ensure class line the proletarian state had to develop the trade unions according to new conditions and ensuring their role as a class in running the state. When the Soviets started increasingly disappearing in the name of various practical problems which were continuously coming up, as the role of the organised working class and other sections of the masses in running the state and wielding power went on decreasing, in spite of all socialist assertions the role of the bureaucratic sections in all fields went on increasing.

19. Evaluating the post-SWW world situation in the Problems of Socialism in the SU which was published in 1952 it is stated: the disintegration of the single, all embracing world market must be regarded as the most important economic sequel of the SWW and of its economic consequences.....the sphere of exploitation of the world’s resources by the major capitalist countries will not expand, but contract; that their opportunities for sale in the world will deteriorate, and that their industries will be operating more and more below capacity. That, in fact, is what is meant by the deepening of the general crisis of the world capitalist system”. Yes, it was a fact that a number of countries had broken away from the imperialist system and to that extent the imperialist control on their market had weakened or lost. But the imperialists were quick to make urgent moves including the adoption of the GATT agreement besides formation of the IMF and World Bank so that the damage done by the advance of the socialist camp could be restricted. Similarly through the neo colonial policies the imperialist camp very soon recuperated the losses to a great extent. It is the failure to make correct study of the post-War imperialist moves that led to such evaluations which did lot of damage to the development of the Communist movement challenging the neo-colonial offensive by the US led imperialist camp.

20. Again, it stated: “some comrades hold that, owing to the development of new international conditions since the SWW, wars between capitalist countries have ceased to be inevitable”. Stalin went onto explain why wars are inevitable so long as the imperialist system exists. While this assertion is in general correct, the transformation of the colonial policies to neo colonization had led to inter imperialist contradictions taking newer forms. The imperialists had abandoned by and large the territorial division of the world among themselves. In this situation, the possibility for inter-imperialist wars like the first and second world wars had receded. It is once again the failure to recognize these changes in the imperialist policies which led to mechanical interpretations of the new world situation.

21. In A Critique of Soviet Economy, Mao wrote: On the question of heavy industry, light industry and agriculture, the SU did not lay enough emphasis on the latter two and had losses as a result. In addition they did not do a good job of combining the immediate and the long term interests of the people. In the main they walked on one leg...Only technology was emphasized. Nothing but technology, no technical cadre, no politics, no masses. This too is walking on one leg...It mentions economics only, not politics. “It from first to last says nothing about the superstructure. It is not concerned with the people, it considers things, not people. Does the kind of supply system for consumer goods help spur economic development or not? It should have touched on this at the least. Is it better to have commodity production or is it better not to? Every one has to study this”. While dealing with the crucial question of developments in the economic base and superstructure on the one hand, and between the economic problems of Soviet Union and the attempts by the imperialist camp led by US imperialism to transform the imperialist plunder from colonial to neo colonial forms on the other are not dealt with. Or as the Soviets writings during the post-war years reveal, even while the imperialist system led by US imperialism was moving ahead fast with the transformation of its colonial forms of plunder to neocolonial forms, there was almost a total lack of understanding about it within the Soviet leadership. As a result the study of the economic problems of the Soviet Union were dealt in isolation, without taking in to consideration the momentous developments taking place around the world. Later in the article Ten major Relationships, also, while dealing with the problems faced by the socialist transition in China, Mao had pointed out the one sided emphasis given to industry in general and heavy industry in particular in the SU as one of its weaknesses. That in spite of these observations in China also these obstacles could not be overcome call for the importance that has to be given to such questions in the course of developing a socialist alternative to the capitalist system.

22. Proletarian internationalism: Lenin waged uncompromising struggle against the mechanical understanding put forward by Trotsky through his concept of ‘permanent revolution’ that without revolutions taking place at global level or in a number of imperialist countries it is futile and erroneous to go for socialist construction in a backward country like Soviet Union. Rejecting this view, Lenin, while emphasizing the primary importance to be given for world revolution, called for pursuing socialist construction in Soviet Union as a part of it. For him SU was only a base area for world revolution. Primary importance was given to waging uncompromising struggle for advancing world revolution. The fundamental task was to advance world revolution without which the survival of these socialist countries itself was impossible. It calls for serious evaluation whether after Lenin the priorities had started changing or not. Whether the importance to be given to interests of the world revolution was increasingly minimized and importance of socialist construction in SU was increasing given priority call for serious evaluation. In1938 in the 18th Congress of the CPSU, it was announced that the Soviet society no longer contained antagonistic hostile classes and that the exploiting classes have been eliminated. All those who raised different views were treated as enemies of socialism. The trials against them went on reducing the democratic space within the Party and the society as a whole. It led to growth of bureaucratic tendencies on the one hand and to lack of discussion on the theoretical questions to be taken up and debated on cardinal questions like the way the imperialist camp was moving and how the ICM should face the challenge including the problems of socialist construction in SU on the other.

23. Lenin envisaged Comintern as an international organization with the national parties as its contingents with a clear perspective of intensifying efforts for world revolution. As the international character of production was increasing under imperialist system, Lenin saw the international character of revolution also correspondingly increasing. But later whether the significance of Comintern as the cause of world revolution went on diminishing, whether many of the directives given by Comintern went against the concrete reality and interests of revolution in other countries etc call for serious discussion. Whether such directives led to conflicts of interests or to some parties taking erroneous positions with regard to the revolutionary struggle in their own countries calls for study. Because of the immense prestige the SU and CPSU had among other parties no open criticism took place at that time. Later it led to the erroneous conclusion by many parties that any international organization shall be like Comintern! As a result, even the dissolution of the Comintern in 1943 even without convening a meeting of its Executive Committee did not create any adverse reaction. Besides these developments have led to large number of existing organizations which call themselves as communist taking the stand that any effort to rebuild the Communist International will be harmful!

24. Failure to recognize the neo colonial offensive of imperialist camp: In continuation to the Atlantic Charter put forward in 1941, in 1944, the US imperialism which was coming to the leadership of the post-War imperialist camp had convened the Bretten Woods Conference of imperialist powers and think tanks. It put forward the Bretten Woods Agreement that launched the neo colonial tools like the IMF, World Bank and the United Nations Organization (UN). The nuking of Nagasaki and Hiroshima, formation of military alliances including NATO, imposing Zionist Israel over the Palestine land as the US out post in West Asia, the aggression against Korea, world wide attacks against national liberation movements and along with these the launching of so-called welfare state concepts based on Keynesian economic policies etc were part of this neo colonial offensive. The ICM failed to recognize the seriousness of this US led offensive by the imperialist powers. The international situation was evaluated in such a way that the imperialist camp was weakening and that was why it was engaged in war mongering. According to this evaluation, building peace movement against US war efforts was given top priority, instead of taking initiative to organize a revolutionary front against these US led imperialist moves.

25. As a result of these weaknesses, the SU became member of World Bank and UN. It recognized Israel. Even when it was not allowed to become member of the IMF, it could not understand how the imperialist camp was plotting to pursue its hegemonic ambitions in the post SWW conditions. The extension of the War time understanding with the imperialists to basically different post War situation led to harmful results. Such moves led to many of the West and South European parties first getting frustrated in their revolutionary efforts and then getting illusions about working with the rightist and social democratic parties, ultimately degenerating to revisionist positions.

26. The so-called ‘de colonization’ which meant transfer of power to the comprador classes in the colonial countries was part of the global neo colonial offensive to confront the challenge posed by the powerful socialist camp. The neo colonial offensive they launched was more pernicious and sinister than their colonial policies. The aggressive nature of the imperialist camp had only increased with their neo colonial offensive. At a time, when the US led forces were employing economic, technological, political and military offensive to confuse, ideologically disarm and militarily destroy the national liberation movements led by the Communist Parties or anti-imperialist nationalist forces, the pacifist approach taken by the ICM, in spite of the big leaps it could make by this time, ideologically and politically weakened the movement.

27. The basic reason for all these weaknesses was that the socialist forces could not develop the study of imperialism by Lenin made in 1910s according to the concrete conditions emerging during the post-SWW years. As a result, it could not put forward a theoretical analysis of the changes taking place in the strategy and tactics of the imperialist system using neo colonial methods, and could not develop its own strategy and tactics to confront it. It was in such a situation, the Soviet leadership failed to wage an in depth ideological struggle against the reformist positions advocated and pursued under the leadership of Tito in Yugoslavia which had degenerated to capitalist path almost openly. Even when the imperialists had succeeded in weaning away one of the countries were the people’s power was established, the Socialist camp could do nothing more than expelling it from the newly formed Cominform. What happened in the case of Yugoslavian leadership was a forerunner of what happened later in the SU and the other East European countries. The bureaucratic forces with capitalist orientation had already started dominating the party, the army and the state apparatus at all levels. They were waiting for Stalin’s death to peacefully usurp power and speed up the transformation of SU in to a bureaucratic state capitalist dictatorship.

28. The documents from the former Soviet archives that have come out after the disintegration of SU prove that by the early 1950s the bureaucratic forces had become so powerful that they isolated Stalin in his last days and soon after his death physically eliminated or removed from positions of power all those who were advocating the socialist path. After consolidating their position under the leadership of Krushchov, in the 20th Congress of the CPSU they violently attacked Stalin and came out with the revisionist positions that as “radical changes” had taken place after October Revolution Lenin’s teachings have become invalid and “peaceful transition’ to socialism is possible. This stand was further developed as “peaceful co-existence with and peaceful competition with imperialism, and peaceful transition to socialism” as the General Line of the ICM. Though it was strongly attacked by the CPC and a number of communist parties in the 1957 and 1960 international meetings of the communist parties, in its 22nd Congress in 1961 the capitalist roaders took more steps towards the transition of Soviet Union in to a social imperialist country (socialism in words by imperialism in action) and attacked the CPC like parties who did not follow their line viciously. While vast majority of the communist parties mechanically followed the Soviet revisionist line, the CPC, PLA of Albania like parties opposed it and the Great Debate followed in which the Marxist Leninists led by the CPC openly rejected the Soviet revisionist line. As pointed out by the CPC, instead of exposing and fighting against the neo-colonization speeded up by the US led imperialist camp, Soviets and the parties following them soon became apologists of neo-colonialism. As Krushchov was replaced by Brezhnov in 1964, the transition to social imperialism was speeded up, SU transformed from apologists of neocolonialism to executioners of neocolonial policies, colluding and contending with US imperialism for world hegemony. The Soviet state was transformed in to bureaucratic state capitalist dictatorship.

29. As the contention with US led imperialist camp intensified, though it could expand its neocolonial hold in many countries, the Soviet economy was facing increasing crisis. In the 1980s the sending of the military to Afghanistan and open fight with the Islamic jihadists fully supported by the US started draining the economy very fast, intensifying its crisis. With Gorbachov taking over in 1987, though the military was withdrawn from Afghanistan and the Glassnost-Perestroika line was put forward in the name of ‘opening up the economy and society’, the crisis only deepened further. In 1991 with the backing of US led imperialist powers Yeltsin could organize a coup, take over power, disintegrate SU and transform Russia in to an open capitalist power. The ICM has to take immense lessons from this counter revolution which was started in Yugoslavia in 1948 and repeated in the East European countries and later in China.

30. As SU and its contributions for socialist transformation against the capitalist system had inspired two generations all over the world, its disintegration and collapse, with the statues of Lenin getting pulled don by hooligans in Moscow streets created tremendous frustration among the masses. Imperilist camp did everything possible to intensify this frustration through wild propaganda about ‘end of history’ and ‘end of socialism’. This situation would not have become so serious if the Marxist-Leninist camp could wage an intensive ideological struggle against the degeneration taking place in SU and East European countries at least from the time of the 20th Congress of the CPSU in a more decisive and dialectical form.

31. But most of the communist parties formed during the Comintern period and which had great influence in many countries mechanically followed the Soviet revisionist line till its disintegration in 1991. Their remnants in different countries are still not prepared to rectify these mistakes. As far as the Trotskyist Fourth Internationalists were concerned, instead of putting forward any critical analysis of the degeneration taking place in SU they were continuing their mad attacks on Stalin whom they targeted as the main enemy. On the other hand, the so-called Stalinist school diametrically opposed to Trotsky mechanically asserted that everything was perfect till Stalin was alive and they even attacked Mao for his critical evaluation of some aspects of the socialist construction during Stalin’s period. But they had no explanations for the setbacks and had nothing to contribute towards the future program and path of revolution. Various trends emerging mainly in Europe like the Euro-Communist school or post- modernist schools also only added to the confusion.

32. Contrary to all these and struggling against them, the most developed position was taken by the CPC led by Mao who waged a Great Debate against Soviet revisionism and in continuation to the stand it had taken in the 1957 and 1960 international conferences of the communist parties put forward A Proposal Concerning the General Line of the ICM in 1963. It inspired the Marxist-Leninist forces who had started waging a theoretical struggle against the Soviet revisionist line in different countries. While a strong section in the CPC was trying to emulate the Soviet revisionist path, it waged uncompromisingly struggle against it and succeeded to remove these capitalist roaders from positions of power and to launch the proletarian cultural revolution as a form of class struggle within the socialist countries. But as left sectarian line got strengthened in the CPC by the time of its Ninth Congress in 1969, which soon opened the way for the emergence of a centrist line eventually leading to the domination of the capitalist roaders, this significant ideological political offensive also got weakened and disintegrated. The Marxist-Leninist parties and groups emerging in large number of countries fighting against Soviet revisionism and upholding the General Line document of the CPC also faced disintegration as they mechanically followed whatever was coming from the CPC as correct without trying to develop their own program and path based on the analysis of the newly emerging international and national situation. Amidst all these, in spite of the severe setbacks and disintegration suffered by the communist revolutionary forces who tried to pursue the line “China’s Path is Our Path” by early 1970s, the Maoists are still pursuing this line in more anarchist form contributing to the division and confusion among the communist forces in their own way. The emergence, development and disintegration of all these various schools and deviations from the camp of the communists were immensely utilized by the imperialists and their lackeys to intensify the attacks on the communist movement.

33. It is a fact that the setbacks suffered by the ICM during the last six decades compared to the great heights it had reached by 1950s have created extensive frustration and deviations among the communist forces and the masses of the people, especially the youth and students, the new generation. It is also a fact that in spite of recognizing this, most of the schools and tendencies including the various sections from the social democrats on one extreme to the anarchists on the other extreme are engaged in eulogizing their own deviations from the Marxist teachings and are in a self-satisfied delusion. These forces still refuse to recognize that during these decades the imperialist system has transformed its colonial forms of plunder and oppression to neo-colonial forms; it is imposing its hegemony in more sinister forms through finance capital which has become increasingly speculative, market forces, technological advances, armed interventions and hegemony of reactionary culture. They also refuse to recognize that it is the failure to analyze these changes and to develop the program and path of revolution according to the changed times that had led to the severe repeated setbacks suffered by the communist movement,

34. While observing the centenary of the October Revolution it is the task of the Marxist-Leninist forces to evaluate the basic reasons for this great setback and to develop the revolutionary theory and practice taking lessons from this objective evaluation and according to the changes that have taken place in the concrete situation from the time Lenin put forward his study on Imperialism, the Highest Stage of Capitalism, The Central Committee of CPI(ML) Red Star has called for observing the centenary of October Revolution starting from the this year’s October Revolution Day on the basis of the efforts it has made from 1970s to make concrete analysis of the changes that have taken place during the post-SWW decades and to develop the theory and practice of the communist movement accordingly. Let us make these centenary programs as steps to further deepen and develop these efforts.
To say that all humankind aims at development is not to say anything at all. The statement naturally begs the question – what is development? We in the CPI (ML) have been talking, in the past few years, about a new paradigm of development. What do we mean?

The capitalist imperialist system talks about development in terms of GDP. This is a very misleading measure if development. For example, the GDP of India for 2010 grew at 8.81% (the same as the figure for Niger for the same year). However, Paraguay (at over 15%), Myanmar (over 10%), Ethiopia (over 10%), Burkina Faso (9.2%), Zimbabwe (9%) Turkmenistan and Argentina, all ranked above India. GDP measures only the growth of production of a country over the past year in its own currency. Thus if the GDP of India has grown by 8%, this is only in Rupee terms. It does not accomodate for the variation of the value of the currency. Furtfher, it only measures the volume of production as a whole Per capita GCP is the average GDP per citizen of each country. This itself is only an illusion. If one person earns Rs. 11 lakhs per month and 10 others earn almost nil, then obviously the per capita income is Rs. 1 lakh per month, which does not reflect reality at all. At best it is only a broad measure.

PPP (Purchasing Power Parity) is a method of measuring income not in terms of rupees or dollars or takas but in terms of what these rupees / dollars / takas can buy. A glass of milk or half a dozen eggs may cost Rs. 20 in India but $2 in the US. Now $2 is equal to Rs. 120. However, the Purchasing Power Parity of the rupee in regard to the US Dollar (as far as eggs and milk are concerned) is Rs.10 to a Dollar. PPP is calculated by taking into account many such essential and commonly used commodities. This is also sometimes used as a measure of income and production in economics. This takes care of variations in the relative value of the rupee to the dollar (or any other currency) and relates a persons income to his purchasing power.

Per capita income at PPP is a measure that measures the amount of material goods that, on average, a citizen of any country may enjoy. However, there are many shortcomings even in this method – it needs to be measured over time to reach a true approximation of reality as it is susceptible to sudden spikes and troughs but at the same time it needs to be adjusted for inflation over the said period of time. Even with all these adjustments, it only measures an average. This means that if the rich grow much richer very fast, this index will rise for a given country even though the plight of the majority who are poor may be deteriorating (as is happening in India in recent years).

However even with this system it does not take into account how many children are dying of hunger (India is leading in this – 42% of children under 5 are underweight, twice the proportion of sub-saharan Africa, among youth 48 percent are stunted, 20 percent wasted and 70 percent anemic). It does not take into account social problems like the caste system and patriarchy, which must be taken into account in any conception of development. It does not take into account political factors like democratic rights. Capitalist economists, till now have failed to develop a proper definition of development, leave alone a proper measure.

The UNDP (United Nations Development Project) has developed another method of calculating human development which it uses in its annual Human Development Report. Its progenitor, the Pakistani economist Mahboob Ul Haq was professedly searching for a number which would reflect not merely the "income" of any nation, whether per capita or by PPP but take into account other factors. Works of Dr. Amartya Sen were also taken into account to reach the final figure which relied on three main issues, life expectancy, enrollment in education and income. The composite of these three (the method of combining the three factors has changed slightly with effect from the 2010 report) is taken as the Human Development index of a country. Another similar index devised is the GDI (Gender Development Index) which is not to be read as a measure of Gender inequality by itself but only as a subtext to the HDI. This has also come in for its fair share of criticism. But none of these methods has been able to take sufficient factors relating to economic inclusion, to social questions and political rights. In fact, we may say that all of these measures of "development" have tried only to measure development within a capitalist context – the context of profit being the defining factor. None of these have been able to surpass this limitation.

One thing though, is that none of these indices of development have, as yet, factorred in the concept of "sustainability" or of the environment. Though today, most countries of the world have an "environmental impact assessment" required to be made before any development project can be put into place, no such universal measure of "environmental impact" has been devised or is in general use.

The socialist countries did a lot of work, both theoretical and practical on the question of "development". The concept of mere GDP growth was abandoned. When distribution and exchange was removed from the vagaries of the market, developing a closed distribution system and rationing, a large part of the more blatant inequalities visible in capitalist society were overcome. The soviet union developed the concept of a "planned economy" and of the five-year plans which were adopted even by most neo-colonial countries, at least in name. This was to control the unplanned and skewed growth under capitalism. However, under planning, the equilibrium with the environment and setting up of democratic systems are absolutely necessary. This alone will guarantee real development. As we shall see, it was the failure to sufficiently address these questions that led to the collapse of even such a planned economy.

The question of the environment is a question that Marxist Leninists all over the world are having a new look at in recent years. In our 9th Congress in 2011, we had held that the contradiction between Capital and Nature is one of the fundamental contradictions in the world at the international level. The Congress found it to be the 5th fundamental contradiction to be ranked along with the four other fundamental contradictions which had been accepted since the time of the Third International. With this, the Congress has accepted the contradiction between Capital and Nature to be at a level with the contradiction between Capital and Labour. This development cannot be greeted with mere incredulous wonder and deserves a serious discussion.

In Capital, Vol 3 itself, Marx wrote :

"From the standpoint of a higher economic form of society, private ownership of the globe by single individuals will appear quite as absurd as private ownership of one man by another. Even a whole society, a nation, or even all simultaneously existing societies taken together, are not the owners of the globe. They are only its possessors, its usufructuaries, and, like boni patres familias, they must hand it down to succeeding generations in an improved condition."

In 1875 Marx wrote a "Critique of the Gotha Program". This was a critique of the program that had been drafted by the United Workers Party of Germany of that time. In response to the Lasallean conception that "Labour is the source of all wealth and culture" Marx wrote :

"Labor is not the source of all wealth. Nature is just as much the source of use values (and it is surely of such that material wealth consists!) as labor, which itself is only the manifestation of a force of nature, human labor power. The above phrase is to be found in all children's primers and is correct insofar as it is implied that labor is performed with the appurtenant subjects and instruments. But a socialist program cannot allow such bourgeois phrases to pass over in silence the conditions that alone give them meaning. And insofar as man from the beginning behaves toward nature, the primary source of all instruments and subjects of labor, as an owner, treats her as belonging to him, his labor becomes the source of use values, therefore also of wealth. The bourgeois have very good grounds for falsely ascribing supernatural creative power to labor; since precisely from the fact that labor depends on nature it follows that the man who possesses no other property than his labor power must, in all conditions of society and culture, be the slave of other men who have made themselves the owners of the material conditions of labor. He can only work with their permission, hence live only with their permission. "

Not only does this equate nature and labour as the source of all wealth and of all culture but also gives a very important insight. Here Marx clearly states that the concept of man's ownership of nature lays the basis for the concept of capital's ownership of labour. It is this that is the basis for capitalism and the justification of profit.

So Marxism has always been concerned about nature as a very basic part of production and human life. But this is not all. It has always also been concerned between the balance between man and nature. Marxism has always correctly identified that man is nothing but a part of nature. In the Manuscripts of 1844 he has written :

"Physically, man lives only on these products of nature, whether they appear in the form of food, heating, clothes, a dwelling, etc. The universality of man appears in practice precisely in the universality which makes all nature his inorganic body--both inasmuch as nature is (1) his direct means of life, and (2) the material, the object, and the instrument of his life activity. Nature is man's inorganic body--nature, that is, insofar as it is not itself human body. Man lives on nature--means that nature is his body, with which he must remain in continuous interchange if he is not to die. That man's physical and spiritual life is linked to nature means simply that nature is linked to itself, for man is a part of nature."

It is in the same Manuscripts of 1844 that Marx has expounded on the concept of alienation which was to play an important role in his analysis of Capitalism. He had put forward that Capitalism destroys the link between man and nature and puts both in opposition to one another. The aim of capitalism becomes to establish supremacy over nature or even to wantonly exploit nature – accumulation for the sake of accumulation.

However, it will be wrong to say that Marx or even Marxism had foreseen the environmental crisis and had provided all the answers. Many of the impacts of the environmental crisis were not possible to have been seen in the times of Marx or even of those of Lenin, Stalin and Mao. There is a debate on today about whether capitalism is a "closed loop" system or not. This means, can capitalism consume all that it creates? This is clearly not the case. Here we refer not only to the realisation crisis leading to the crisis of overproduction, which was predicted by Marx but also to the waste produced. In Marx's time, most of the waste produced by capitalist enterprises were capable of being reabsorbed by nature – they were biodegradable. Today this is a rarity. One of the most virulent forms of waste is nuclear waste but this is not the only one. Carbon emissions, chemical and heavy metal waste are all leading to degradation of the environment where nature itself is being altered beyond recognition. One of the necessities of production and reproduction is that nature must be the medium on which labour operates. This requires nature to retain, at least for a considerable period of time, its qualities unchanged. If this itself changes, then the very basis of labour will be lost. No doubt, Marx's analysis is still the most apt in terms of explaining the nature of capitalist economy. However, it can be further refined to bring nature within its calculations as it has brought labour into them. There is already work on such refinements being done by persons like Dr. Peter Custer, among others. It is necessary for Marxist-Leninists also to take part in such development of Marxism.

There was some theoretical work done in terms of maintaining a balance between nature and production by Marxists. Notable is the speech given by Mao to the politburo of the CPC on 25th April 1956 called "On the Ten Major Relationships". In this he has stressed on the need to maintain a balance between Heavy industry on the one hand and light industry and agriculture on the other. While criticising the experience of the Soviet Union and Eastern Europe, he has called for increasing the proportion of investment in light industry and agriculture.

On the practical front, one of the first laws passed by the Bolsheviks upon coming to power in Soviet Russia in 1917 was on the nationalisation of land. This provided the basis for making large tracts of land over for conservation and for scientific study. On this basis, the Astrakhan Zapovednik, a large tract of land was declared a protected area. In 1921 the USSR decreed the law "On the Protection of Nature Monuments, Gardens and Parks". Many Zapovedniks were declared in the USSR. There were 15 by 1933 and finally 115 by 1995. However, it was Nikita Khruschev who criticised the system of Zapovedniks referring famously to the Altay Zapovednik where, in a film, a scientist was watching a squirrel gnawing at a nut.

Due to various reasons, many of which were indeed genuinely prompted by the capitalist encirclement, the general attitude towards nature as reflected in the five year plans from 1926 underwent a change. The NEP gave way to the Gossplan period of centralised planning. The stress was shifted from agricultural growth to almost a total concentration on the growth of heavy industry. Even in industry, the stress was clearly on the encouragement for the growth of producer goods rather than consumer goods. The growth of output of coal, iron ore, steel, oil, etc were such that the USSR was soon the top producer of the world in those goods. However, the attitude towards conservation of nature and of "balance" with nature changed subtly to human conquering of nature and "mastery" over nature

Engels had said in "The Part Played by Labour in the Transition form Ape to Man" in Origins of the Family, Private property and State :

Let us not, however, flatter ourselves overmuch on account of our human victories over nature. For each victory nature takes its revenge on us. Each victory, it is true, in the first place brings about the results we expected, but in the second and third places it has quite different, unforeseen effects which only too often cancel out the first. The people who, in Mesopotamia, Greece, Asia Minor and elsewhere, destroyed forests to obtain cultivable land, never dreamed that by removing along with the forests the collecting centers and reservoirs of moisture they were laying the basis for the present forlorn state of those countries. When the Italians of the Alps used up the pine forests on the southern slopes, so carefully cherished on the northern slopes, they had no inkling that by doing so they were thereby depriving their mountain springs of water for the greater part of the year, making possible for them to pour still more furious torrents on the plains during the rainy season... Thus at every step we are reminded that we by no means rule over nature like a conqueror over a foreign people, like someone standing outside of nature—but that we, with flesh, blood and brain, belong to nature, exist in its midst, and that all our mastery of it consists in the fact that we have the advantage of all other creatures of being able to learn its laws and apply them correctly.

This was clearly forgotten in the Soviet Union. The concept of development became a concept of catching up and defeating the West – the imperialist powers, with no emphasis on other social, pollitical and environmental factors.

No doubt, the Soviet Union was the only socialist country in the world at that stage. No doubt, it was being attacked by 14 different imperialist armies. No doubt, every pain was being taken to see that the Soviet experiment could be sabotaged. Even so, the attempt to gain mastery over nature came with its own cost.

We cannot lose sight of the fact that great economic advance was, in fact, created in the Soviet Union in that time. During the great Depression of 1929-30, the Soviet Union was the only country which not only did not buckle but, actually, advanced. It did get transformed from a backward agricultural economy to one of the greatest industrial and scientific powers in the world. Recently, a bourgeois economist traced Russia's (projected) share of the World's GDP from the 18th century till date. It was found that the only time when it outstripped its share of the world's population was during Stalin's reign. At the height of this time, the GDP reached almost 10% of the world's GDP, whereas the population was only about 4%.

But this is exactly the problem. Are we to go back to GDP to measure development? Was there not an unnecessary need to catch up with the West? Was a new path of development put into motion, or was this only the imperialist path of development with a difference – with a more equitable system of production, distribution and exchange? In short, is our grievance with imperialism only that it exploits men? Or also that it exploits nature?

When presenting his Report on the Fourth Five Year Plan to the Supreme Soviet in 1946, N.A. Voznesensky recalled the task which had been entrusted to him in 1941. The plan, he argued:

'envisages the completion of the building of a classless socialist society and the gradual transition from socialism to communism. It envisages the accomplishment of the basic economic task of the U.S.S.R. namely to overtake and surpass the main capitalist countries economically, as regards the volume of industrial production per head of the population' (Voznesensky,N.,'Five-Year Plan for the Rehabilitation and Development of the National Economy of the U.S.S.R. 1946-1950', Soviet News, London,1946, p.10.)

The Soviet Union of that time was home to many new scientific discoveries. But science also has a class bias. In the sense that science develops in a particular direction, which is determined by class interests. The science that developed was not about how to live in harmony with nature but was about how to gain ascendancy over nature. To given an example, the Zapodveniks were cultivated and their number even grew. But then there was a debate between the scientists about the type of experiments to be done in the Zapodveniks – the attempt to restore the steppes to their imagined prehistoric state gave way to untested silvicultural theories by which different types of plants were tried to be grafted onto different environments. Experiments in acclimatisation began to abound.

Thus we can see that there are two processes on at the same time. In one process, many acts of natural conservation were taken up. Strips of forest were planted to act as wind-breakers for growing grains on the steppes. Crop rotation was introduced. At the same time, slowly but steadily, under the pressure of catching up with the west, the trend was towards taming nature – building massive dams, growing wheat in Siberia, etc. Such projects did have good results for some time but ultimately they extracted their cost in terms of degradation of the environment.

But maintaining the balance with nature was not the only shortcoming in the socialist economic planning of that time, nor can it be. The question will obviously arise – who will decide as to what is the proper balance to be maintained. Here we can link the question of maintaining a balance with nature and the question of establishing democracy in economic planning. The people must be given all power. They alone can decide what is the correct balance with nature. Only the appropriate democratic systems can lead to the appropriate balance with nature.

The same process, of wantonly increasing production in a mad race to catch up with the west, also affected the development of democratic institutions. The Soviet system was introduced as a system for decentralising of power. We must remember that Lenin gave the slogan of "All Power to the Soviets" even when the Bolseviks were a minority in the Soviets and the majority of the Soviets were opposed to the Bolsheviks.

From the 1918 Constitution to that of 1924, of 1936 and of 1977, we can see a growth of centralisation of power. Though the word "Soviets" continued to be used to denote certain elected bodies, we must remember that the original soviets, first formed in 1905 were actually fighting bodies of the workers in their rebellion against the Tsar. Though formally, democracy kept being increased, in content, the real powers were soon in the hands of very centralised bodies.

In China in "On The Ten Major Relationships" Mao had talked of the need to maintain a balance between large industry on the one hand and small industry and agriculture on the other. However, by 1958, one of the major slogans had become "Man Must Conquer Nature". This slogan has continued even after the restoration of capitalism in China and had later been put forward by Jiang Zemin in 1994 during the inauguration of the Three Gorges Dam which was cited as a reaffirmation of this slogan.

To come to a conclusion we can say that without a doubt, both the USSR and China (and even other socialist countries) did put forward a new paradigm of development during the socialist phase. By democratising and socialising the system of production, distribution and exchange, great progress was achieved. Russia, China and other states were pulled out of the backward feudal systems in which they had languished since centuries and made into modern industrial societies. The decisions making process on production, distribution and exchange was made much more democratic. However, this was still not democratic enough. That is the main reason why, ultimately, the system ended up as a system to catch up with imperialism (and to catch up with the USSR in China to a great extent). This prevented it from becoming a radically different system of production, distribution and exchange which would have a form of sustainable development as its base. It is here, ultimately, that we find the root of the germ which led to the restoration of capitalism in both.

When we talk today of an alternative paradigm of development we mean the implementation of true democracy, leading to socialism, in the sphere of production, distribution and exchange. Today, in our country, we are, in fact, moving away from such democracy with each passing day. Take the rampant imposition of nuclear power plants, mines, ports, etc upon the people. Though there is a Panchayat Raj Act to pay lip service to democracy, in fact, the people of the areas to be "developed" are rarely consulted on the question of whether they want such nuclear plants or mines or ports. These are only foisted upon them. We have to develop newer and better methods of people's participation in decision making in production. Today in the age of the internet and with the communication and information "revolutions" this is more possible than ever before in many different ways.

Democracy requires knowledge. It requires fighting against all obscurantist ideas like religion, superstition etc. It requires fighting against the various biases that exist in society in the form of gender, caste, region, language, etc. Today, to an ever greater degree, imperialism uses all these biases for its own aims.

It is not our task to put forward a blueprint about what the new system of democratic decision making will be. That would itself be undemocratic. The new systems will develop in the process of struggle against the exploitation by imperialism. It is our task to be a part of the struggle of the people against such expolitation by imperialism and to expose the system behind that is the root of such exploitation. At the same time, we also have to expose the social democratic forces. Today, even the best thinkers within the CPI and CPI(M) talk only of "going back" to the welfare state and the tenets in our Constitution. This is idealism. History has never allowed anybody to go back. On the other hand, even such thoughts of restoring the democracy at least available during the welfare phase, is opposed by the top leadership of the CPI (M).

What we have to stress is that there can be no going back. We have to go forward to a system with greater democracy and a more robust sense of justice. We have to go to more equitable sharing of natural resources, not only with other humans but will the rest of nature. We can today only put forward broad principles for such a direction to a new paradigm of development :

1. More direct and proximate democratic processes for taking all decisions on production;

2. Free information to all including scientific papers in simple language being made available for all;

3. Fight against religion, superstition, etc. Fight against patriarchy, brahminism, regional and language hegemonism, etc.

4. Sustainable development is the only path – Man as a part of nature and not Man vs Nature as the basis of development.

All these will have to be further developed during the course of struggle. Of course, it is not being suggested that these principles will replace the socialist principles of development of abolition of private property and planned development. These are to be seen in addition to the socialist principles of development which achieved such success in the 20th century.
On the relation between base and superstructure

Alik Chakraborty and Sharmistha Choudhury

The term 'base and superstructure' and also the relation between the two are very important from the Marxist point of view. Social development cannot be analysed without understanding this relation. Thus it is imperative that every Marxist understands it well. Since the inception of Marxism, an overwhelming amount of confusion also encompassed this question. Particularly this debate cropped up in an extremely vigorous way after the great October socialist revolution. The development of the new state is related with the basic and superstructural change of society. And now it is so much important to grasp this because there are numerous ideas are encompassing us. Post modernist thought is one of these thought which actually divert our thought from the general law of development of the society into some individualistic approach. We will discuss all this in brief so that we can have a basic understanding of these subjects. Let us start from what is base and superstructure.

In several of Marx's writings the question has been thoroughly discussed. Hence we shall quote from The Preface to a Contribution to the Critique of Political Economy:

"In the social production of their life, men enter into definite relations that are independent of their will, relations of production which correspond to a definite stage of development of their material productive forces.

The sum total of these relations of production constitutes the economic structure of society, the real basis on which rises a legal and political superstructure and to which correspond definite form of social consciousness. (Emphasis added.)

The mode of production of material life conditions the social, political and intellectual life process in general.

It is not the consciousness of men that determines their being, but, on the contrary, their social being that determines their consciousness.

At a certain stage in their development the material productive forces of society come into conflict with the existing relations of production or – what is but a legal expression for the same thing – the property relations within which they have been at work hitherto.

From forms of development of the productive forces these relations turn into fetters. Then begins an epoch of social revolution.

With the change of the economic foundation the entire immense superstructure is more or less rapidly transformed.

In considering such transformations, a distinction should always be made between the material transformation of the material conditions of production, which can be determined with the precision of natural science, and the legal, political, religious, aesthetic or philosophical – in short ideological – forms in which men become conscious of the conflict and fight it out.

... We do not judge a period of transformation by its consciousness; on the contrary this consciousness must itself be explained from the contradictions of material life, from the existing conflicts between the social productive forces and the relations of production."

So the idea is that the economic relations of production in a society determine the forms of the state and social consciousness, or, more broadly, all social and ideological structures, such as law, politics, religion, education, art, etc. So, economy is the base and on this all ideological, social, cultural and legal structures are built.

In short we can say that base means the relation of production which develops independent of human will, while the necessary ideological, political, cultural and other structures conform with this base and form the superstructure of a society. There is no big debate over this explanation. The real debate concerns the relation between base and superstructure. There has been a lot of confusion among Marxists regarding the relation between these two since the time of Marx. In several letters Engels warned about this to their followers. From these letters we can get a clearer picture about this relation and the explanation too.

In a letter to J. Bloch, Engels explained in a masterly way: "According to the materialist conception of history, the ultimately determining element in history is the production and reproduction of real life. Other than this neither Marx nor I have ever asserted. Hence if somebody twists this into saying that the economic element is the only determining one, he transforms that proposition into a meaningless, abstract, senseless phrase. The economic situation is the basis, but the various elements of the superstructure — political forms of the class struggle and its results, to wit: constitutions established by the victorious class after a successful battle, etc., juridical forms, and even the reflexes of all these actual struggles in the brains of the participants, political, juristic, philosophical theories, religious views and their further development into systems of dogmas — also exercise their influence upon the course of the historical struggles and in many cases preponderate in determining their form. There is an interaction of all these elements in which, amid all the endless host of accidents (that is, of things and events whose inner interconnection is so remote or so impossible of proof that we can regard it as non-existent, as negligible), the economic movement finally asserts itself as necessary. Otherwise the application of the theory to any period of history would be easier than the solution of a simple equation of the first degree." (Engels to J Bloch : 1890)

In this letter Engels clearly stated that the economic situation is the basis and the various elements such as political forms etc. form the superstructure. He stated that the economic situation is ultimately the determining factor (emphasis added), not the only determining one. All superstructural elements have a determining role in every social change. But the change depends on the ultimate change of the economic situation. So there is a dialectical relation between base and superstructure. Not only does change in economic basis influence superstructural change, at the same time superstructural change also influences economic change. Both base and superstructure have a determining role in social change, but base has the ultimately determining role.

So Engels further said, "We make our history ourselves, but, in the first place, under very definite assumptions and conditions. Among these the economic ones are ultimately decisive. But the political ones, etc., and indeed even the traditions which haunt human minds also play a part, although not the decisive one. The Prussian state also arose and developed from historical, ultimately economic, causes. But it could scarcely be maintained without pedantry that among the many small states of North Germany, Brandenburg was specifically determined by economic necessity to become the great power embodying the economic, linguistic and, after the Reformation, also the religious difference between North and South, and not by other elements as well (above all by its entanglement with Poland, owing to the possession of Prussia, and hence with international political relations — which were indeed also decisive in the formation of the Austrian dynastic power)."

As we know in this planet through evolution humans became the highest developed and conscious compared to all other animals. Humans make their own history. So naturally the conscious role of humans in the development of civilization is inevitable. Without that we cannot even think of civilization. So according to the Marxist point of view production and reproduction of real life is ultimately the determining element of history. From this perspective economy creates the real foundation of human society. As Marx said in the Preface of A Contribution to the Critique of Political Economy, "the economic structure of society forms the 'real basis' on which 'rises a legal and political superstructure'." Some people create confusion over whether the 'base' is the economy or the forces of production or the relations of production. As we know, the contradiction between productive force and production relation plays a key role in changing society. So we can say that that neither productive force alone nor production relation or others forms the base. The base is the sum total of all of this. So Engels clearly stated that economic situation is the base. And superstructure is, according to Engels, "political forms of the class struggle and its results, to wit: constitutions established by the victorious class after a successful battle, etc., juridical forms, and even the reflexes of all these actual struggles in the brains of the participants, political, juristic, philosophical theories, religious views and their further development into systems of dogmas all of these form the superstructure of the society."

The question of the relation between base and superstructure has become a complex and debatable issue since the time of Marx and Engels. Essentially Marx had to establish its relation to fight against all anarchists and pseudo-socialists. In the time of Marx and Engels all such thinkers were trying to establish the law of social change by evading the basic contradiction within society. So Marx had to establish that the change of society takes place independent of human will. The resolution of the contradiction between productive forces and relation of production causes social change. So he formulated that: "In acquiring new productive forces, men change their mode of production; and in changing their mode of production, in changing their way of earning a living, they change all their social relations. The hand mill gives you society with a feudal lord; the steam mill society with an industrial capitalist." (The Poverty of Philosophy)

A good example can be seen in Engels's book Anti Duhring. Duhring's opinion regarding social change was basically metaphysical. He stated that social change basically depends on force. According to Engels, Duhring's opinion "starts from the principle that the political conditions are the decisive cause of the economic situation and that the reverse relationship represents only a reaction of a second order ... so long as the political grouping is not taken for its own sake, as the starting-point, but is treated merely as a stomach-filling agency, one must have a portion of reaction stowed away in one's mind, however radical a socialist and revolutionary one may seem to be. {D. K. G. 230-31}" (Anti-Duhring)

Against this Engels said, "That is Herr Dühring's theory. In this and in many other passages it is simply set up, decreed, so to speak. Nowhere in the three fat tomes is there even the slightest attempt to prove it or to disprove the opposite point of view. And even if the arguments for it were as plentiful as blackberries, Herr Dühring would give us none of them. For the whole affair has been already proved through the famous original sin, when Robinson Crusoe made Friday his slave. That was an act of force, hence a political act. And inasmuch as this enslavement was the starting-point and the basic fact underlying all past history and inoculated it with the original sin of injustice, so much so that in the later periods it was only softened down and "transformed into the more indirect forms of economic dependence" {D. C. 19}; and inasmuch as "property founded on force" {D. Ph. 242}, which has asserted itself right up to the present day, is likewise based on this original act of enslavement, it is clear that all economic phenomena must be explained by political causes, that is, by force. And anyone who is not satisfied with that is a reactionary in disguise."

Engels analysed the cause of the enslavement of human by human with the help of that example which was actually in Duhring's book to establish that the cause of enslavement of human by human is based on force. How did Crusoe come to enslave Friday? According to the story of Robinson Crusoe, Crusoe had a sword. So Duhring reached the conclusion that by the sword Crusoe enslaved Man Friday. Then Engels said, "But let us look a little more closely at this omnipotent 'force' of Herr Dühring's. Crusoe enslaved Friday "sword in hand" {D. C. 23}. Where did he get the sword? Even on the imaginary islands of the Robinson Crusoe epic, swords have not, up to now, been known to grow on trees, and Herr Dühring provides no answer to this question. If Crusoe could procure a sword for himself, we are equally entitled to assume that one fine morning Friday might appear with a loaded revolver in his hand, and then the whole "force" relationship is inverted. Friday commands, and it is Crusoe who has to drudge. We must apologise to the readers for returning with such insistence to the Robinson Crusoe and Friday story, which properly belongs to the nursery and not to the field of science — but how can we help it? We are obliged to apply Herr Dühring's axiomatic method conscientiously, and it is not our fault if in doing so we have to keep all the time within the field of pure childishness. So, then, the revolver triumphs over the sword; and this will probably make even the most childish axiomatician comprehend that force is no mere act of the will, but requires the existence of very real preliminary conditions before it can come into operation, namely, instruments, the more perfect of which gets the better of the less perfect; moreover, that these instruments have to be produced, which implies that the producer of more perfect instruments of force, vulgo arms, gets the better of the producer of the less perfect instruments, and that, in a word, the triumph of force is based on the production of arms, and this in turn on production in general — therefore, on "economic power", on the "economic situation", on the material means which force has at its disposal."

In this manner Engels repudiated Duhring's theory of force and established that force is the midwife of a new society. And that force is also applied on the basis of political economy. Force can be applied under the condition of the contradiction between productive force and the relation of production.

Marx and Engels had to fight tremendously against those types of views which denied that the ultimately determining factor is economy. So there was a trend to downplay or even ignore the superstructural factors for changes of society and regard the economic cause as only determining factor. Engels admitted that also. He said in the letter to Bloch, "Marx and I are ourselves partly to blame for the fact that the younger people sometimes lay more stress on the economic side than is due to it. We had to emphasise the main principle vis-à-vis our adversaries, who denied it, and we had not always the time, the place or the opportunity to give their due to the other elements involved in the interaction." However, at the same time he also stated, "History is made in such a way that the final result always arises from conflicts between many individual wills, of which each in turn has been made what it is by a host of particular conditions of life. Thus there are innumerable intersecting forces, an infinite series of parallelograms of forces which give rise to one resultant — the historical event. This may again itself be viewed as the product of a power which works as a whole unconsciously and without volition. For what each individual wills is obstructed by everyone else, and what emerges is something that no one willed. Thus history has proceeded hitherto in the manner of a natural process and is essentially subject to the same laws of motion. But from the fact that the wills of individuals — each of whom desires what he is impelled to by his physical constitution and external, in the last resort economic, circumstances (either his own personal circumstances or those of society in general) — do not attain what they want, but are merged into an aggregate mean, a common resultant, it must not be concluded that they are equal to zero. On the contrary, each contributes to the resultant and is to this extent included in it."

Engels even censured his contemporary disciples for going to practice without understanding of theoretical approach. He said, "Unfortunately, however, it happens only too often that people think they have fully understood a new theory and can apply it without more ado from the moment they have assimilated its main principles, and even those not always correctly. And I cannot exempt many of the more recent "Marxists" from this reproach, for the most amazing rubbish has been produced in this quarter, too..."

In spite of repeated warnings by Engels, his contemporary fellow intellectual comrades who later became authorities of Marxism like Kautsky, Plekhanov etc. could not comprehend the actual relation between base and superstructure.

After the death of Marx and Engels a mechanical view of history came to be regarded as 'Marxist' orthodoxy. It was the period when Marxism spread all over the workers' movement in Europe and also in America. At that time leaders of the Second International like Karl Kautsky also succumbed to such type of mechanical idea. For him, "historical development had inevitably produced each mode of production in turn – antiquity, feudalism, capitalism – and would eventually lead to socialism. There was an inevitable ... adaptation of forms of appropriation to forms of production." (Karl Kautsky, Economic Doctrine of Karl Marx) He also said, "The direction of social development does not depend on the use of peaceful methods or violent struggles. It is determined by the progress and needs of the methods of production. If the outcome of violent revolutionary struggles does not correspond to the intentions of the revolutionary combatants, this only signifies that these intentions stand in opposition to the development of the needs of production." That means to him revolutionary movements cannot alter this pattern of development. So the task of revolutionary socialists under modern capitalism was not to try to cut short the historical process, until capitalism was ready to turn into socialism. Although Lenin developed his concept regarding Party and the significance of political struggle with the help of Kautsky's earlier formulation, yet his later formulations like the one quoted above led him to decline to revisionism and be unable to understand the significance of seizure of power in Russia by the Bolsheviks.

Very close to Kautsky's formulations were those of the pioneer Russian Marxist, Plekhanov. He held that the development of production automatically resulted in changes in the superstructure. There is no way human endeavour can block the development of the forces of production. (Emphasis added) 'Social development' is a 'process expressing laws. The final cause of the social relationships lies in the state of the productive forces.' 'Productive forces ... determine ... social relations, i.e. economic relations'. (Plekhanov, Essays in Historical Materialism)

The abovementioned statements of Kautsky and Plekhanov are directly contradictory to what Engels stated. Engels clearly said "...............Thus there are innumerable intersecting forces, an infinite series of parallelograms of forces which give rise to one resultant — the historical event." And "Thus history has proceeded hitherto in the manner of a natural process and is essentially subject to the same laws of motion. But from the fact that the wills of individuals — each of whom desires what he is impelled to by his physical constitution and external, in the last resort economic, circumstances". Clearly, according to Engels, development takes place not automatically with the development of productive forces. Rather, there are innumerable factors accruing in society which obviously influence and alter the economic condition. We know that the socialist revolution cannot happen without superstructural change at first. At a certain stage of development of production, productive forces come into conflict with the relation of production and the change of the relation of production becomes inevitable. In that situation if political development of society is compatible with this contradiction then that change takes place. This political development is ultimately dependent on the economic situation but is not automatically created through economic situation. Political / ideological movement and the position of all forces active in society create this condition along with the economic conflict or situation. So, the objective situation and subjective preparation both are determining factors for every social change. But the 'theory of automatic development' confined the leaders of the Second International to the economic struggle only and they took the line of waiting eternally for the majority of workers in society to come forward before going for socialist revolution. Stalin pointed out correctly in his book Foundation of Leninism, "...concerning the conditions for the seizure of power by the proletariat. The opportunists assert that the proletariat cannot and ought not to take power unless it constitutes a majority in the country. No proofs are brought forward; for there are no proofs, either theoretical or practical, that can bear out this absurd thesis.

Let us assume that this is so, Lenin replies to the gentlemen of the Second International; but suppose a historical situation has arisen (a war, an agrarian crisis, etc.) in which the proletariat, constituting a minority of the population, has an opportunity to rally around itself the vast majority of the labouring masses; why should it not take power then?"

History has proved this every time. If economic situation is favourable for social change but political preparation has not matured then revolution cannot take place. We know that the world situation was favourable for socialist revolution at the time of the First World War but the revolution was successful only in Russia. Why? It was not only because economic crisis had broken over Russia, but also because at the same time there was a revolutionary party capable of leading the proletariat. These two aspects together were capable of breaking the weakest link of imperialism in Russia and primarily the superstructural change took place, that is political power was seized. The same happened at the time of the Chinese revolution also. After the Second World War there was a possibility for revolution in many colonial and semi-colonial countries. A good example is India itself. But the political and ideological factors were responsible for the failure of those revolutions. We know that if the Communist Party of India hadn't mechanically followed the line of people's war at the time of Second World War at that juncture history may be different.

So we can say that historical materialism does not see human activity as a passive reflection of the economic situation. Human activity can also change the economic course of society.

Economic determinism was properly fought out by Lenin at the time of the great October Revolution and the revolutionary movement went ahead defeating economism, opportunism, pacifism, liquidationism and like trends at that time. But when the revolutionary movements were to some extent on a down curve and in the eve of socialist reconstruction in USSR, such mechanical trends came back again in the communist movement. There was a pressing need in Russia for rapid development of productive force within a short time to develop socialist reconstruction and to save revolution. Bolshevik Party under the leadership of Stalin boldly faced this challenge and made great headway in socialist construction. But while emphasising the development of production, there came another tendency – that superstructural change will automatically happen with the development of productive forces and change with the changing production relations. But it is not easy to drive away human practices of thousands of years. So there must be a conscious effort to change cultural, ideological and political relations continuously. It is a continuous process. We know that revolution is a continuous process which has to change not only production relations, but also the entire superstructure. Though Stalin never said or wrote that superstructural change is not necessary – he only said that development of production and productive force is a necessary condition for socialist construction – yet he failed to adequately spot the danger of development of bureaucracy in the superstructure that came with the speedy development of productive forces. For speedy development of productive forces some bureaucratic development could not be avoided in a country like Russia but those problems were not sufficiently addressed and could not be resolved afterwards. At the same time there was a problem to develop the form of state so that it transcended the bourgeois state in all respects. Regarding the question of democracy, active participation of people in the state activity was not properly dealt with at that time and also after the victory in the Second World War. It was in this lacuna that Krushchev was able to capture state power on the behalf of the exploiting class just by capturing the leadership of the party and state. This phenomenon needs greater discussion elsewhere. We have only mentioned it here to show how important the understanding between relation of base and superstructure is. Mao Tse Tung also tried to resolve these problems in the course of the Chinese revolution. He also noted that the overemphasis on economic development in USSR and problems of Stalin's thought regarding this. He criticized Stalin's view regarding economic problems of USSR. On this question he mentioned that the superstructural question had not been properly addressed. He said, "Capitalism leaves behind it the commodity form, which we must still retain for the time being. Commodity exchange laws governing value play no regulating role in our production. This role is played by planning, by the great leap forward under planning, by politics-in-command. Stalin speaks only of the production relations, not of the superstructure, nor of the relationship between superstructure and economic base." (Concerning Economic Problems Of Socialism In The USSR)

Mao made some developments regarding this question. The call of Cultural Revolution was also a step forward. But still this problem was not adequately resolved. The relation between ideology, politics and economy and in short base and superstructure is a very big question in our contemporary situation also. Many problems in the communist movements have cropped up due to lack of proper understanding of this problem. In intellectual sphere there are numerous postmodernist thought are making hindrance to develop revolutionary thought and the thought which depend on class struggle. With the declining of communist movement these thoughts have encompassing not only reactionary intellectuals but progressive intellectuals also. These thoughts are actually negate the basic laws of development of society and developed a pragmatic individualistic attitude to analyse the social development. For that they primarily negated the actual relation of base and superstructure. For instance let us talk on the structuralist and post sstructuaralist notion. There are many problems in understanding and practice to comprehend the relation between form and content, class and caste, class and gender etc. In cultural movement there developed two extreme trends. One is that form is the most important thing and content is secondary and another is content is everything form is nothing. Between the relation of class and caste there has evolved the same problem. Once there was the understanding that through the class struggle caste, gender and other problems would be automatically solved. That is extreme and erroneous. Another extreme is that caste struggle is primary and sometimes the faulty notion that in Indian context class is caste has also cropped up. On the question of gender also this problem is very much prevalent. There is an overt and covert notion within the communist movement that gender discrimination will automatically be abolished through the abolition of class. Such notion results from the failure to realize that the movement against gender discrimination can also influence and speed up class struggle and in that sense it is a part of class struggle too. These types of mechanical attitude are very much prevalent in the movement. So we have to give proper attention to comprehend the dialectical relation between base and superstructure.
1. Introduction

The fundamental concepts of Marxist political economy are evolved from Marx's own analysis of the specific historical character of capitalism as a social system that follows feudalism and precedes socialism. To this day nobody, including his vehement opponents, has challenged Marx's stature as the most powerful and yet the most scientific analyst and critic of capitalism. By applying the laws of dialectics and the theory of knowledge including that of historical materialism developed by him to the analysis of political economy, Marx infused the specific social content that was completely drained off from economic theory by bourgeois economists of his time. While the latter always argued in terms of the harmony of interests under capitalism, Marx's conception of the whole economic and social life in terms of a conflict of interests arising from the private ownership of the means of production enabled him to foresee such fundamental and irresolvable issues under capitalism such as unemployment, antagonistic conditions of distribution, under-consumption, periodic crises, etc., much earlier than his contemporaries.

However, political economy (or economics as we know it today) had already become a branch of knowledge in the seventeenth century itself during the bourgeoisie's struggle against feudalism. In the period of mercantile capitalism, the bourgeois economists confined their attention to trade and money circulation. Later, bourgeoisie's struggle with the feudalism for economic and political supremacy convinced them that the decisive sphere of political economy was production. Gradually, bourgeois economists abandoned treating the sphere of circulation and trade as the main source of wealth accumulation and began to see it in production. This immensely contributed to the development of political economy. For instance, the founders of bourgeois political economy, Adam Smith and David Ricardo (classical economists), the direct predecessors of Marx in political economy took the production of material wealth as their subject. As such, they were also compelled to recognize the decisive role of cooperation among people in the creation of wealth, which led them to attach great significance to the division of labour in society. But they were unable to reveal the historical character of production process as they could not penetrate in to the essence of the process of production and considered capitalist production an eternal and natural form of production. They confused social phenomena that reflected the economic relations among people with the relationships between things that enter into production. For instance, by capital they understood not the relation between people in the process of production, but the tool or implements used. This confusion of social relations with things created vagueness in understanding political economy itself.

2. Revolution in Political Economy brought about by Marxism

It was left to Marx, along with Engels, to overcome this bourgeois limitation and evolve a truly scientific approach to political economy. Backed by the philosophy of understanding the historical process, and applying the method of dialectical and historical materialism, Marx penetrated into the subject-matter of political economy and revealed the laws of economic life. He showed that the process of production is a contradictory unity of two aspects: a) the relationship between people and nature; b) the relations that people enter into when they interact with nature. But to reach this conclusion, Marx had to make a detailed analysis of the labour process itself.

In the simplest sense, labour process is the conscious and purposeful activity of people directed to modify and adapt natural object to their needs by employing means of production which includes:

Objects of labour, i.e., natural substances on which people act. A raw material is an object of labour that has already been subjected to labour and is intended for further processing;

Instruments of labour, i.e., the things that people place between themselves and the objects of labour and with the help of which they exert a direct effect on the objects of labour. In a broader sense all material conditions of work including land, machines and infrastructural facilities are also instruments of labour.

The means of production and the labour power of people setting them in motion compose the productive forces, which always exist and function within a definite set of production relations. The main productive force is the labourer whose conscious action is the decisive element. The productive forces reflect the relationship between people and nature.

In the production process, people have to enter into relations with one another or into relations of production. In order to produce, people must have means of production, which may belong to individuals, or to groups of people, or to society as a whole. Those who own or control the means of production also own what is produced. The relations among people in the production process are determined primarily by who owns the means of production. Thus, according to Marx, ownership of the means of production underlies the social relations between people at all stages of social development. In the early stages of the evolution of society, the productive forces were extremely primitive and people could only use the means of production collectively. Later, when it became possible to use means of production on an individual basis by a single person, private property in the means of production emerged. And when the means of production reached such a level of development that the whole production process took on a social character, the need arose to establish social ownership of the means of production.

Marx and Engels were the first in history to demonstrate that there are specific social relations directly connected with the production process. These relations of production which is integrally linked up with the sum total of human relations constitute the essence of Marxist political economy. The historically determined definite economic relations that establish in the process of material production inevitably influence the social, political and cultural processes. At the same time, those relations among people apart from those directly connected with production are taken up by other branches of science such as culture, sociology, anthropology, law, etc. and by other natural and technical sciences; but relations of production in terms of their interconnection with productive forces are exclusively studied by political economy. At the same, it should be reiterated that the production relations are not confined solely to the relationships between people directly engaged in production. While production plays the determining role, it is closely interconnected with distribution, exchange and consumption as a single process of social reproduction and hence the institutions and arrangements connected with them also come under the scope of political economy. However, in the ultimate analysis, distribution, exchange and consumption depends on the mode of production and the corresponding social relations under which production takes place

3. Mode of production

Marxist political economy always analyses production relations in their interconnection with the productive forces and visualizes their most effective use through appropriate transformation in the former. In a nutshell, unity of and struggle between the productive forces and the relations of production defines the mode of production which predetermines the whole structure of society. According to Marx, the contradiction between the productive forces and the production relations sets the stage for a leap of the mode of production to another stage as this contradiction is the motive force of social transformation. In his preface to A Contribution to the Critique of Political Economy, while unraveling the materialistic interpretation of history, Marx vividly explains the crucial significance of the mode of production in social transformation thus:

In the social production which men carry on, they enter into definite relations that are independent of their will; these relations of production correspond to a definite stage of development of their material powers of production. The sum total of these relations of production constitutes the economic structure of society—the real foundation on which rise legal and political superstructures and to which correspond definite forms of social consciousness. The mode of production in material life determines the general character of the social, political, and spiritual processes of life. It is not the consciousness of men that determines their existence, but, on the contrary, their social existence determines their consciousness. At a certain stage of their development, the material forces of production in society come in conflict with the existing relations of production, or—what is but a legal expression for the same thing—with the property relations within which they had been at work before. From forms of development of the forces of production these relations turn into their fetters. There begins the era of social revolution. The changes in the economic foundation lead sooner or later to the transformation of the entire immense superstructure. In studying such transformations, it is always necessary to distinguish between the material transformation of the economic conditions of production, which can be determined with the precision of natural science, and the legal, political, religious, artistic or philosophic—in short, ideological forms in which men become conscious of this conflict and fight it out. Just as one does not judge an individual by what he thinks about himself, so one cannot judge such a period of transformation by its consciousness, but, on the contrary, this consciousness must be explained from the contradictions of material life, from the conflict existing between the social forces of production and the relations of production. No social order is ever destroyed before all the productive forces for which it is sufficient have been developed, and new superior relations of production never replace older ones before the material conditions for their existence have matured within the framework of old society. Mankind thus inevitably sets itself only such tasks as it is able to solve, since closer examination will always show that the problem arises only when the material conditions for its solution are already present or at least in the course of formation. In broad outline, the Asiatic, ancient, feudal and modern bourgeois modes of production may be designated as epochs marking progress in the economic development of society. The bourgeois mode of production is the last antagonistic form of the social process of production—antagonistic not in the sense of individual antagonism but of an antagonism that emanates from the individuals' social conditions of existence—but the productive forces developing within bourgeois society create also the material conditions for a solution of this antagonism. (Moscow edition, 1970, p.21)

Marx's interpretation of the mode of production does neither mean any kind of economic determinism in which the technique of production determines everything else nor that people are exclusively motivated by economic considerations. It only implies the real foundation on which the legal, religious, cultural and political superstructures are built up. For instance, under capitalist mode of production, the labour- capital relation, its most characteristic feature, is expressed in the form of exchange relations which is as important as the technique of production. Including this, when the existing property relations and the legal and political superstructure become fetters of production, they must be changed through a forcible social revolution.

A crucial point to be stressed in this context is that when Marx put forward the materialistic interpretation of history and the mode of production analysis ranging from primitive communism to capitalism, he was very critical of mechanically applying the same to non-European social formations and always upheld the cardinal importance of the objective historical analysis of the concrete situations in each social formation. It was in relation to this understanding that he devised the renowned analytical category, Asiatic mode of production, taking special note, especially, of the role of caste in the social formation of South Asia. In his books, German Ideology, Poverty of Philosophy, A Contribution to the Critique of Political Economy, Capital (mainly in Volume 1) and in his articles in New York Daily Tribune pertaining to India, Marx has taken special attention to mention on the Asiatic mode of production with reference to caste as sufficient proof of his approach of warding off any mechanical approach or the so called euro-centrism while applying Marxist theory.

4. The Capitalist Mode of Production

Countries which had gone through classical capitalist development are those where transition from feudalism to capitalism took place through bourgeois revolutions. Starting from the fourteenth to the seventeenth centuries, the foundations of feudalism were shaken by many violent peasant uprisings in the countries of Western Europe. The bourgeoisie who began to lead the struggle of the peasants and urban poor against feudal oppression since the seventeenth century effectively utilized the results of the revolutionary gains in its own class interests and substituted capitalist exploitation for feudal oppression, though vestiges of serf exploitation of peasants continued in many capitalist countries.

Capitalist relations of production took shape over a long time in the womb of the feudal system. During the later stages of feudalism, along with the techniques of agriculture, craftsmen's tools and methods of processing raw materials improved. The use of iron plough and other metal tools necessitated great changes in the methods of smelting and working iron. The invention of the compass and of geographical maps had produced a real revolution in shipping and navigation. The invention and spread of paper making and printing accelerated the development of culture along with exchange and trade. Further, evolution of the social division of labour and growth of production led to strengthening of economic relationships between various regions of a country and the growth of national markets. And, the development of navigation and foreign trade laid the foundation for the formation of the world market.

With the growth of foreign trade and expansion of world market, craft production was not in a position to satisfy the growing demand for commodities. This greatly accelerated the stratification of petty producers and the transition to large-scale capitalist production based on the exploitation of hired labour. Lenin showed that the transition from domestic and handicrafts industry to capitalist production in the towns mainly took place in two ways: 1. A few so called masters among the craftsmen grew wealthy and became capitalist entrepreneurs, while the bulk of the craftsmen, journeymen and apprentices were deprived of the means of production and became wage workers. 2. Merchant capital after subordinating craft industry and ruining it, transformed into industrial capital. In brief, the process of merchant becoming entrepreneur and craftsmen becoming wage earners transformed mercantile capitalism into industrial capitalism. In agriculture too, a similar process of disintegration led to the development of capitalist relations in countries like Britain. That is, the growth of commodity production and development of money relations speeded up the differentiation of peasantry into several subcategories. While majority became impoverished and ruined, a small emerged as kulaks or rich peasants or usurers who became owners of big farms and big money lenders, paving the way for the emergence of capitalist agriculture in the womb of feudal system.

All these processes that led to the emergence of capitalism were summed up by Marx through what is often called the primitive accumulation of capital. Its essence was the forcible expropriation of peasants' farms by big landlords transforming the former into proletarians or wage workers, wealth accumulation in the hands of a few by depriving the majority of the means of production, plunder of colonies, slave trade and so on, which according to Marx was accompanied by brutal coercion inscribed "in the annals of mankind in letters of blood and fire." (Capital, Vol. I, 1975, p. 669)

5. Basic Outline of Marxist Political Economy

The preliminary Marxist edifice of political economy based on Marx's analysis of the capitalist system may be drawn as follows.

1. The Labour Theory of Value. In simple terms, according to Marx, the labour embodied in a commodity appears as its value. Value is the social content inherent in all commodities that allows us to equate them. Commodities as the products of human labour are produced for the market. When two different commodities are exchanged, the same amount of abstract (general) human labour is exchanged.

2. Socially Necessary Labour. In determining the exchange value of a commodity, only socially necessary labour counts. Labour is socially necessary when it is of average skill and intensity, uses modern instruments of production, and produces a commodity which is in demand. Along with 'present' labour, 'past' labour needed to produce the raw materials and the machines used in commodity production is also socially necessary.

3. Labour and labour power. After making a distinction between labour and labour power, Marx pointed out that often the value created by labour or value of the product of labour is much greater than the value of labour power(wage), the latter being equal to the labour time required for the production of the means of subsistence of the worker including food, clothing, medicine, shelter, etc., which also is socially necessary. The worker's ability to create a value greater than that of his labour power through the labour process is the result of the development of the productive forces of society. Under capitalism, like any other commodity, labour power itself has become a commodity being bought in the market at a price. According to Marx, labour power becomes a commodity under two conditions: 1.The worker must be personally free and have the right to freely dispose his own labour power; 2.The worker must be deprived of the means of production and means of existence and therefore be compelled to sell his labour power. These conditions exist in capitalism.

4. Surplus value. The difference between the value of labour and the value of labour power is defined as the surplus value. For instance, a capitalist who has bought 8 hours (whole day's) labour pays a wage equal to 2 hours labour which is the exchange value of labour power in the market. But the exchange value of commodities produced by the labourer is equal to 8 labour hours. That is, the labourer produces 6 hours worth of commodities over and above the commodities and services needed to cover his means of subsistence. This is the surplus value, the source of profit for capitalists. The capitalists can realize surplus value only by entering into the sphere of commodity circulation or exchange relations in the market, constantly buying means of production and labour power and selling commodities produced. In the preface to the first volume of Capital, Marx wrote that the ultimate aim of his work was to lay bare the economic law of modern society which is the law of surplus value. He said: "Production of surplus value is the absolute law of this mode of production."

5. Constant capital and variable capital. The value of a commodity consists of three parts: constant capital, variable capital and surplus value. Constant capital is the value of whatever part of the machinery that is used up in the production process (depreciation) and of the raw materials. This part of a commodity's value is called constant capital because it remains constant and does not produce surplus value for the capitalist. Variable capital is the value of labour power used; it is called variable capital because it produces surplus value. In other words, that part of the capital which the capitalist advances for the purchase of labour power increases in magnitude in the labour process creating surplus value. In Capital, constant capital is symbolized by c, variable capital by v and surplus value by s. Thus the total value of a commodity equals c+v+s.

6. Rate of surplus value. The rate of surplus value or the rate of exploitation is the ratio of surplus value to variable capital (s÷v). Only a part of the whole labour day (8 hours) is needed to produce the means of subsistence for the labourer. If this part is assumed to be 2 hours, the rate of exploitation s÷v is 6÷2×100=300 percent. According to Marx, to determine the degree of exploitation of labour power, the surplus value must not be related to all the capital (money) advanced by capitalists, but to the variable capital alone as only it produces surplus value. Under capitalist mode of production, the degree of exploitation or rate of surplus value increases in accordance with the development of productive forces and deterioration in the conditions of work.

7. Organic composition of capital. The organic composition of capital is the ratio of constant capital to variable capital (c÷v). Due to technological advancement, the organic composition of capital undergoes a continuous change in favour of constant capital, leading to continuous increase in the degree of exploitation.

8. Profit and rate of profit. The capitalist driven by profit motive spends money (M) on labour, transforms labour into commodities(C), and sells these commodities for a larger amount of money (M'). The difference between M' and M is the surplus value, the result of exploitation. The rate of profit is the ratio of surplus value to total capital [s÷(c+v)]. As the equation implies, the rate of profit is determined by the rate of exploitation (s÷v) and by the organic composition of capital (c÷v). By reducing the labour time required for the production of workers' subsistence, the capitalists can increase the rate of profit. The usual methods for this are lengthening of the working day and introduction of new machinery.

9. Falling rate of profit. Since the organic composition of capital undergoes a continuous change in favour of constant capital (which does not produce surplus value), the rate of profit must have the tendency to fall as only the variable part of total capital produces surplus value. This is an inherent contradiction of capitalism

10. Effect of machinery on the rate of exploitation. The increasing application of machinery and technology increases the rate of exploitation, because it now takes less time to produce labourers' means of subsistence; besides, these means can now be earned by several members of the family as the new technology permits the use of even workers of slight physical strength. Technology also helps the capitalist to lengthen the labour day and to increase the intensity of work.

11. Reserve army of labour. One important effect of technological advancement and the increasing application of machinery to production is the growth in unemployment and underemployment making substantial portion of the labour superfluous. Marx called it the reserve army of labour. It enables the capitalist to exert a continuous downward pressure on wages and to increase the rate of exploitation.

12. Antagonistic conditions of distribution. According to Marx, the social character of production and the private nature of its appropriation inevitably lead to a reduction in the consuming power of the masses to the minimum. That is, the productive power of the economy finds itself at variance with the narrow basis of consumption. In other words, overproduction and underconsumption as dialectical opposites are manifestations of the antagonistic conditions of distribution leading to crises as integral to capitalism.

13. Periodical crises and breakdown. Change in the organic composition of capital in favour of constant capital, growth of the reserve army, underconsumption, etc., leading to contraction of the market will accelerate the tendency of the rate of profit to fall. Smaller capitalists are eliminated and capital is concentrated in fewer hands and increased rate of exploitation raises profits for the surviving capitalists. This follows a period of increased accumulation and increased demand for labour power. But rising wages cut again into the surplus value and the vicious circle of downtrend repeats on a higher and more intensified level. As the proletariat grows, real wages and standard of living fall amidst shrinking of the capitalist class or concentration of wealth in a few hands. The condition is ripe for an overthrow of the existing property relations or the antagonistic conditions of distribution that turn into fetters of production through a social revolution led by the proletariat.

6. Imperialism and Development of Marxist Political Economy by Lenin

Marx's analysis of capitalism had taken place in the era of so called industrial capitalism before it has run its full course. However, while dealing with the capitalist issues such as underconsumption, realization crisis (inability to realize surplus value), etc., Marx was fully aware of the fact that capitalism could not sustain within the boundaries of a nation. For instance, when the Communist Manifesto puts the question, "How does the bourgeoisie get over these crises?", an implicit reference to imperialism is there. For, the answer to that question points to "the quest of new markets" outside the nation. On account of the antagonistic conditions of distribution, since the total social product cannot be disposed of within the country, surplus can be realized only through conquering foreign markets. During the industrial capitalist era itself, the colonial strategy was in conformity with this capitalist necessity. To be precise, capitalism was born and developed as a world system from the very beginning and the whole course of capitalist development is influenced by this inherent tendency. Marx being the first to unravel the laws of motion of capitalism was very emphatic in pinpointing this aspect. He said: "The specific task of bourgeois society is the establishment of a world market, at least in outline, and of production based upon this world market." (Marx and Engels, Correspondence 1846-1895, International Publishers, New York, 1934, p. 117)

However, by the last quarter of the nineteenth century and at the turn of the twentieth century, fundamental changes took place in the political economy of capitalism. The new phenomena in the development of capitalism required an exhaustive analysis from the position of Marxism. It was in the process of this task that Lenin, Continuing the works of Marx and Engels Lenin took up this task and formulated the political economy of imperialism as a guide to the revolutionary struggle of the proletariat. Lenin said: "Imperialism emerged as the development and direct continuation of the fundamental characteristics of capitalism in general. But capitalism became capitalist imperialism only at a definite and very high stage of its development, when certain of its fundamental characteristics began to change into their opposites, when the features of the epoch of transition from capitalism to a higher social and economic system had taken shape and revealed themselves all along the line. Economically, the main thing in this process is the displacement of capitalist free competition to capitalist monopoly." (Unless otherwise stated, all the quotations in this section are from Lenin's Imperialism, the Highest Stage of Capitalism)The process in the formation of monopolies and transition to imperialism is explained by Lenin thus: "1) 1860-70, the highest stage, the apex of development of free competition; monopoly is in the barely discernible, embryonic stage. 2) After the crisis of 1873, a lengthy period of development of cartels; but they are still the exception. They are not yet durable. They are still a transitory phenomenon. 3) The boom at the end of the nineteenth century and the crisis of 1900-03. Cartels became one of the foundations of the whole economic life. Capitalism has been transformed into imperialism."

Lenin's definition of imperialism incorporating its essential five characteristic features is already well-known: "1) the concentration of production and capital has developed to such a high stage that it has created monopolies which play a decisive role in economic life; 2) the merging of bank capital with industrial capital and the creation, on the basis of this "finance capital" of a financial oligarchy; 3) the export of capital as distinguished from the export of commodities acquires exceptional importance; 4) the formation of international monopolist capitalist combines which share the world among themselves; and 5) territorial division of the whole world among the biggest capitalist powers is completed. Imperialism is capitalism at that stage of development in which dominance of monopolies and finance capital has established itself; in which the export of capital has acquired pronounced importance; in which the division of the world among the international trusts has begun; in which the division of all territories of the globe among the biggest capitalist powers has been completed." All these features are only different forms of the basic characteristic of imperialism - the domination of monopolies. Therefore, imperialism is monopoly capitalism. This transition from competitive capitalism to monopoly capitalism or imperialism was prepared by the whole course of development of the productive forces and production relations of capitalism.

The major scientific and technical discoveries and inventions that took place by the second half of the nineteenth and early twentieth century significantly speeded up the process of concentration of production in different lines of industry. The discovery and practical applications of new methods of making steel, the invention of new types of metal-working machine tools, hard alloys, new types of prime movers such as steam turbines, internal combustion and diesel engines, motor vehicles and later aero-planes and the industrial application of electricity revolutionized production. These advances in production techniques gave rise to structural changes in industry so that light industries, following organic changes in the composition of capital, gave way to heavy industry. The new productive forces necessitated large-scale production. The introduction of new means of production called for larger amounts of capital than even the biggest capitalists had at their disposal. To be successful, the capitalists had to use other people's capital on credit. This led to the development of joint-stock form of company ownership by which a few capitalists could control and manipulate the hard-earned income and savings of the vast majority of working people in the country. Thus the operation of the law of concentration of production led to a small number of big and very big undertakings coming to occupy dominant position in each line of production in every developed capitalist country.

As enterprises became larger, competition became fiercer and more complex. The enormous costs involved in competition between major capitalists, the loss of profit, the risk of ruin and difficulty in marketing pushed the big capitalists into agreements and alliances. Cartels, syndicates, trusts, and groups became the forms of monopoly associations for buying raw materials and other inputs of production, to set monopoly prices, and extracting monopoly super-profits. Lenin noted that competition now meant unprecedentedly brutal suppression of enterprise, energy, and bold initiative and the substitution of "financial fraud, nepotism, servility on the upper rungs of the social ladder". Secret agreements of a few giants against the rest became the order of the day instead of open competition. Thus imperialism is a dialectical unity of two opposites; monopoly and competition. Monopolies dominate the economy, but far from eliminating competition, they make it fiercer and more complex and alter its form. As Lenin emphasized, monopoly oppression and exploitation of the broad masses of people "becomes a hundred times heavier, more burdensome and intolerable."

Monopolies also develop and spread in other spheres of the operation of capital. Lenin wrote: "We shall only have a very insufficient, incomplete, and poor notion of the real power and the significance of modern monopolies if we do not take into consideration the part played by the banks." Thus concentration of production in industry initiated similar processes in the banking sphere. Large industrial, commercial, railway and other undertakings were unable to invest their free resources in small banks, since the authorized capital of the latter was not sufficient to guarantee the safety of large deposits, and small banks did not have adequate resources to grant credit to large undertakings. The position of the big banks in the economy, therefore, strengthened while that of small banks weakened. Thus the concentration and centralization of banking had led by the end of the nineteenth century to the same result as in industry. Lenin noted: "Among the few banks which remain at the head of all capitalist economy as a result of the process of concentration, there is naturally to be observed an increasingly marked tendency towards monopolistic agreements, towards a bank trust." At the same time, industrial monopolies were not content to remain as passive partners of giant banks. They also became the co-owners of the banks, which was made simpler by the banks becoming joint-stock enterprises. Many major industrial monopolies set up their own banks and established personal links with the monopolist banks in which they were most interested, introducing their own directors on to the supervisory councils and boards of these banks. The result was a close interweaving of bank and industrial capital.

Thus coalescence or interweaving of the capital of major banking monopolies with that of industrial monopolies led to the emergence of what Lenin called "finance capital". Consequently, it is monopoly industrial capital merging with monopoly banking capital. With the formation of finance capital, a financial oligarchy also emerged in imperialist states. Composed of a small group of financial magnates that dominates the economic and political life of imperialist states, this financial oligarchy began to control the home and foreign policy of them. The financial oligarchy grows in strength through their expanding connections with the state apparatus and its numerous organs dealing with home and foreign affairs.

Imperialism is the universal system of the domination of finance capital and the export of capital is one of the ways in which it exercises this domination. Of course, export of capital from one country to another had been there in the pre-monopoly stage of the development of capitalism, but it began to play a role of paramount importance in international economic relations only under imperialism. To quote Lenin: "Typical of the old capitalism when free competition had undivided sway, was the export of goods. Typical of the latest stage of capitalism when monopolies rule, is the export of capital." Lenin viewed the export of capital in relation to the general laws governing the development of capitalism into imperialism. In the monopoly stage advanced capitalist countries experience an enormous "super abundance of capital." This "surplus" of capital was relative as it could have easily been used to develop a number of backward industries and even agriculture which, according to Lenin, "today frightfully lags behind industry everywhere". Lenin writes: "As long as capitalism remains what it is, surplus capital will be utilized not for the purpose of raising the standard of living of the masses in a given country, for this would mean a decline in profits for the capitalists, but for the purpose of increasing profits by exporting capital abroad to the backward countries. In these backward countries, profits are usually high, for capital is scarce, the price of land is relatively low, wages are low, raw materials are cheap. The possibility of exporting capital is created by the fact that a number of backward countries have already been drawn into world capitalist intercourse; main railways have either been or are being built, the elementary conditions for industrial development have been created, etc. The necessity of exporting capital arises from the fact that in a few countries capitalism has become "overripe" and (owing to the backward stage of agriculture and the impoverished state of the market) capital cannot find a field for "profitable investment".

Usually, the fields into which capital is exported are rather government-guaranteed loans for various kinds of public works, railroads, public utilities, exploitation of natural resources and trade. The activities and spheres to which capital is exported are such that they do not compete with commodity exports from the capital-exporting imperialist country. Capital export therefore leads to a very one-sided or lop-sided 'development' of the economies of backward countries. Though if at all a native bourgeoisie emerges, being tied in several ways to the imperialist bourgeoisie it is incapable of developing native industries on account of formidable obstacles. At the same time, the destruction of handicraft industry by cheap manufactured imports from imperialist countries drives a larger proportion of native population on to the land. The interests of broad masses of people are sacrificed to the needs of capital in imperialist countries. In brief, under monopoly capitalism the right conditions had been established for export of capital and all-round financial exploitation of the people of the world by a handful of imperialist states and their monopolies.

Another aspect pinpointed by Lenin is the concentration and centralization of production. The concentration of production has reached such a degree that a significant share of total world production in most important lines of industry is concentrated in the hands of the biggest national monopolies. This has become the rule in a number of industries such as steel, oil, railway, automobiles, electricity, metallurgy, etc. Once a few monopolies in different capitalist countries begin to play the decisive role in the production of any particular commodity, competition between them becomes particularly fierce and destructive. At the same time agreements between them became possible and a tendency develops for international monopolies to be formed, which consolidates their dominance of the world capitalist market. As Lenin said, "this is a new stage of world concentration of capital and production, incomparably higher than the preceding stages."

According to Lenin, this trend inevitably moves to the formation of international monopolies or super monopolies. The export of capital and the expansion of the foreign economic links and spheres of colonial influence of the biggest national monopolies, resulting in the internationalization of capital and economic relations, played a vast role in laying the foundations of the development of international monopolies. The first international monopolies had developed in the most highly concentrated branches of production in the 1860s to 1870s, but they became a typical feature of capitalism only at the turn of the century. Based on available figures, Lenin penetratingly analyzed their rise and showed that their formation and economic division of the world, was one of the most important features of imperialism. He noted 40 such international monopolies in 1897 whose number rose to roughly 100 in 1910. The outcome of the domination of these international monopolies is stagnation and decay. Monopolies cut production, limit trade and keep important scientific inventions and discoveries secret. The international unions of monopolists, Lenin said, actively push the governments of imperialist countries into military conflicts. Immediate post-world war I history has proved this evaluation of Lenin as correct when the international alliances of monopolies collaborated in putting Germany's arms industry back on its feet thereby helping the ascendancy of fascism leading to World War

7. Change in the Nature of Crisis and Response to It

According to Marx, economic crises lie in the very essence of the capitalist mode of production and the process of accumulation, i.e., appropriation of surplus value. But the forms in which crises manifest differ according to concrete conditions. The necessary conditions for crises were created in the formative stage of capitalism with the emergence of commodity production as the general form of the production of material wealth where money has been converted into capital. Marx has vividly explained how the contradiction between money and commodity, disruption between the acts of purchase and sale, gap between receipts and payments, etc. culminate in the irresolvable contradiction between production and consumption under capitalism. The development of these contradictions and disproportions inherent in capitalism results in the expansion of production coming to a halt and then leading to a fall, and finally a crisis. Often starting as a marketing crisis, the capitalist crisis hits trade, industry, agriculture, and the monetary and credit system. According to Marx, capitalism can only develop cyclically, i.e., by way of continuous alterations between periods of increasing production and periods of decline and stagnation. Every crisis gives capitalists the opportunity to intensity exploitation of workers by reducing wages and dictating worse conditions of work. At the same time, every crisis prompts capitalists to introduce cost-reducing new technologies, techniques and organization of production and renewed capital investment. However, since such cost-reducing avenues are accessible only to the big capital, successive crises lead to concentration of production and capital in the hands of big capitalists. In sum, a crisis dictates the need for renewed capital investment, which ensures the way out of the crisis and simultaneously creates the material prerequisites for the next crisis. Marx had pointed out how crises form the "material basis" for the starting point of new capital investment and next turnover cycle under industrial capitalism. (Capital, Vol. II, p. 189)

But as Lenin analyzed, the nature of capitalist crisis itself has undergone basic changes under imperialism. Finance capital or imperialism, as Lenin unraveled, was the outcome of an intense process of concentration and centralization of capital following the prolonged economic recession of the last quarter of the nineteenth century. From then on, together with industrial capital accumulation, financiers began to play the dominant role and a larger share of the profits from production started flowing to finance capitalists. The outcome was a relative decline in production and an upward trend in prices and rising levels of speculative profit. On account of this growing trend of financial speculation, and stagnation in production and employment relative to pre-monopoly capitalism, crises under imperialism have assumed fundamentally new features. The deep seated depressive forces that had been implanted with the advent of imperialism though could be camouflaged for a time through World War I, the crisis violently came out in the form of the Depression of the 1930s. Based on his study on imperialism, in a Letter sent to the Executive Committee of the Comintern in 1920, Lenin could predict this chronic and irreversible crisis of imperialism as the "dissolution" and break-up of the whole system of imperialist world economy (Lenin, Collected Works, Vol. 35, p 451).The Great Depression was an altogether different experience in the entire history of capitalism as the process of capital accumulation itself came to a standstill. This world economic crisis that began in 1929 as the worst and most destructive in the history of capitalism for the first time exposed its vulnerability as a socio-economic system. It shook the very foundation of imperialist system itself. No part of the world where imperialist finance capital had penetrated could escape from the Depression. No doubt, the source of this stagnation, idle capacity and unemployment, though inherent in capitalism in all stages of its developments, has become intense in the imperialist stage on account of the enormous power of monopolies to control wages and prices in their favour, totally eroding the consuming power of the masses, ultimately resulting it altogether difficult to realize the surplus value. Apart from the exploitation of working people at the level of production, the social consuming power of the toiling masses is further reduced through monopoly practices in pricing and in the sphere of circulation, leading to greater concentration of income and wealth in the hands of the super-rich. The ultimate cause of the crisis is this rigging of the whole system in favour of the financial oligarchs at the expense of the broad masses.

Until the Depression, contrary to the analysis of Marxist political economy, bourgeois economists had been resolutely clinging to their assertions that unemployment and stagnation were temporary aberrations. But the Depression exposed the vulnerability of imperialist economic foundations laying bare the internal logic of finance capital that unemployment and stagnation are the normal conditions of imperialism. As a response to the ideological bankruptcy of bourgeois ideologues who were upholding the state's role as that of a "night-watchman" (see, Engel's statement in " Ludwig Feuerbach and the End of Classical German Philosophy"), and questioning the orthodoxy of laissez-faire economics that upheld capitalism's ability to adjust itself, Keynesianism evolved as a variant of bourgeois political economy in the imperialist epoch. According to Keynes, the laissez-faire mechanism was incapable to generate adequate "effective demand" and eliminate unemployment by itself. Therefore, he suggested government intervention as one of the decisive means of increasing the general level of employment. Instead of increasing the production of mass consumption goods, Keynes' preference was for investments in heavy industry, especially arms production. In actual practice, what occurred was an attempt to stimulate the imperialist economy through militarization using Keynesian prescriptions. But the expansion of armaments industry advocated by Keynes could have been carried out only at the expense of the working people and curtailment of civilian production leading to a further lowering of consumption, growth of unemployment and deepening of economic crises. More precisely, arms production and militarization withdraw enormous material and labour from social production. From a Marxist perspective, military production and the maintenance of armed forces ultimately represent non-productive waste of part of the social product. In a nutshell, adoption of state intervention led to the strengthening of what Lenin called state monopoly capitalism. According to Lenin, state monopoly capitalism combines the strength of monopolies and that of the imperialist state into a single mechanism whose purpose is to enrich the financial oligarchy, suppress the working class and toiling masses and launch aggressive wars to maintain the capitalist – imperialist system. The first practical application of Keynesianism which called for a redefinition of the role of the capitalist state in the economy was the New Deal in America. In the postwar period it became exemplified in the so called welfare state with its enlarged economic and social functions culminating in the repudiation of laissez-faire capitalism. But Keynesianism succeeded only in keeping the recessionary trend in abeyance for a time and could not alter stagnation and unemployment emanating from the internal logic of finance capital as identified by Lenin. As such, in spite of state programming and regulation of the economy, massive diversion of resources from civilian production to war oriented manufacturing, massive avenues of global plunder through neocolonisation, etc,. all leading to an apparent boom euphemistically called 'golden age' for the capitalist-imperialist system until the early 1970s, the imperialist crisis that appeared in the 1930s in the form of the Depression had started bouncing back with intensified vigour in the 1970s in the form global stagflation. This prompted imperialism to resort to a shift in the capital accumulation process through neoliberalism.

8. Soviet and Chinese Experience

Marx clearly envisaged a period of revolutionary transformation from capitalism to communism. This period referred to as socialism corresponds to a period of political transition in which the state becomes an instrument of the revolutionary dictatorship of the proletariat. In contradistinction to communism, socialism is characterized by the fact that the labourer is still rewarded in proportion to his contribution. She is no longer exploited but instead receives an earning in proportion to the labour rendered. And since different labourers contribute differing quantities of socially necessary labour, incomes will differ under socialism. Marx said: "In a higher phase of communist society, after the tyrannical subordination of individuals in the division of labour and thereby also the distinction between manual and intellectual work, have disappeared,... all the springs of social welfare are flowing more freely, along with the all-round development of the individual, then and then only can the narrow bourgeois horizon of rights be left far behind and society will inscribe on its banner: " From each according to his capacity, to each according to his need." (Critique of the Gotha Program, p. 31) In spite of this prediction, since Marx's major concern was with the political economy of capitalism immediately preceding the revolution, he could not develop the political economy of socialism. Marx envisioned socialism as a society that comes into the world out of the womb of capitalism bearing its birthmarks, and it may even be suggested that major organs of socialist economy such as the "socialization" of production are complete before the act of birth. And the society has to move to a higher phase to overcome the "narrow bourgeois horizon."

However, these conditions envisaged by Marx were seldom met in Russia when Lenin, applying his thesis of "uneven development" and the "theory of weakest link", led the October Revolution in 1917, thereby qualitatively developing Marxism of the imperialist epoch and clearly refuting academic Marxists who saw the first socialist state as a violation of the basic tenets of Marxism. Obviously, Russia was a backward agrarian country and the hopeful conviction at that time was about simultaneous revolutions in other countries breaking the chain of imperialism and ensuring the conditions for the feasibility of Russian revolution. Since the expected revolutions were not forthcoming, more effort was required for establishing socialism in one country, and continuation of this relative emphasis in the long-run led to deviation from the dialectical link between the universal and particular character of proletarian revolution. In the context of mounting external aggression and counter revolutionary moves within, though not an economic success, war communism became indispensable for the survival of the Soviet economy. Though the entire circumstances surrounding the first socialist experiment had been severely unfavourable , it was the painstaking efforts by Russian revolutionaries under the theoretical and practical guidance of Lenin that ensured Soviet Union's continued existence. Individualized character of production in a peasant economy coupled with lack of coordination between agriculture and industry among other things necessitated a partial return to profit motive including the operation of commodity production, law of value, etc. as a temporary expedient leading to NEP which could be evaluated as the only option available then to increase production to the point where central planning could begin after a few years.

As Mao Tsetung, in his A Critique of Soviet Economics (Monthly Review Press, New York, 1977), has pointed out, planning in Soviet Union was a sincere attempt to replace the bourgeois law of value by "the law of planned proportional development and state planned economy." Along with the abolition of law of value, commodity production, etc., Stalin could be seen emphasizing the cardinal need of "abolition of the anti-thesis between town and country, and between mental and physical labour and elimination of distinctions between them", etc., in Economic Problems of Socialism in the USSR (Foreign Language Press, Peking, 1972) which Mao developed through his well-known article On the Ten Major Relationships (Selected Works of Mao Tsetung, Vol. V, pp. 284-307). In Chapter 9 of his above quoted book, Stalin's analysis on the international importance of bringing out a Marxist Textbook on Political Economy taking the experience of Soviet Union into consideration is of particular relevance in this context. Here, while criticizing the mechanical approach of Soviet economists like Yaroshenko who still tries to imitate and transplant Marx's method of analysis developed with reference to capitalist societies and that begins with the unraveling of commodities to Soviet Union, then a socialist country, Stalin refers to the need of developing Marxist political economy according to the concrete conditions of socialism. Upholding Stalin, Mao said: "In capitalism, the social nature of production and the private nature of ownership is a fundamental contradiction. Marx began with commodity and went on to reveal the relations among people hidden behind commodities. But under socialism, on account of the establishment of public ownership of means of production and since labour power is no longer a commodity, the relations among people are no longer hidden behind commodity relations. Hence political economy in a socialist society cannot be studied beginning with commodities"(A Critique of Soviet Economics). But within a span of time, usurpation of Khrushchevian revisionism made all such initiatives mentioned by Stalin totally redundant.

At the same time, even when upholding Stalin's positive interventions to develop Marxism-Leninism including Marxist political economy, Mao minced no words in criticizing him for not keeping "politics in command" while dealing with political-economic questions. An oft-quoted criticism of Stalin by Mao is the overemphasis on the development of productive forces in Soviet Union in disregard of the importance of changes in the superstructure. Regarding socialist industrialization and agricultural collectivization that took place in Soviet Union, Mao had a different perspective. For instance, after October Revolution, the viewpoint among Soviet leaders was thus: "The transition from capitalism to socialism will be more difficult for a country the more backward it is." Mao's response: "Actually the transition is less difficult the more backward an economy is, for the poorer they are the more the people want revolution." And instead of the practice of "material incentives" pursued in Soviet Union, Mao emphasized on "spiritual inspiration from political ideology", and for Mao philosophical knowledge was indispensable for those who deal and write books on political economy.

9. Setbacks in Developing Marxist-Leninist Political Economy

In spite of such positive interventions by Stalin and Mao, we are constrained to note on a relative stagnation in the development of political economy along Marxist lines after Lenin. The drawback pertains to the inability or failure to develop Marxist political economy according to the concrete conditions of socialism, i.e., during the transitional period from class society to classless society on the one hand, and in relation to imperialism's transformation from colonialism to neocolonial phase on the other. The theoretical lacunae connected with the absence of developing Marxist-Leninist political economy during the transition from socialism (where the principle is "from each according to his ability, to each according to his work") to communism (where the principle is " from each according to his ability, to each according to his need") provided fertile ground for the emergence of bureaucratic tendencies which could unfold into full-fledged state capitalism with the ascendancy of Khrushchevian revisionism in the 1950s. This became more apparent in the postwar neocolonial phase of imperialism. To be precise, it was Lenin's analysis of imperialism and the theorization on the evolution of finance capital as the most valid category which has contributed to the development and enrichment of Marxist political economy in the colonial phase of imperialism. Obviously, the strategy of revolution put forward by Lenin in the era of imperialism is also based on his study on the global operations of finance capital (or rather the whole process of capital accumulation) including his thesis on the uneven development of capitalism that the front of capitalism will be pierced where the chain of imperialism is the weakest.

However, the postwar neocolonial phase of imperialism has been a qualitatively different situation. At the political level, though socialist advancement was surging ahead during the immediate postwar period, a Marxist political economy perspective on the epoch-making neocolonial offensive unleashed by US led imperialism was conspicuously absent during this time. In Chapter 5 of the Economic Problems of Socialism in the USSR, though Stalin along with the Cominform documents of the period could be seen taking political positions on US imperialism's new offensives such as the Marshall Plan, serious drawbacks occurred in concretely evaluating the political economy of the new phase of imperialism. It was only in the early 1960s that, as part of the Great Debate, the CPC under the leadership of Mao Tsetung could put forward a Marxist-Leninist perspective on neocolonialism in the well-known document Apologists of Neocolonialism. By that time even a nationalist leader like Nkrumah could bring out more detailed studies on neocolonialism (Kwame Nkrumah, Neocolonialism, the Last Stage of Capitalism, Thomas Nelson& Sons, London, 1965).

Though the political economy perspective on neocolonialism put forward by CPC was inspiring to the revolutionary forces, rather than developing and reinforcing the Marxist theory and practice against US led imperialism, the CPC used it primarily as a polemical weapon against Khrushchevian revisionism. Consequently, there was no effort on the part of CPC to situate neocolonialism as a qualitatively new phase of imperialism and unravel the laws of motion of finance capital or the capital accumulation process under neocolonialism on Marxist-Leninist lines. With the ascendancy of left sectarianism led by Lin Biao and with the erroneous evaluation of "imperialism heading for total collapse and socialism advancing towards world-wide victory," the idea of a weakened imperialism got rooted in CPC leading to the abandonment of any further study on the political economy of neocolonialism by it. Following the death of Mao Tsetung in 1976 and with the open embrace of capitalist path by CPC, all the fundamental questions pertaining to imperialism's neocolonial plunder altogether vanished from its agenda.

Meanwhile, there has been a spurt in academic studies on imperialism's postwar phase by scholars from different persuasions such as "dependency school", "critical theory", "neo-Marxism", "post-colonialism", etc., that attach widely different interpretations on the neocolonial phase of imperialism. The hallmark of such studies, to be precise, is a basic departure from the core of Lenin's theory of imperialism including his analysis of the political economy of finance capital on the one hand, and an antipathy towards the Marxist conception of class, state, exploitation, and so on.

10. Conclusion

Today a basic understanding of the concrete manifestations of neocolonialism, the present phase of imperialism, from the perspective of Marxist-Leninist political economy is indispensable for developing class struggle and move towards people's democratic revolution. From the time of the 1982 First All India Conference of the then CRC-CPI (ML) onwards, the Party has been of the view that among other things, the global setbacks suffered by the ICM are inseparably linked up with the lack of a concrete understanding on neocolonialism and the laws of motion of finance capital in the postwar phase of imperialism. It is to rectify this drawback that the CPI (ML) has initiated a political economy study of neocolonialism along with its Ninth Congress in 2011. Based on this, a paper on Imperialism, Colonialism, Neocolonialism (The Marxist Leninist, Issue-12, July-September, 2012) was presented in the first Party School held in 2012. The present paper on Marxist Political Economy shall be read along with that paper on Imperialism, Colonialism, Neocolonialism for a more comprehensive picture on political economy.
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The Communist movement in India has a history of almost a century after the salvos of October Revolution in Russia brought Marxism-Leninism to the people of India who were engaged in the national liberation struggle against the British colonialists. It is a complex and chequered history.