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WHEN the CPI (ML) Red Flag had presented its document on "International Developments and Tasks of the Marxist Leninists" in 1997 in its Fourth All India Conference, it had started off by saying that the world was characterized by two important factors. First, the grave crisis of the world imperialist system and, second, the challenges faced by the Marxist-Leninist forces. The world situation today is still in the main characterized by the same two main factors.

The economic crisis of the world imperialist system has grown in depth and intensity to a level where the official banks of many leading industrial countries have accepted, between October 2008 and now, that those countries were officially in recession. The fall in the stock market, where, by the end of 2008, the indices had slipped to below half the peak levels of 2008, caused many to characterize this crisis as worse than the crisis of 1929. The number of jobs lost has reached phenomenal levels and today stands at the worst levels since the past 40 years for most countries including many imperialist countries. The rise in prices of essential commodities has caused food riots in places as diverse as Egypt and Bangladesh.

While analyzing the global meltdown we are concerned not only with the depth of this crisis, but, more importantly, with its spread. Stock markets from New York to Shanghai have all been victims of this crisis. It is a measure of the level to which the globalization has reached in today's capital market that the effect spreads almost immediately, in more or less uniform manner, all over the globe. The capital market crisis has hit all over the globe.


IN 1997, we had analyzed how internationalism was always the basis of the proletarian strategy. Marx, Engels and Lenin had put forward their understanding on the interlinking between the national revolutions and proletarian internationalism, and Stalin, the Communist International and Mao had basically adhered to the same line. After explaining the understanding of the People's Democratic Revolution put forward by Stalin and the Communist International and Mao's understanding about the New Democratic Revolution were only continuation of the path opened up by Lenin in the Colonial Theses, we had put forward the argument that "in the neo-colonial situation when the globalization of capital is reaching its highest level and the linking of global capital is getting completed, the bourgeoisie cannot become the spokespersons for progressive nationalism at all" .Then again:

"In the neo-colonial phase following World War II the internationalization of capital has reached new dimensions both in depth and spread. This took the 'consensus', about which Lenin had said, between the bourgeoisie of the imperialist countries and the neo-colonies further ahead. It increased the economic and political intercourse between them in a more counter revolutionary way. The bourgeoisie in the neo-colonies have become integral part of the global bourgeoisie who are engaged in strengthening the collaboration of all anti-national, anti-democratic reactionary forces to the maximum extent against the revolutionary forces; it is not a revolutionary bourgeoisie, but which represents the imperialist decadent stage. This bourgeoisie which have become the ruling classes in the neo-colonies are not only totally incapable of carrying out the tasks of the national democratic revolution, but also relies on the side of the world imperialist counter-revolution.

The responsibility for carrying out the anti-imperialist democratic revolution in the neo-colonies is thus vested on the working class more than ever in this situation."

The situation that has been referred to in this paragraph has only further intensified. In the past decade, since the earlier document was published, many developments have taken place at the world level. This can be described in terms of the intensification of all the fundamental contradictions at the international level.


THE Keynesian policies, initially put forward at the time of 1930 crisis, and which were continued under the initial years of neo-colonization, started becoming unacceptable in 1970s under the policies of monetarism, and are now further rolled back. The prescriptions put forward by what is popularly called the "Washington Consensus" are pushed forward systematically all over the globe. Neo-liberal policies of restricting fiscal deficits, mainly by cutting public expenditure, reducing taxation on the rich and the corporate sector, allowing interest rates, exchange rates, etc. to be guided by the market, import liberalization, privatization and liberalization of the economy and strengthening of private property rights have been imposed all over the world, including in the imperialist countries. These neo-liberal policies, under the name of "globalization" are being imposed upon the neo-colonies all over the world. All markets in the neo-colonies, including the capital market, agriculture, land, water, education, health-care, are opened to imperialist investment. Today there is a more or less total "co-option" of the bourgeoisie in the neo-colonies into the imperialist system. As a result, more than ever, this bourgeoisie is on the side of world imperialist counter-revolution.

At the same time, imperialism, led by US imperialism, still continues it policy of backing the most reactionary and subversive, religious fanatic elements all over the world. They back the Hindu fundamentalist forces in India and Christian fundamentalist forces in Latin America, besides continuing to back Islamic fundamentalist forces in Saudi Arabia and in the Emirates. Along with this racism is also spread all over the world. There is thus a definite growth in the level of fascicization all over the world. Democratic rights are curtailed all over the world, not only in the neo-colonies, but also in the imperialist countries, as a result of the policies of 'neo-liberalism'.

The 1997 document does not mention the question of environment which is fast becoming the source of an irresolvable crisis under the imperialist system. The imperialist countries are unwilling to take real measures to curb pollution, since, indeed, such measures cannot be taken within the existing system which is approaching the contradiction between people and nature in an antagonistic manner, and can be basically resolved only after the dismantling of the imperialist system. This is not to say that the democratic demands for changes in environment policies of various countries all over the world are useless. Rather, we must note that imperialism is unwilling to give any importance to resolving serious environmental issues in its quest for greater profits and more avenues for investment. It is this unwillingness of the imperialist countries that has resulted in the failure of the Kyoto Protocol and of the decisions of the later Bali meeting on global warming. Instead, the system of buying the right to pollute, in the form of carbon credits, has helped to open another investment avenue for imperialism.

Though there is no "camp" of socialist countries in existence today, there is a massive people's movement developing against globalization. From Seattle to Hong Kong, the world's people are coming together to protest against the WTO and its adverse effects. Massive demonstrations were held all over the world, from Japan to Madrid and London to Melbourne against the Iraq war. Though the WSF is nothing more than an international "supermarket" of NGOs, it reflects the internationalization of the struggle against imperialist globalization and its ill effects. Massive world-wide movements are growing against fascicization, for democratic rights and against the degradation of the environment. All of Latin America have risen in opposition to US imperialism and a bevy of Governments have been formed there on the basis of opposition to US imperialism. These range from the consistent anti-imperialist stands of Venezuela under Hugo Chavez, Bolivia under Evo Morales and Cuba under the Castro to the slightly milder opposition of Argentina under Kirchener and still milder opposition of Lula in Brazil. There have been international protests by farmers, automobile workers and other sections. All these go to show that the opposition to imperialism is no more restricted to the local or even the national level but has taken on international dimensions. Thus it is clear that this contradiction between imperialism and socialist forces is intensifying day by day.


BESIDES the general increase in the intensity of globalization leading to unprecedented crisis as pointed out above, epochal events have taken place in the past decade. Imperialism, under the leadership of US imperialism has invaded and occupied Afghanistan and Iraq and is threatening to do the same with Iran and North Korea. The theory of "pre-emptive strikes" has given license to imperialist powers to police the world in their own interests. Though the US has always been supporting covert warfare in countries like Angola and Nicaragua by backing all sorts of dictators and even fanatics, with Afghanistan and Iraq it has taken more pernicious forms. The puppet governments installed there are almost under their direct control. The level of plunder and oppression in these neo-colonies has increased many times.

The US has actively intervened in the past ten years to "Balkanize" many regions of the world. The former Yugoslavia has been broken into unrecognizable tiny pieces. The US has fomented attempts at chaos in Chechnya, and now Pakistan faces serious danger of being broken up. This is the attempt of imperialism, led by US imperialism, to trivialize the issue of national liberation, by using it to fragment nations.

Another change in the past ten years has been that the support given by imperialism, led by US imperialism, to all sorts of ragtag, motley forces, including the worst type of religious fanaticism, has come back to haunt them. The Taliban and various "Islamic" terrorist groups have started to engage in open combat against the US. Such terrorist groups, which were created and nurtured by the US in the past and many of which are still being contacted and trained by the CIA, have given rise to the imperialist theory of "war on terrorism", which has very much transformed the lives of people all over the world.

Another distinguishing feature of the last decade is the rise of Israel as the front paw of US imperialism, especially in the crucial West Asian region. This illegal state has, over the past decade heightened the "apartheid" regime it has imposed in Palestine and created a series of "Bantustans" there. Given that the West Asia is the centre of the military attack of imperialism, led by US imperialism, at present and that Palestine / Israel can be considered to be at the centre of the West Asian question, the struggle of the Palestinian people for the liberation of their fatherland takes on an added importance beyond just that of a national liberation struggle.

Yet another new development which has taken place in this contradiction is that the imperialist countries and even some of the richer neo-colonies are buying land for cultivating food in the poorer nations of Africa. This land runs into lakhs of acres, and is sometimes the size of a small country itself. All this shows that the contradiction between Imperialism and the oppressed nations and peoples of the world is growing more intense and taking newer forms.


THE recent economic crisis is the clearest indication of the growth of this contradiction. The crisis of imperialism is getting intensified with each passing day and the only way out of the crisis for imperialism is to burden the working class and the oppressed peoples all over the world with this crisis. This has gone to the extent of openly providing trillions of dollars worth of bail-outs to the large MNCs and financial institutions out of public funds.

At the same time, we are seeing that the working class struggles are increasing at international level. Solidarity actions are taking place in many countries. The longshoremen in US went on strike against the Iraq war. Struggles of automobile workers are crossing national boundaries like the struggle against GM and Daimler-Chrysler. Unions are becoming active in the struggle against the degradation of the environment and other political issues. Though the trade union movement all over the world, by and large, is still in the hands of reformist and revisionist forces, it cannot be denied that there is an up-swing both in the struggle of the working class and in the internationalization of this struggle.


THE last decade has also seen an intensification of the contradictions among the imperialist powers and among the monopoly groups. The Shanghai Co-ordination is trying to give some resistance to the moves of the imperialist countries led by US imperialism. There is also an intensification of the contradictions within the Western Bloc. France and Germany like imperialist countries are demanding a larger share of the pie.

All the above developments show that during the last decade globalization has been pushed forward more intensively and aggressively by imperialism, led by US imperialism, all over the world. If in 1997, we could reach a conclusion to the effect that the international content of the People's Democratic Revolution has increased, then that conclusion is all the more apt in today's world. As a result, while upholding the inter-relation and inter-penetration of all the above major contradictions, the contradiction between imperialism and oppressed peoples and nations is the principal contradiction at the international level in the concrete conditions of the present times. So, the conclusion we had reached about the need to strengthen the International Communist Movement once again, holds true with even greater force in today's situation.


THOUGH we had set out the history of the struggle for building up the International Communist Movement (ICM) in some detail in the 1997 document, it is necessary to go over some of these aspects of this history anew.

The First and Second Internationals formed under the leadership of Marx and Engels had laid down the basic principle that internationalism is one of the basic principles of the proletarian revolutionary movement. The Communist International, built up under the leadership of Lenin and which had continued under the leadership of Stalin, carried forward the work of the earlier two internationals and established Marxism-Leninism as the leading political forces in the world. The Third International or the "Communist International" (or Comintern as it was also known) played a great role in guiding the newly emerging parties all over the world for building up a world-wide communist movement which was able to wield political power in an area covering half of the earth's surface and accounting for a third of its population.

The Communist International was dissolved in the middle of 1943. This was the time when the World War II was at its fiercest phase. Stalin looked upon the dissolution of the Comintern as a necessary sacrifice for the strengthening the Anti-Fascist United Front with the imperialist powers, US, UK and France, to fight fascism by exposing the fascist bogey about communist world-domination. This step was taken at a time when Germany had steam-rolled its way over France, Britain was being repeatedly bombed, and Leningrad was under siege. But at the same time, Soviet Union had taken the offensive by handing the Germans their first big defeat of the war in Stalingrad. We have to fully analyze the dissolution of the Comintern as to whether it was, indeed, necessary or can be seen as a mistake. The fact remains that after June 1943, the Comintern stood dissolved, and there was no authoritative organization which could hold the communist movement together.

An objective historical evaluation of the dissolution of the Comintern is indispensable at this juncture. It took place at a critical time when the fascist axis of Germany-Italy-Japan was still threatening to carry forward their plans for world domination. Strengthening the anti-fascist front was of utmost importance. But, the US led imperialists had other ideas, and they were delaying the opening of the second front against Nazi forces. Besides, imperialism led by US imperialism was planning to launch an all out future offensive for its world hegemony. It was preparing the ground for transforming the old colonialism into neo-colonialism. The strategic step towards this was put forward in 1941 in the form of the Atlantic Charter jointly drafted by Britain and USA, the vanishing and ascending supreme arbiters respectively of the imperialist world. The essential economic, political and military foundations for the neo-colonial phase of imperialism were being developed by them. Even much before the formal ending of World War II through the bombing of Hiroshima and Nagasaki, with the unparallel superiority it was gaining in the military, economic and political realms as the fascist forces were being decimated, the US was firmly putting forward its new blue-print for the neo-colonial world order.

But the dissolution of the Comintern, which ought to have been concretely evaluated in relation to this crucial historical transformation, was interpreted as a tactical move. On the contrary, it should be seen as a strategic error in this background. Lack of an international leadership on the part of world proletariat at this critical juncture led to severe setbacks in scientifically evaluating the laws of motion of finance capital and putting forward the concrete program of action against imperialism in its neo-colonial phase. The dissolution of the Comintern in the name of defending "fatherland" and for the success of the anti-fascist front, in fact, did immense harm to the world proletariat as it denied the decisive role of the communist party and the Communist International, the only weapons before the working class and oppressed people in their fight against capital and imperialist domination. In brief, by juxtaposing the defense of the Soviet Union against the interests of the international socialism, and relegating the latter to the background, the international proletariat lost an authoritative organization to lead the world people against the neo-colonization process unleashed by US led imperialism in the post WW II phase. The negative attitude taken by the Chinese Communist Party and the leadership of other communist parties including the CPI at that time by supporting this dissolution also contributed much in aggravating the situation. In course of time, influenced by the attitude of the CPC from the second half of 1960s, the erroneous view that an international is not a necessity got strengthened in the ICM.

It is a fact that in the concrete situation existing after the victory of great October Revolution and coming into the existence of the Soviet Union, Lenin had put into practice the concept of the Communist International as an international party working based on the principles of democratic centralism. Drawing from its vast experience in both theory and practice, the CPSU was in effect guiding the Comintern. Later when a large number communist parties came into existence and the parties like CPC started leading the revolutionary movements in their countries, various questions regarding the analysis of the concrete conditions in these countries and developing the revolutionary line there had come forward. On some occasions the Comintern advice given under Soviet guidance was proved wrong resulting in internal struggles. The CPC's criticism of Comintern was linked to similar problems. The answer to this problem was not dissolution of the Comintern but reorganizing it conforming to the developing situation. Or, from an international party the Comintern had to be transformed into an international organization of the communist parties which are developing their theory and practice according to concrete conditions in their own countries. Only in this way the ICM could face the serious challenge posed during that period both by the fascist forces on the one side and the US-UK forces evolving a neo-colonial offensive, on the other. But dissolving the Comintern as a tactical move, as explained, to strengthen the Anti-Fascist United Front in effect amounted to dissolving the party for the united front. While upholding comrade Stalin as a great Marxist-Leninist, who gave leadership to the ICM at a very difficult juncture, the question whether the dissolution of the Comintern was a correct step should be subjected to serious discussion.

In the period after the World War II, the Communist Party of Soviet Union (CPSU) continued to play a leading role in the world communist movement. It was continued to be looked up to as the 'father party' by all communist parties all over the world. However, since they and the ICM in general were not able to recognize the change in the system of exploitation of imperialism from the colonial phase to the neo-colonial one, they were not able to understand the changes that were taking place in the world. It was the wrong evaluation of the concrete situation of the world situation which had led Krushchovite leadership, which was successful in coming to power, which led to the conclusion that the introduction of neo-colonial policies including the 'de- colonization' were signs of weakening of imperialism. Besides, the strength of the socialist forces and their prestige all over the world were overestimated. This led the Khruschovite forces to come to the conclusion that revolution was no more necessary in the "newly-liberated" countries. As a result, they put forward the theory of the "three peacefuls", that is, peaceful co-existence and peaceful competition with imperialism and peaceful transition to socialism.

Thus the capitalist roaders led by Krushchov took the movement away from the path of revolution due to erroneous evaluation of the concrete conditions in the world after the Second World War. The transformation from the colonial to the neo-colonial phase was neither studied nor understood. The epochal importance of the formation of IMF and the WB and the nascent GATT talks was not understood. The phenomenal growth of the MNCs in this period was neither understood nor studied.

It was the CPC which took the lead in the struggle against this right reactionary line of the CPSU leadership. They put forward a correct orientation regarding neo-colonization in the course of the "Great Debate" between the CPSU and the CPC. In the article Apologists of Neo-colonialism (which was the fourth comment on the letter of the CPSU), the CPC, after referring to the contention of the CPSU, that colonialism was being destroyed, stated:

What are the facts?

Consider, first, the situation in Asia and Africa. There a whole group of countries have declared their independence. But many of these countries have not completely shaken off imperialist and colonial control and enslavement and remain objects of imperialist plunder and aggression as well as arenas of contention between the old and new colonialists. In some, the old colonialists have changed into neo-colonialists and retain their colonial rule through their trained agents. In others, the wolf has left by the front door, but the tiger has entered through the back door, the old colonialism being replaced by the new, more powerful and more dangerous U. S. colonialism. The peoples of Asia and Africa are seriously menaced by the tentacles of neo-colonialism, represented by U. S. imperialism.

Next, listen to the voice of the people of Latin America. The Second Havana Declaration says, "Latin America today is under a more ferocious imperialism, more powerful and ruthless than the Spanish colonial empire."

It adds:

Since the end of the Second World War, . . . North American investments exceed 10 billion dollars. Latin America moreover supplies cheap raw materials and pays high prices for manufactured articles.

It says further:

. . . there flows from Latin America to the United States a constant torrent of money: some $4,000 per minute, $5 million per day, $2 billion per year, $10 billion each five years. For each thousand dollars which leaves us, one dead body remains. $1,000 per death that is the price of what is called imperialism.

The facts are clear. After World War II the imperialists have certainly not given up colonialism, but have merely adopted a new form, neo-colonialism. An important characteristic of such neo-colonialism is that the imperialists have been forced to change their old style of direct colonial rule in some areas and to adopt a new style of colonial rule and exploitation by relying on the agents they have selected and trained. The imperialists headed by the United States enslave or control the colonial countries and countries which have already declared their independence by organizing military blocs, setting up military bases, establishing "federations" or "communities", and fostering puppet regimes. By means of economic "aid" or other forms, they retain these countries as markets for their goods, sources of raw material and outlets for their export of capital, plunder the riches and suck the blood of the people of these countries. Moreover, they use the United Nations as an important tool for interfering in the internal affairs of such countries and for subjecting them to military, economic and cultural aggression. When they are unable to continue their rule over these countries by "peaceful" means, they engineer military coups d'etat, carry out subversion or even resort to direct armed intervention and aggression.

The United States is most energetic and cunning in promoting neo-colonialism. With this weapon, the U.S. imperialists are trying hard to grab the colonies and spheres of influence of other imperialists and to establish world domination.

This neo-colonialism is a more pernicious and sinister form of colonialism.

Thus it is clear that the CPC had correctly seen the evolution of the colonial phase into the neo-colonial one. However at that time it was itself engaged in a severe struggle against the rightist line of Liu Shao Chi. Due to this reason it was not able to take up the task of carrying forward the theoretical study of neo-colonialism. Later, under the "left" line under the leadership of Lin Biao, the CPC, not only did not carry forward the study of the international situation, but also did not take any initiative to reorganize the Communist International.

The 'left line' under Lin Biao caused great harm to the ICM. In the 1997 document, we have identified that it had wrongly changed the era from the Leninist understanding of the era of imperialism and proletarian revolution to define it as a new era of "imperialism heading for total collapse and socialism advancing towards world-wide victory".

It was Lin Biao who first put forward the mistaken idea that "protracted people's war" is the only path for revolution in all the countries of Asia, Africa and Latin America. He said, in his article: "Long live the victory of the People's War" (1966):

"It must be emphasized that Comrade Mao Tsetung's theory of the establishment of rural revolutionary base areas and the encirclement of the cities from the countryside is of outstanding and universal practical importance for the present revolutionary struggles of all the oppressed nations and peoples, and particularly for the revolutionary struggles of the oppressed nations and peoples in Asia, Africa and Latin America against imperialism and its lackeys."

It was Lin Biao, again, who published the red book and wrote a foreword for the same. It was his followers, during the Cultural Revolution, who put forward the concept that there was no need to study - that, in fact, "the more you study, the more foolish you become".

Erroneously analyzing the world situation, Lin Biao like Khrushchev before him once again put forward the idea of a weakened imperialism. He said: "the imperialist system resembles a dying person who is sinking fast, like the sun setting beyond the western hills. The emergence of Khrushchev revisionism is a product of the imperialist policy and reflects the death-bed struggle of imperialism."

It was again Lin Biao who put forward the idea of a rural-based party. In the "Long live the victory of the People's War" quoted above, he asserts:

Many countries and peoples in Asia, Africa and Latin America are now being subjected to aggression and enslavement on a serious scale by the imperialists headed by the United States and their lackeys. The basic political and economic conditions in many of these countries have many similarities to those that prevailed in old China. As in China, the peasant question is extremely important in these regions. The peasants constitute the main force of the national-democratic revolution against the imperialists and their lackeys. In committing aggression against these countries, the imperialists usually begin by seizing the big cities and the main lines of communication, but they are unable to bring the vast countryside completely under their control. The countryside, and the countryside alone, can provide the broad areas in which the revolutionaries can manoeuvre freely. The countryside, and the countryside alone, can provide the revolutionary bases from which the revolutionaries can go forward to final victory. Precisely for this reason, Comrade Mao Tsetung's theory of establishing revolutionary base areas in the rural districts and encircling the cities from the countryside is attracting more and more attention among the people in these regions."

It must be made clear here that Mao had never said that the "Chinese Path" is applicable to the countries of Asia, Africa and Latin America. On the contrary he had advised the leaders of the Marxist-Leninist parties visiting China repeatedly that they should develop the revolutionary line in their own countries only according to the concrete conditions there. Still this line of Lin Biao's, which came to dominance and adopted as the line of the CPC in its Ninth Congress in 1969, was taken as gospel truth and two generations of the Marxist-Leninists all over the world had to face severe setbacks in their attempts to build up "base areas" and "guerrilla zones" mechanically following the "Chinese Path". It was this line of Lin Biao which led to the neglect of mass line including building up of mass organizations and working class movement.


WE have already mentioned in our 1997 document that the parties which call themselves "Maoist" and which follow "Maoism" are precisely those who still uphold all the wrong understandings put forward by the left sectarian line under the leadership of Lin Biao, irrespective of whether they overtly uphold Lin Biao or not.

As part of this discussion two more points have to be discussed. Firstly, there are many parties, especially in Latin America, who uphold "Maoism" though they do not uphold the sectarian line of say, the Sandero Luminoso (Shining Path) of Peru or of the Philippines Communist Party (CPP) or the Turkish Communist Party (Marxist-Leninist) (TKP/ML). Many such parties like the RCP of Argentina or the Maoist Communist Party of Colombia are actually adopting the mass line. They have adopted the concept of Maoism in the peculiar circumstances of Latin America, where it is symbolized as the opposition to Khruschovite revisionism in the 1970s.

The second question of importance while discussing the Maoist parties is the question of Nepal. The Communist Party of Nepal (Maoist) has played a significant role in the struggle to overthrow the monarchy there. For this, they had to change their tactics and lay down their arms. At the same time the CPN(Maoist) has been stressing that they support a "new socialism" and that the socialism of the 20th century has "failed". They have also asserted a new concept of "democracy in the 21st century" which entails "multi-party" electoral democracy even after the revolution. All such concepts are grouped in what is referred to as "Prachanda path". At the same time, this party is engaged in a severe inner-party struggle about the way forward. Whether it will be able to overcome its theoretical shortcomings and come forward is a matter of interest to the ICM.


THOUGH the Tenth Congress of the CPC in 1973 claimed that it has rectified the erroneous understanding of the era put forward by the Ninth Congress, as we have mentioned in the 1997 document, no document has come to light which shows how the CPC has evaluated the mistakes of the line led by Lin Biao except criticizing him for his 'Confucian thinking'. In any case, there was no attempt to further deepen the understanding of the neo-colonial system. In the absence of such a serious study in reaction to the sectarian line of Lin Biao that had emerged during the Cultural Revolution, in spite of its historical significance, it was easy for the capitalist roaders like Deng to usurp power. One of the vehicles for achieving this was the class-collaborationist "Theory of Three Worlds". This was another right deviation which in effect neglected the contradiction between capital and labor, between imperialism and socialist forces and one-sidedly emphasized the contradiction among the imperialist forces, mechanically dividing the world on a non-class basis into First, Second and Third worlds.

Since the General Line document of 1963, Marxist-Leninists all over the world have generally accepted the present fundamental contradictions at the global level as:

"The contradiction between the socialist camp and the imperialist camp; the contradiction between the proletariat and bourgeoisie in the capitalist countries, the contradiction between oppressed nations and peoples and imperialism; the contradictions among imperialist countries and among monopoly capitalist groups."

In slightly different words, this was also, more or less, the understanding of the Communist International.

While the deviation led by Khruschov one-sidedly stressed the contradiction between the socialist camp and the imperialist camp, neglecting the other contradictions, the sectarian line of Lin Biao laid one-sidedly gave stress to the contradiction between oppressed nations and imperialism neglecting the other contradictions. This resulted in many of them taking a negative view of proletarian internationalism in practice. Many of the sectarian parties (both of the "left" and right varieties) have ceased to accept the contradiction between the socialist forces and the imperialism under the influence of these erroneous lines.

There are also many other alien "world outlooks" that have emerged in the Marxist-Leninist movement due to the failure to make a concrete analysis of the post-World War II world situation and in the absence of fraternal exchange of views among the Marxist-Leninist forces with a view to overcome the past mistakes and to develop the ICM including the development of a centre to guide it forward. These include the post-modern ideas, with their emphasis on "new social movements" and finally the ideas about solutions within the system. All these alien trends have to be uncompromisingly exposed and struggled against.

The efforts to develop fraternal relations among the Marxist-Leninist parties and to rebuild the ICM will have to start in continuation to the line put forward by the Communist International and the General Line of 1963, asserting the fundamental contradictions at the international level. It includes the study of the development, maturing and inter-play of these contradictions in the period of neo-colonialism.


MANY attempts have been made at international level to understand the developments all over the world and the causes for the setbacks to the ICM. They include the International Communist Seminar held in Brussels by the PTB every year, the International Conference of Marxist-Leninist Parties and Organizations(ICMLPO) with its Joint Coordination Group (JCG) in which the MLPD, BP (NK /T), CPN (Mashal), and our party among others are included, another ICMLPO comprised of parties which are pro-Albanian, the North Star Compass, the RIM, etc.

The International Communist Seminar in Brussels was started as a yearly affair in the year 1990. It concentrated mainly on the question of the restoration of capitalism in the USSR. However, they allowed for an eclectic combination of those calling themselves "Marxist" (from the CPI to the CPI (Maoist)) to attend this seminar and present papers. It therefore has not served the purpose of advancing the theoretical understanding at the international level, though it has put forward some new ideas on the restoration of capitalism in the USSR. The ICMLPO formed by the pro-Albanian parties, brings out a magazine known as "Unite et Lutte" or "Unity and Struggle". This group is hamstrung in their theoretical endeavours by their historical understanding and its theoretical endeavours are therefore confined to a very small compass of mechanically vindicating the stand of Stalin. The "North Star Compass" is a group which brings out a magazine in this name, whose aim is the restoration of the USSR. However, there is no clarity among them on the socialism they are talking about, whether it is the socialism under Lenin and Stalin or the "socialism" under Khruschov, Brezhnev, Andropov, etc. Their understanding is limited to opposing "Glasnost" and "Perestroika" which, in their opinion, were responsible for the collapse of the Soviet Union. Besides the Revolutionary Internationalist Movement (RIM) led by the RCP, USA, a union of 'Maoist' parties, is also significant for the harm it does to the ICM.

The most active and politically vital grouping is the ICMLPO which is largely hosted by the MLPD of Germany. There is the JCG which co-ordinates the work of the ICMLPO. It has so far held nine Conferences. It brings out an "International Newsletter" It is composed of parties who accept Marxism-Leninism-Mao Tsetung Thought or Marxism-Leninism and a positive view of Mao Tsetung. The shortcoming of this group is that it also includes parties who are openly Maoist, like the CPP of the Philippines, the TKP(ML) of Turkey and even the CPI (Maoist). Hence it is very difficult for this grouping to advance, as it is, in the main reduced to another international forum for debate.

Our organization when it was called CRC, CPI(ML) from 1979 has been one of the first in India to seek the rebuilding of the ICM. This was prompted by the fact that we were among the first in India to oppose the "Three World Theory" and the Dengists in China along with the Enver Hoxhaites. Based on this approach our organization had send our approach papers to an international conference with the RCP of Chile and RCP of USA among others, and called for reorganizing the ICM based on Marxism-Leninism-Mao Tsetung Thought. In the second international conference of 1984, we had put forward a document explaining our neo-colonial approach and calling for building a platform of the ML parties. But RCP, USA along with its sectarian understanding based on Lin Biaoism evaluated that war has become the main danger and called for immediate formation of an international organization. We walked out when they went ahead with the formation of RIM which has become a centre of anarchist organizations upholding 'Maoism'. In spite of this setback, we continued our efforts for the unity of the like-minded Marxist-Leninist forces. It is as a result of it the CPI (ML) Red Flag played an active role in the ICMLPO including sending a delegation to its Eighth Conference in 2004.

The recent past after Vijayawada Unity Conference has seen us reneging on our international duties. We were not able to attend any international meetings or conferences due to the sectarian line of the CPI (ML) 2003 with whom the CPI(ML) Red Flag had united. We had to restrain ourselves from attending the Brussels seminar or the ICMLPO meetings, though we could attend the MLPD Congress in 2008. As a result of these, we were not able to take any stand on the international situation and our tasks in this period. We have now overcome this sectarian tendency in the party by separating from it.

During the course of the 9th Congress of the ICMLPO, under the initiative of the MLPD a "Declaration on the Building of an International Form of Organization for the Coordination of the Work of Autonomous Revolutionary Parties and Organizations" was adopted. This declaration focuses on the need for revolutionary parties and organizations to join forces in today's situation. It focuses on the need to build regional and international forms of organization for Marxist-Leninists, the working class and also the entire anti-imperialist movement. This gave rise to the ICOR or the "International Co-ordination".

Besides actively working in the ICOR, it is also necessary to develop fraternal relations with other ML parties, especially in South Asia and also in the West Asian region. The developments in West Asia are already affecting the politics of South Asia, especially Pakistan. We must therefore make great efforts to develop close relations with parties in South Asia and in West Asia who have an understanding akin to ours. There are many parties, in other continents, especially in Latin America, Europe and Africa with whom we have developed contacts and who are close to our understanding. We must nurture these contacts and develop them where ever possible.

The present situation calls for initiative to form a forum of the Marxist-Leninist parties from different countries who are fighting both right revisionism and left sectarianism, including the line of "protracted people's war" as the only path for countries of Asia, Africa and Latin America. Such parties, who uphold Marxism-Leninism-Mao Tsetung Thought or Marxism-Leninism and a positive attitude towards Mao Tsetung Thought should constitute themselves into a Marxist-Leninist Forum to organize solidarity actions, organize international conferences, to develop the General Line of the ICM and to move towards a new Communist International.

It is time for our party to take up this international task in right earnest. As detailed above, in the present world situation, the international content of the Peoples Democratic Revolution has greatly increased and we cannot make revolution in a vast country like India without launching uncompromising struggles against imperialism and its lackeys and agents, uniting with the Marxist-Leninist forces at global level.

Workers of all countries, unite; Workers of the world, unite with the oppressed peoples and oppressed nations; Oppose imperialism and reaction in all countries; Strive for world peace, national liberation, people's democracy and socialism; Strengthen the socialist forces; Bring the proletarian world revolution step by step to complete victory; Establish a new world without imperialism, without capitalism and without the exploitation of man by man!

Uphold Marxism-Leninism-Mao Tsetung Thought!

Long Live Proletarian Internationalism!

[Adopted by the All India Special Conference of the CPI(ML) held in November 2009]
[ Paper prepared for presentation to the Seminar with the same title to be held at Lucknow on 26th February evening on the first day of the Party Congress]

The 16th General Elections to the Lok Sabha had taken place when the neoliberal UPA regime had led to alarming price rise, unemployment, corruption, displacement, ecological destruction, loss of livelihood, etc, impoverishing the masses and widening the gap between the rich and the vast masses of toiling people. It had aroused unprecedented people's fury across the length and breadth of the country. In the absence of an effective left and democratic or progressive people's alternative against the Congress misrule and the ruling system, the BJP at all India level succeeded to utilize the people's fury to catapult itself to power, with the backing of corporate capital that gobbled up the biggest gains during UPA rule, together with the ideological and organizational support of the RSS Parivar. It replaced the rightist rule of Congress with its ultra rightist, openly communal rule. And regional parties like AIADMK, TMC, BJD like forces in TN, W. Bengal, Odisha etc also reaped the benefit of the anti- Congress wave. Along with the Congress and it allies, the CPI(M) led Left Front parties were also decimated.

The Modi government has already started further intensification of the imposition of neo-liberal policies, expanding corporatization of all fields, further pauperizing the masses, and distorting and commercializing the cultural and educational fields, while intensifying the spreading of communal hatred and divisions among the people. In this situation, the communist forces are confronting two frontal challenge: firstly, how to overcome the present crisis faced by the movement at theoretical, political and organizational levels and to build a party with all India influence capable of completing the remaining tasks of democratic revolution and advancing towards the socialist revolution; secondly, how to unite the genuine left and democratic forces to forge a program based people's platform against all forces of neo-liberalization and communalization as part of its tactical line.

On Communist Unity.

The CPI (ML) Red Star is of the view that though the building of the left platform and joint activities under its banner shall bring the left forces nearer and help to create condition for the unity of the Marxist-Leninist forces, it should not be mechanically linked or confused with the question of communist unity, that is with the question of uniting the communist revolutionaries in a single party. An evaluation of the past experience, when the first split in the CPI took place in 1964 leading to the formation of the CPI (M), and when the second split took place following an inner party struggle and the outbreak of the Naxalbari struggle leading to formation of the CPI (ML) and a number of CR groups show that, contrary to the expectations they created, a qualitative leap in the movement did not take place, though the objective conditions were favoring it. Why did it happen so?

The first split took place when the international communist movement was waging a life and death struggle against the revisionist line promoted by the Krushchevites who had come to the leadership of the Communist Party of Soviet Union. Under its influence the CPI leadership had adopted the line of National Democratic Revolution replacing the line of PDR under the leadership of the working class put forward by the Communist International, advocating peaceful socialist transition, collaborating with the native bourgeois class which it analyzed as predominantly nationalist in character. Though the CPI (M) leadership rejected this line, it did not make a break with Soviet revisionism or recognize that the big bourgeoisie in the country is in the main collaborating with imperialism or comprador in character. So, by the time of 1967 general elections both embraced the path of parliamentarism and took initiative to form coalition governments in W. Bengal and Kerala joining with even communal and ruling class parties, compromising communist positions. This has naturally led both, in course of time, to their present social democratic line.

Though the CRs broke away from this line and tried to learn from the Great Debate led by Mao against Soviet revisionism and recognized the comprador character of the big bourgeoisie in the country, they also failed to make a concrete analysis of the vast changes taking place in the Indian situation and to develop the Marxist-Leninist understanding accordingly. Instead, they soon embraced the left adventurist line which had emerged in China by the middle 1960s under the leadership of Lin Biao. Both the revisionist line which dominated the Soviet communist party and the sectarian line which dominated the CPC by the time of its Ninth Congress in 1969, refused to make a concrete analysis of the vast changes taking place at the international level with the transformation of the colonial plunder of imperialism to the neo-colonial phase. It led both to conclude that the imperialist camp has weakened. As a result, while the former embraced the line of liquidation compromising with imperialist positions abandoning the path of class struggle, the latter advocated a putschist line. Both caused severe damage to the communist movement. Unity of the communist forces calls for serious studies based on the fundamental principles of Marxism-Leninism for settling accounts with these basic deviations.

After the disintegration of the CPI (ML) and other CR forces by early1970s, extensive discussions on evaluating the mistakes leading to it had taken place at various levels. Most of the ML groups except those who united to form the CPI (Maoist) rejected the line of annihilation of class enemies, line of armed struggle as the only form of struggle and adopted the mass line. But these efforts were theoretically crippled as they refused to make an analysis of the vast changes taking place in the country under neo-colonial domination during the post-1947 decades. If imperialism used feudal forces as a social prop for its colonial domination, under neo-colonization it promoted fast changes in the pre-capitalist relations of production in the agrarian sector to integrate it with the international finance system through reforms from above including the Green Revolutions. The semi-colonial, semi-feudal frame mechanically carried forward by most of the ML forces made them incapable of understanding the neo-colonial phase of imperialism and the changes taking place to the relations of production in the agrarian field, and for developing the program and path of revolution according to these changes. On the other hand, another trend which recognized these changes went forward to analyze India as a capitalist country and stage of revolution as socialist, refusing to recognize the growing imperialist dominance in the country in newer forms.

The imposition of the imperialist globalization and neo-liberal policies and intensification of the corporatization of all fields including agriculture have led to some of these sections to re-examine their positions, at least partially. This has created conditions for new theoretical offensive and bi-lateral discussions with these forces. The CPI (ML) Red Star is actively pursuing discussions with these sections. Meanwhile the new generation, not having the burden of past frames and heritages, are coming forward, though in trickles now, to join the revolutionary stream. As the corporate loot and communalization intensifies under Modi raj, this tendency will be strengthened. So there are better objective and subjective possibilities for communist unity today, if the cardinal importance of the ideological political line and the struggle to develop it according to present conditions are recognized.

The Resolution on Theoretical Offensive being discussed in the Tenth Congress opens up possibilities for taking up the theoretical issues including the evaluation of the experience of the socialist practice in the former socialist countries, the question of broadening the democratic space within the party organization including development of the concept of democratic centralism. It shall provide enough scope for inner party struggle on all questions of difference. The practical application of the Marxist perspective of "all power to the people", developing the concept of proletarian dictatorship or proletarian democracy, transcending the limits of bourgeois democracy, developing the alternate development paradigm which is people oriented and eco-friendly etc shall open new scope for communist unity. Once the shortcomings and deviations which caused the setback to the movement from the great heights it had reached by 1950s are scientifically analyzed and self critically evaluated, and once the orientation for future advance of democracy and development paradigm are put forward, they shall provide the basis for the rebuilding of the communist party uniting all genuine forces. It shall help to win over the new generation who are getting increasingly alienated from the imperialist promoted development which is creating devastation and the shrinking of democratic space under bourgeois democracy. This is a critical time which calls for all round efforts for taking up the reorganization of the party. The CPI (ML) Red Star appeals to all Marxist-Leninist forces to recognize this and take up this great challenge with all seriousness.

On Building left and democratic Platform

While taking up the challenge of uniting the communists who are presently divided in to different sharply divided trends, it should be recognized that it is going to be a protracted affair. So immediate attention should be given to the question of bringing together the left and democratic forces in a struggle based platform on a common minimum program against the intensification of corporate loot and communalization under Modi regime. While expressing this desire one should be clear about the political reasons which led to the victory of BJP and why the communist movement which had a powerful presence in many parts of the country in the past, and which was often mentioned as the alternative to the Congress in the 1950s, drastically lost its political stature and organizational strength, weakening to its present condition. Even in the 2004 elections the CPI (M) led Left Front parties had 64 seats in the Lok Sabha and they were ruling in W. Bengal, Kerala and Tripura. But their policy of supporting the Congress led UPA rule which was merrily going ahead with the implementation of the neo-liberal policies for five years, and shamelessly implementing the very same neo-liberal policies in the states where they were in power, leading to Singur and Nandigram like incidents, alienated them from the people. The record of the CPI(M) led LF rule in W. Bengal and Kerala, the degeneration of CPI-CPI(M) leaderships to social democratic positions and of the anarchist acts of the CPI(Maoist) forces have defamed the communist movement and the left forces in general all over the country, especially from the new generation. This degeneration of the established left forces and anarchist Maoists contributed much, along with other factors, in the ascendance of RSS backed Modi to power, as the alternative to the hated Congress.

In spite of these, some of those who were part of the Communist Revolutionary forces and some good intentioned friends of the left movement advocate that, as the country is facing a dangerous situation, let us forget and forgive and build a broad left and democratic platform to confront this challenge. This is happening when, in spite of decimation in the LS elections and in all other elections including the recent by-elections to assembly seats in W. Bengal, the CPI (M)) and its allies are not ready to learn any lessons and are ready to support the Congress in the name of opposing BJP. They are still not convinced about the need for keeping these social democrats out of a left platform. Any effort to form a left and democratic platform with such parties will only further weaken the left forces politically and organizationally.

It is in this context, CPI (ML) Red Star is proposing the formation of a left and democratic Platform based on a common minimum program which can be arrived at through discussion based on following points:

(1) Oppose imperialist globalization-liberalization-privatization and neo-liberal policies; Struggle against imperialist domination through IMF, World Bank, WTO and MNCs; Fight against corporatization of all fields; End corporate-mafia raj.

(2) Stop displacements for Neo-liberal Projects; Confiscate all lands from mafias, big landlords etc; End corporatization of agriculture and Second green Revolution; Implement progressive land reforms promoting co-operative agriculture, providing assistance to the farmers for agricultural development; ensure rights of agricultural workers including dalits and adivasis ensuring their right over the land.

(3) End price-rise; Implement universal Public Distribution System; Ensure education, healthcare, housing and employment for all. Provide unemployment allowance to all unemployed.

(4) End corporatization of industry; Struggle for socialization of all core sectors including energy, mining, steel, minerals etc; Fight contract and casual labour system, struggle for need based wages, job security and democratic rights of working class.

(5) Democratize society through Constitutional and democratic reforms including the right to recall elected representatives as well as government servants; Reform electoral laws introducing proportional representation; Prosecute all corrupt through special courts; Bring in to force appropriate democratic agencies with full power for this; Confiscate all black- money deposited in foreign banks and other hide-outs.

(6) Ensure Adivasis' right over their land and natural resources; Implement autonomous councils based on Sixth Schedule in Adivasi areas; End caste-based and communal oppression, and attacks on women, dalits and oppressed classes and sections; Realize casteless and secular society.

(7) End all forms of gender discrimination; Ensure women's equality in all fields.

(8) Scrap AFSPA, UAPA and all other black laws; Withdraw military from Jammu- Kashmir and Northeast; End state terror and achieve all round democratization of the administration and society.

(9) Settle all border disputes, a hangover from colonial days, through bilateral discussions; With draw military from borders and cut down military expenditure; Develop fraternal relations with neighbouring countries; Liberalize Visa rules to improve people to people relations.

(10) Abolish imperialist promoted 'development' policies which devastate nature, cause 'climate change', lead to ecological catastrophes and impoverish masses; Implement people oriented, sustainable and eco-friendly development paradigm.

The CPI(ML) Red Star proposes that the strenuous efforts for communist unity based on ideological, political, organizational line according to present concrete conditions on the one hand, and for building the broad left platform based on a CMP should be tirelessly carried forward simultaneously in order to develop a powerful countrywide people's alternative to challenge all ruling class alternatives including the growing challenge posed by the BJP government through intensification of corporate loot and communal frenzy.

Seminar Paper on Climate Change

(Paper to be presented to the Seminar on 1st February, 2015 evening during the 10th Party Congress of CPI (ML) Red Star, at Lucknow)

Crisis of Himalayas and Terai Region in the Context of Global Climate Change Caused by Corporate Development Paradigm.

1. The Uttarakhand disaster of June, 2013, led to more than ten thousand deaths, including more than 6000 missing who were never traced, 4200 villages were severely affected, 3200 houses fully damaged, causing innumerable miseries to millions. Thousands of animals also perished. But very little by way of relief work was done even after one year. The status of Rehabilitation and Reconstruction is much worse still. In 2014 again the damages due to heavy unusual intensity of rain causing huge earth slips/ land slides were repeated, though on a smaller scale. The intensity of the fury of floods caused by heavy rains and the melting of glaziers in the Himalayas ravaged the whole region from UP to Assam affecting tens of millions of families. And, the floods in Jammu & Kashmir in September this year was on unprecedented scales, damaging life and properties of many millions. Unlike in the past, as a result of the consistent studies, campaigns and movements by large number of concerned organizations and individuals even the corporate media and the administration are forced to admit them as ecological catastrophes. Their relation with the Climate Change and Global Warming is also discussed increasingly. Unlike what was happening even two decades ago today all governments are more or less forced to recognize the relation between the increasing intensity of the recurring catastrophes ravaging people's life and the Climate Change. The UN Convention on Climate Change on 23rd September, 2014, reflected this fact. As usual, nothing tangible happened from this. It is going to be followed by the World Climate Conference in Lima on 6th December. All these show that though the UN and all the heads of governments are forced to recognize this, however partial these efforts may be, as one of the primary questions without finding answers to which the survival of the human species on earth shall be in danger, they are not prepared to make any significant moves to find basic resolutions to it.

2. Several studies were taken up on this question of Trans Himalayas by government and non-government agencies, by universities, IITs, and individuals. But almost all of them are either case specific, limited to suggesting remedies within the present ruling system which creates the ecological destruction or confined to relief works. What is lacking is a comprehensive study, a study which shall provide an overall perspective of the causes behind the problem and give orientation to the work to be taken up to protect Himalayas and the Terai region, safeguarding the interests of people, and how to take up mountain-appropriate sustainable development in a people oriented manner in the overall context of Climate Change. This question has become all the more important in the context of the agreements being signed by the new government of India with Bhutan and Nepal to start new hydel projects and other 'development' works in these sensitive areas and the mega projects planned with the collaboration of Japanese and Chinese. This is also linked to studying the consequences of the hydel and other projects taken up in Tibet by the Chinese government leading to acceleration of the melting of the glaziers in this region called the 'Third Pole'. The scale and type of thermal, hydel and nuclear power projects which can be taken up/ or whether they should be taken up at all, how the natural resources in the region should be utilized as part of a people oriented development paradigm, how the water and river conservation etc. are to be taken up - calls for serious studies. What is required is a series of serious discussions by concerned scientists, ecologists and social & political activists to arrive at a macro level perspective for resolving the problems faced in this region in the context of global ecological changes.

3. Numerous international studies are available which provide a vivid picture about the extent of 'Global Warming' and 'Climate Change' at global level caused by the developmental policies pursued by the corporate regimes in the 'developed' as well as in the 'developing' countries which treat nature antagonistically, expanding its wanton loot for amassing wealth. These changes are aggravating the problems in the trans Himalayan region as well as in other regions like Eastern and Western Ghats, especially when massive 'development' and real estate projects are taken up as what happened/is happening now in Uttarakhand, J&K and similar regions. The melting of Himalayan glaziers and its consequences as part of the glaziers in North and South poles also calls for serious studies. It is reported that melting of glaciers is resulting in the formation of smaller lakes in the high hills of Himachal Pradesh and similar areas, posing threat to population living in downstream areas. Another study shows that 'Climate Change' will cause water levels in Asia's five major river systems that are fed by Himalayan glaciers to increase at least until 2050.

4. Climate change in the long term basis is caused by factors such as biotic processes, variations in solar radiation received by Earth, plate tectonics, and volcanic eruptions. But the human activities are now identified as significant causes of recent climate change, often referred to as "global warming" which was intensifying dangerously during the last century, especially during the post-1970 decades.The most general definition of climate change is a change in the statistical properties of the climate system when considered over long periods of time, regardless of cause.The term sometimes is used to refer specifically to climate change caused by human activity, as opposed to changes in climate that may have resulted as part of Earth's natural processes. In this sense, especially in the context of environmental policy, the term climate change has become synonymous with global warming caused due to human activities.

5. Of most concern in the consequences of the Climate Change is the increase in CO2 levels due to emissions from fossil fuel combustion, followed by aerosols (particulate matter in the atmosphere) and the CO2 released by cement manufacture. Other factors, including land use, ozone depletion, animal agriculture] and deforestation, are also of concern in the roles they play – both separately and in conjunction with other factors – in affecting climate, micro-climate, and measures of climate variables. Reasonably complete global records of surface temperature are available beginning from the mid-late 19th century. Archaeological evidence, oral history and historical documents can offer insights into past changes in the climate. Climate change effects have been linked to the collapse of various civilizations.

6. Glaciers are considered among the most sensitive indicators of climate change. Their size is determined by a mass balance between snow inputs and melt outputs. As temperatures warm, glaciers retreat unless snow precipitation increases to make up for the additional melt. Glaciers grow and shrink due both to natural variability and external forces. Preliminary estimates indicate that the remaining ice cover is around 445,000 km2. The World Glacier Monitoring Service collects data annually on glacier retreat and glacier mass balance. From this data, glaciers worldwide have been found to be shrinking significantly, with strong glacier retreats in the 1940s, stable or growing conditions during the 1920s and 1970s, and again retreating from the mid-1980s to present. The decline in Arctic sea ice, both in extent and thickness, over the last several decades is further evidence for rapid climate change] Sea ice is frozen seawater that floats on the ocean surface. Satellite observations show that Arctic sea ice is now declining at a rate of 11.5 percent per decade, relative to the 1979 to 2000 average. Similar studies reveal the retreat of the glaziers in the Trans Himalayan region also.

7. Earth's climate is mostly influenced by the first 10 kms or so of the atmosphere which contains most of the matter making up the atmosphere. This is really a very thin layer. Realizing this makes it more plausible to suppose that human beings can change the climate. A look at the amount of greenhouse gases spewing into the atmosphere, makes it even more plausible.The most significant greenhouse gas is actuallywater vapor, not something produced directly by humankind in significant amounts. However, even slight increases in atmospheric levels of carbon dioxide (CO2) can cause a substantial increase in temperature. Why is this? There are two reasons: First, although the concentrations of these gases are not nearly as large as that of oxygen and nitrogen (the main constituents of the atmosphere), neither oxygen or nitrogen are greenhouse gases. This is because neither has more than two atoms per molecule (i.e. their molecular forms are O2and N2, respectively), and so they lack theinternal vibrational modes that molecules withmorethan two atoms have. Both water and CO2, for example, have these "internal vibrational modes", and these vibrational modes can absorb and reradiate infrared radiation, which causes the greenhouse effect.

8. Secondly, CO2tends to remain in the atmosphere for a very long time (time scales in the hundreds of years). Water vapor, on the other hand, can easily condense or evaporate, depending on local conditions. Water vapor levels therefore tend to adjust quickly to the prevailing conditions, such that the energy flows from the Sun and re-radiation from the Earth achieve a balance. CO2tends to remain fairly constant and therefore behave as acontrollingfactor, rather than areactingfactor. More CO2means that the balance occurs at higher temperatures and water vapor levels. Human beings have increased the CO2concentration in the atmosphere by about thirty percent, which is an extremely significant increase, even on inter-glacial timescales. Human beings are responsible for this because the increase is almost perfectly correlated with increases in fossil fuel combustion, and also due other evidence, such as changes in the ratios of different carbon isotopes in atmospheric CO2that are consistent with human caused emissions. It shows thatif not checked, carbon dioxide concentrations will reach levels that haven't been seen on Earth in the last 50 million years.

9. In 1998, the Intergovernmental Panel on Climate Change (IPCC) was established by the World Meteorological Organization (WMO) and the United Nations Environment Program (UNEP), in recognition of the threat that global warming presents to the world. The role of the IPCC is to assess the scientific, technical and socio-economic information relevant for the understanding of the risk of human-induced climate change. It bases its assessment mainly on published and reviewed scientific technical literature. It has completed two assessment reports, developed methodology guidelines for national greenhouse gas inventories, special reports and technical papers. Results of the second assessment (1995), concluded that concluded that, as predicted by climate models, global temperature will likely rise by about 1-3.5 Celsius by the year 2100. The next report, in 2000, suggested, that the climate might warm by as much as 10 degrees Fahrenheit over the next 100 years, which would bring us back to a climate not seen since the age of the dinosaurs. The most recent report, in 2001, concluded that "There is new and stronger evidence that most of the warming observed over the last 50 years is attributable to human activities".

10. Global Warming Impacts: Rising Seas, inundation of fresh water marshlands, low-lying cities, and islands with seawater. Changes in rainfall patterns--- droughts and fires in some areas, flooding in other areas, hurricanes, etc. Melting of the ice caps--- loss of habitat near the poles. Polar bears are now thought to be greatly endangered by the shortening of their feeding season due to dwindling ice packs. Significant melting of old glaciers is already observed. Widespread vanishing of animal populations following widespread habitat loss. Spread of disease, migration of diseases such as malaria to new, now warmer, regions. Bleaching of Coral Reefs due to warming seas and acidification due to carbonic acid formation, etc.

11. Even while reaching such a perilous situation, whatever discussion taking place to solve this problem is limited to methods to trade in the cutting down of the carbon gas emissions. In reality, to satisfy the Kyoto protocol, developed countries were required to cut back their emissions by a total of 5.2 % between 2008 and 2012 from 1990 levels. The US had to reduce its presently projected 2010 annual emissions by 400 million tons ofCO2.But nothing was done in this direction. Meanwhile they are going ahead with development projects which are causing more carbon gas emissions. The developing countries are imitating these development models causing carbon gas emissions at a higher level. Though alternative energy sources like solar, wind, tidal etc can be developed the steps taken in this direction are not sufficient or insignificant. More importantly, there is no effort on the side of the developed countries to cut down there very high energy consumptions and consumerist luxuries. As the elite classes are imitating these as the development model the danger of Global Warming is intensifying. It is time to acknowledge that we are, at very least, conducting a very dangerous experiment with Earth's climate, not taking up the question seriously.

12. Instead of cutting down energy use and developing alternate renewable energy sources, many Carbon sequestration approaches are tried. One of these under investigation is the possibility of depositing CO2extracted from emission streams in large pools on the Ocean bottom. Such pools will not be stable, and may either erupt to the surface, or diffuse into the ocean. No lessons are taken from the grave experience of the dumping of the nuclear waste at sea beds. This and all other methods for carbon sequestration are nothing but tricks to hoodwink the masses. The corporate forces and the political class serving them are not prepared to address the real problem: that of throwing out their development policies modeled now under neo-liberalism, of fighting consumerism, of cutting down energy consumption by the elite classes and going for an alternate development paradigm. Thus it can be seen that saving the Trans Himalayan ranges and avoiding natural catastrophes call for political answers.

13. Compared to animals who merely use the environment, the changes brought by human beings in the environment is for conquering it, for mastering it. Still, it can be seen that till the advent of capitalist system there existed a dialectical unity between humanity and nature. As Marx wrote: capitalists' interest in nature is reduced to its function as means of production, for exploitation of the earth for the purpose of reproduction or extraction, meaning exploitation of the earth to aggrandize capital by extracting and processing raw materials. Thus the dialectical unity of humanity with nature is replaced under capitalist system by an antagonistic contradiction. Capitalism means rule over nature like a conqueror over a foreign people, like someone standing outside nature. The capitalist class privately appropriate nature as source of wealth and increasingly turn the natural resources in to commodities. So this barbarous society created under the capitalist-imperialist system can be changed only by throwing out the private ownership of all means of production with the social ownership of all means of production and unity with nature. What is called for is the re-establishing of the dialectical unity between humanity and nature. This is what is stated by the CPI(ML) Red Star in its Program that, "during this period, especially after the crisis of the 1970s, with the mad rush for exploitation of natural and human resources utilizing the unprecedented technological advances under the imperialist perspective of development, ever- intensifying ecological devastation has started becoming a major factor both at the international and the national level. It has given rise to a new, fifth major contradiction, at both international and national levels, the contradiction between capital and nature".

14. Saving the trans Himalayan region and all other regions within the country and around the world and in South Asia from the ecological catastrophes becoming increasingly frequent, from the consequences of Climate Change, calls for an uncompromising struggle against the ruling capitalist system, promoted by the ruling classes, including consumerism which promotes an opulent, wasteful life style, disregarding the intensifying pauperization of the vast masses. It calls for rejecting the development model arrogantly pursued by it. It is not an issue for which basic solutions can be found within the present ruling system. It calls for a multi- pronged consistent struggle consisting of: firstly, developing comprehensive studies and propagating all available material on Global Warming and Climate Change and their consequences, joining hands with all like minded forces as part of the campaign against impending ecological catastrophe; secondly, intensifying the struggle to resist and beat back the projects imposed under the present neo-liberal development model, again by joining hands with all forces prepared for it; and thirdly, intensifying the struggle to throw out the present ruling system which is brutally imposing their development model which creates devastation for the masses and nature, and replacing it with an eco-friendly, people oriented and democratic alternate development model. So, the efforts to Save Himalayas, Save Western Ghats and developing a macro level study for them with the perspective of saving the humanity from all out devastation calls for linking all these movements for resolution of each of these issues with movements for reversing the imperialist efforts of re-creating the world in its own image, with people's movements for creating the world with a humanitarian image.

Excerpts from the Political Organizational Report adopted by 10th Congress of CPI(ML) Red Star held at Lucknow from 25 Feb. to 2 March, 2015 – Editorial Board

1. Introduction

1.1 The Tenth Congress of the CPI (ML) Red Star was convened by the Central Committee at a critical juncture in the history of our country. The Ninth Congress had evaluated how the UPA rule is impoverishing the masses and devastating the country through corporate loot. Price rise, unemployment, corruption, and intensifying attacks on the toiling masses as a consequence of neo-liberal policies imposed by this government and the necessity for speeding up efforts to build a powerful people's alternative were pointed out then. During the last three years of the UPA rule, while all these reached their peak, alienating and angering the people against it, especially against Congress which was leading it, neither the regional, caste based, reformist parties, nor the Left Front parties could put forward an alternative capable of challenging the Congress-led rule at all India level. Utilizing this situation and the all-out support extended by the corporate/ MNC forces and the media under their control, the BJP under Modi's leadership succeeded in capturing majority in the 16th Lok Sabha elections, replacing the rightist Congress rule with its ultra-rightist rule. What is happening under this transformation is explicit from the further speeding up of the implementation of the neo-liberal policies and the RSS agenda of communalization. The condition of the vast masses of people and the country is like being thrown 'from frying pan into the fire'. Under Modi government all basic contradictions in the country are further sharpening, calling for an all-out offensive by the struggling left and democratic forces to resist the reactionary BJP rule.

1.2 The significance of the Tenth Congress should be seen in this context. By evaluating the present situation when the contradiction between the Indian state, a state of the comprador bureaucratic bourgeois big landlord classes led by the comprador bureaucratic bourgeoisie serving imperialism, on the one hand, and the masses of people on the other is intensifying day by day, it has given emphasis for developing the theoretical and practical approach for launching countrywide offensive against the reactionary state and the imperialist forces behind it. It has developed the basic documents and put forward the Resolution on Theoretical Offensive and the Political Resolution; it has also put forward the orientation for taking up the theoretical challenges before the communist movement at international and national level; and put forward the tactical line to take up the immediate tasks.

2. International situation

2.1 The international situation after the Ninth Party Congress is marked by increasing turmoil in all fields and in all continents instigated by the imperialists, especially US imperialists, and their compradors and lackeys, to overcome the consequences of the still continuing crisis of the international finance system by shifting its burden to the countries under neo-colonial domination. As noted in the report to the last Party Congress, the resistance against shifting the burden of the meltdown that started in 2008 led to a series of upsurges all over the world, especially in North Africa and West Asia. Some of these uprisings were so powerful that they uprooted decades' long dictatorships in Tunisia and Egypt and stirred up revolts in countries where the rulers were having apparently peaceful times. But in the absence of powerful communist parties capable of providing them orientation and leadership, the Islamic fundamentalists or such other forces aligned with imperialists and their lackeys could come to their leadership and finally replace them with new forms of dictatorship, or brutally replace the regimes which they did not like with their puppets as in Libya.

2.2 The turmoil in Syria instigated by the US and its allies has led to almost a civil war like situation. Same is the case in Ukraine where the US-NATO interferences have led to inter-imperialist contradictions sharpening, with Russia openly coming to the assistance of the Russian speaking sections. In Iraq, though the US had technically withdrawn by putting a puppet Shia government in power, contrary to their calculations the Sunni armed revolt has led to a bitter civil war with Sunni-Shia conflict coming to the foreground in West Asia. The heinous manipulative policies of US imperialism have led to emergence of Islamic State like terrorist forces and Sunni-Shia conflicts escalating to civil war – and now US-backed aggression – in Yemen. With the support of US, the Zionist Israeli government has launched barbaric bombing of Gaza to foil any attempt to establish a sovereign Palestine state. Though US-led NATO forces annihilated Gaddafi and foisted a puppet government in Libya, civil war is raging there. The so-called withdrawal plans of US from Afghanistan are seriously affected with the Taliban once again coming to the fore and due to contradictions among the internal forces. In Syria, Iraq, Afghanistan like countries also as in Ukraine, US-NATO interferences and manipulations have led to sharpening of inter-imperialist contradictions, with Russia and China increasingly challenging US hegemonic efforts. The Israeli occupation of Palestine areas and its latest aggression against Gaza are also going on with open US support and hence alienating the US from world people. The US manipulations in East Asia where China is exerting its influence, has turned this region also into another arena of inter-imperialist contradictions. Thus while the crisis in the imperialist finance system and shifting of this burden to countries under neo-colonial domination has led to people's revolts in many regions and to further intensification of the contradiction between imperialism and the oppressed peoples and countries on the one hand, it has also led to sharpening of inter-imperialist contradictions all over the world on the other.

2.3 The condition in the Latin American countries considered the safe backyard of US imperialism for long decades has started changing. Its military hegemony in the region and unrestricted exploitation of petroleum resources are challenged. Starting from the anti-IMF revolts which broke out in many countries, governments have come to power in Venezuela, Bolivia like countries which along with Cuba are resisting US interference. In Venezuela American imperialism could not succeed to overthrow the progressive forces even after Chavez's death. It was in this situation that it shifted its attention more to West Asia, North Africa and East Asia. But in the last few years in these regions also hegemonic efforts of US are not being crowned with absolute success. Though it is still exerting influence and acting as a self-appointed trouble shooter all over the world its economic strength is dwindling and its trade deficit with China like countries is galloping. Even its relation with European Union countries is also not as close as it was earlier, and the EU is emerging as another economic and trade competitor against it. All these developments have led to a situation when US hegemony as the sole superpower in a uni-polar world is increasingly challenged; the world situation is transforming to a multi-polar one with inter-imperialist contradictions sharpening more and more.

2.4 Under neo-liberal policies the working class has lost many of the rights it had won through centuries' old bitter struggles. Every new bout of crisis in the imperialist system is leading to newer onslaughts on the working class. While the benefits so far enjoyed regarding wages, working hours, pension facilities etc. are increasingly lost, unemployment and under employment, contract system, 'hire and fire', rise in prices of essential commodities, cost of essential services etc. are pauperizing them. The democratic space in society is shrinking. The working class is subjected to onslaughts of reactionary culture. Politically they are increasingly sidelined. In this situation not only in the imperialist countries, but in the countries under neo-colonisation also the contradiction between capital and labour is intensifying. It is coming out through the numerous struggles waged in countries, many times paralyzing the economy like the big strike in France and anti-austerity struggles in several countries in Europe. Still the imperialists and their lackeys are succeeding to control them or to put down these agitations as the leadership of the working class all over the world has by and large compromised with the rulers to a great extent and abandoned the idea of revolutionary re-organization of society during the last few decades.

2.5 In the post-Second World War economic boom of imperialism, consumerism was increasingly instigated. The over-exploitation of the natural resources to satisfy the 'development paradigm' put forward by the imperialists and their lackeys, uncontrolled development of thermal and nuclear power sources etc. have led to a situation when 'global warming' and 'climate change' like consequences of ecological destruction have taken monstrous proportions. Though due to tremendous pressure from the world people imperialist countries have been compelled to take some measures against reckless carbon emission and a protocol in Kyoto, Japan, has been adopted regarding this, now they are trying to revoke this protocol in various ways. Though in the Kyoto Protocol the US was under no compulsion to decrease carbon emission, from its very inception a struggle is going on to compel the US for this. In the Durban Meet Canada excluded itself from this Protocol as protest against the US and China not adhering to it. Russia supported Canada's position. Thus the imperialists are trying to destroy the progressive aspects of Kyoto Protocol. Russia and Canada are trying to end the compulsion to decrease carbon emission instead of exerting pressure on US. Imperialist governments are blatantly refusing to cut down carbon emission and energy consumption in their own countries, shifting the burden of saving the world from ecological catastrophe also to the shoulders of countries under neo-colonial domination. As these governments are not ready to accept this cut down of their own 'development' schemes, the international conferences on climate change are facing a stalemate. The contradiction between capital and nature is reaching dangerous levels.

2.6 In the last three years, development of world situation has shown that the intensification of contradictions between imperialism and oppressed nations and peoples, between capital and labour and the sharpening of the contradiction between capital and nature is once again bringing the slogan "not imperialism, socialism is the only alternative" before the people more powerfully. This has brought forward the contradiction between imperialist system and socialist forces with more intensity.

2.7 hese developments are having a sharp impact in Asia also. Here both collusion and contention between imperialist US and social imperialist China are getting manifested. China's claims over South China Sea are utilized by US to turn Vietnam, Philippines and nearby countries against it. Similarly, every opportunity is utilized by US to turn China's neighbouring countries, especially India, against it. The hegemonic policies of China in its neighbourhood are utilized by US for it. As a result, the North Eastern, South Eastern, Western and Central Asian regions are increasingly becoming conflict areas. While US with its NATO allies is trying to expand its influence from West Asian regions to Central Asian regions and also trying to consolidate its influence in North East through its ally Japan, in South Eastern region through ASEAN, and all over Asia by cultivating strategic relations with its junior partner, India, the contradiction between it and China is increasing day by day in numerous forms.

2.8 This US interest in Asia is more intensely reflected in South Asia also. The shift in the policy of Indian government from late 1970s, especially during last three decades, from a strategic ally of Soviet social imperialism to a strategic ally and junior partner of US imperialism was utilized by the US administration to manoeuvre in this region. It is utilizing the conflict between India and Pakistan for this. Indian expansionist designs in the region are promoted by US and its allies. The subservience to US over the last six decades has weakened Pakistan, strengthening the forces of disintegration. Afghanistan is already under a US puppet regime. In Bangladesh US plunder is intensifying. Though the people of Nepal made history by overthrowing the 250-year-old monarchy, the progress of democratic movement there is blocked due to interference by US and India, with most of the internal players becoming pawns in their hands. Sri Lanka is virtually turned into a military state after wiping out LTTE. Maldives, Bhutan like countries are dominated by the Indian government. While ASEAN has turned into a strong economic union influenced by US, the SAARC remains a non-starter due to Indo-Pak conflicts. As in other parts of Asia, in South Asia also US interference, growing contradiction between US and China and the role of junior partner of US imperialism played by Indian government are grave challenges to the unity of the people of this region.

4. National situation

4.1 After its re-election in 2009, the Congress-led UPA government had ruthlessly carried forward the 'neo-liberal' policies opening up every field of the country to imperialist agencies and corporate-MNCs forces. The remaining shares of the public sector enterprises were also being sold out, speeding up privatization. The petroleum sector was increasingly privatized and de-controlled, allowing private companies to hike the prices or pressurize to hike the prices of petroleum products. The mines were opened to mafias who amassed fabulous wealth. In the name of public-private partnership, all infrastructural facilities were opened for the plunder of corporate-mafia forces. In short, the industrial sector including the medium and small scale industries, the infrastructure and service sectors were subjected to globalization-liberalization-privatization regime ruthlessly. In the agrarian sector, corporate-MNC forces were provided free entry in the name of 'Second Green Revolution'. From seed production and marketing to providing capital, procurement of agricultural products, providing mechanization, to retail trade, the corporate-MNCs were allowed to tighten their grip. Facilitating forward trading, hoarding and black-marketing were institutionalized. Land concentration in private hands increased rapidly. Large-scale confiscation of land in the name of SEZs, corporate-MNC projects and for real estate mafias displaced millions of families of workers and peasants. The much trumpeted 'Gujarat Model', which is now pursued by the Modi government at the centre, is nothing but ruthless acceleration of Manmohanomics.

4.2 The June 10 Global Economic Prospects by World Bank has made a global call for cuts in government subsidies that hold down food and energy costs and privatization of state owned industries. At the global level, the crises precipitated by US neo-colonial policy in Ukraine, Iraq and elsewhere have already led to rising food and energy prices coupled with inflation fuelled by rise in stock prices and other financial assets.

4.3 Though UPA 2 government was adamant to expedite the "second generation of reforms", the imperialists were not satisfied with this speed. They wanted more. So they openly said through their organs that Manomohan Singh is a spineless prime minister. Making that observation, they changed sides. They started to back Modi to power instead of Manomohan and Congress. Congress couldn't satisfy either big capital or the people. Several scams came to the fore. People's wrath also increased.

4.4 A big movement against corruption erupted under the leadership of Anna Hazare. But it died down due to the reformist leadership. As long as revolutionary leadership cannot take this type of initiative at all-India level, these types of movements shall be confined within the reformist agenda and finally become subjugated to forces serving the ruling system. The formation of AAP under the leadership of Kejriwal was by and large an offshoot of this movement. Though AAP is in essence a reformist organisation, it still could attract a large section of the people, in the absence of a revolutionary alternative to the ruling system.

4.5 It was the BJP which could utilise the people's wrath against Congress fully in the Lok Sabha elections in the absence of a real people's alternative. Modi with corporate help came to power to speed up the reform process opted by imperialism with more vigour. Immediately upon coming to power Modi has taken several steps to put an end to the previous welfare policies of the Indian state. The Planning Commission is closed down. The government is on the way to changing labour laws to the detriment of the interest of the working people.

4.6 Instead of raising its voice against the intensification of neo-liberal raj, the CPI (M) and its allies are by and large seeking ways to ally with Congress to weaken BJP! All of them are interested in targeting BJP for the communal fascist programmes it is taking up, delinking it from its ruthless economic policies. Actually, all political groups linked to religious fundamentalism of all hues whether in India or outside use the communal cover to sell their right wing economic policies. So the struggle against both should be taken up simultaneously. As the contradiction between the Indian state and the people, between capital and labour and between capital and nature are going to further intensify with the coming of BJP to power, what is required is a countrywide offensive against the Modi government and all its policies. From their reactions following the ascendance to power of BJP government it has become clear that none of these parties are committed to mobilize the masses and organize struggle against the neo-liberal policies. So the present national situation urgently calls for building a secular democratic people's alternative committed to throw out neo-liberal policies and to usher in a people oriented development paradigm. The task before the party is to strengthen itself ideologically, politically and organizationally to become capable of taking immediate steps to give leadership to this task.

5. On unification of communist revolutionaries into powerful Marxist-Leninist Party

5.1 The Communist movement in India has a history of more than nine decades starting from the days of formation of Communist groups in early 1920s. By calling the present Party Congress the Tenth Congress it is declared that CPI (ML) Red Star is the continuation of the communist movement in India. The primary task before the party is to re-organize the party upholding its past heritage, taking lessons from its positive and negative experiences and developing its ideological, political, organizational line continuously according to present conditions. The problems of party re-reorganization today are basically different from what it was during the existence of First, Second or Third (Communist) Internationals. After the dissolution of the Comintern in 1943, the degeneration and then disintegration of Soviet Union, and the degeneration of the CPC and PL of Albania to capitalist path, there are no international 'authorities' or ideological centres to fall back to for the communist parties. This may look like a positive factor, as some argue, considering the serious repeated mistakes committed by the communist organizations of a number of countries including India in the past by mechanically imitating the 'Soviet' or 'Chinese' or any other model without bothering to make concrete analysis of the situation in the country and trying to apply Marxist-Leninist theory accordingly. By getting influenced by the 'Theory of Three Worlds' or similar other theories, many of the organizations who call themselves communists while upholding the concept of 'proletarian internationalism' in words, have abandoned the importance it deserves. While the practice of parroting any line mechanically should be denounced and lessons learned from the mistakes committed by trying to apply these lines without analyzing the conditions in one's own country, rejecting or weakening the concept of proletarian internationalism shall only further weaken the communist movement. So this is one of the points to be stressed while taking up the question of party re-organization.

5.2 Presently through decades of strenuous struggles the CPI(ML) Red Star has developed its Programme and Path of Revolution based on the analysis that imperialism has transformed its colonial plunder and domination to neo-colonial forms and the former colonial, semi-colonial, dependent countries of the colonial phase are today under neo-colonial plunder. When the different organizations in India which are part of the present broad communist spectrum are divided into a number of trends, similar to the reality around the world, the Party is not calling for a blanket unity of all these organizations. The Party aims to unite those organizations and individuals who share a common understanding on questions related to the programme of the Indian revolution, the path and Constitution.

7. Significance of theoretical offensive and publications

7.1 Marxist teachers have repeatedly pointed out that the ideological political line determines everything in leading the social revolution forward. Resorting to practice without scientific theoretical line is like fumbling in the dark. It does not mean upholding Marxism-Leninism in the abstract, but developing it and applying it according to concrete conditions. During the emergence and consolidation of the capitalist system, till the Marxist outlook was presented through The Communist Manifesto the working class movement could not make any advance. Similarly, when capitalism transformed to monopoly capitalism, imperialism, in the absence of its scientific analysis and development of strategy and tactics, the Second International faced liquidation. Only when Lenin developed Marxist theory according to the concrete conditions of monopoly capitalism and developed the strategy and tactics of revolution, the Russian revolution could advance to victory and the ICM could make headway. When, under the leadership of Lenin the general line of World Proletarian Socialist Revolution was developed by the Comintern, the communist movement started advancing internationally applying Marxist-Leninist principles according to the concrete conditions of each country.

7.2 As already pointed out, during the post-Second World War decades when the US-led imperialist camp transformed hitherto colonial domination with neo-colonial forms of exploitation and challenged the advance of the socialist camp, it failed to develop its theory and practice according to the needs of the new situation. Very soon it faced severe setbacks. It started facing serious challenges. The right opportunist positions of Soviet revisionists and the left sectarian line emanating from the Ninth Congress of the CPC in 1969 caused severe damage to the ICM. The communist parties of different countries including not only CPI-CPI (M) but also the CPI(ML) came under their sway. The ideological confusion prevalent then has deepened with counter-revolutionary theories and petit-bourgeois lines promoted by imperialist think tanks proliferating. Vast majority of the organizations in the left spectrum failed to overcome these as they refused to resort to concrete analysis of the international and national situation and did not dare to develop the Marxist-Leninist teachings and practice accordingly. As a result, right opportunist or left sectarian lines dominated them, weakening all of them. It was in this situation, the communist revolutionaries polarized in them have carried forward theoretical debates for the last four decades based on the analysis of post-Second World War developments and arrived at the position that the imperialist powers have transformed their colonial forms of exploitation and domination to neo-colonial forms of domination. This understanding has helped them to develop the theory and practice of PDR in the new situation and achieve political- organizational advances. The evaluation of this experience, including the theoretical offensive during the post-1972 period, was adopted by the Ninth Congress of the party held in 2011.

7.3 The setbacks to the communist movement over the past 60 years or so show that there is need for serious evaluation of the hitherto experience of the ICM and the communist movement in India. While almost all the basic formulations put forward in the analysis of Lenin in his epochal work Imperialism, the Highest Stage of Capitalism, are still valid, they explain only the initial decades of monopoly capitalism and the colonial phase. Taking them as basics, a theoretical study of the later years of the colonial phase and of the neo-colonial phase has to be carried forward. Similarly the experience of building socialism in the former socialist countries, the general line put forward by Soviet revisionists, the Great Debate documents, the general line in the Ninth Congress report of the CPC, the Theory of Three Worlds etc. also call for further evaluation. As a part of that evaluation, the various counter revolutionary, reformist theories promoted by the imperialists and their lackeys also call for studies and rebuttal. The evaluation of the past has to be taken up thoroughly, not to target and indulge in individual attacks on any Marxist leaders, but to take lessons and to develop the theory and practice of revolution in contemporary conditions. It is to emphasize this aspect that the "Resolution on Theoretical Offensive" was discussed and adopted by the Tenth Congress.

7.4 We are rebuilding the Communist party in a period when internationally and within the country the communist revolutionary movement has suffered severe setbacks as pointed out already. In spite of objective situation becoming increasingly favourable for the development of people's movements as the imperialist system and its lackeys are facing increasing crises, and as many spontaneous upsurges have broken out in many countries, in the absence of organized communist movements capable of leading them, the imperialists and local reaction have succeeded to suppress them or divert them to rightist path. Moreover, the weakness of the revolutionary left movement is fully utilized by the ultra-rightist forces to come to power in new forms once again as happened in our country and in dozens of countries. Or, in spite of sharpening contradiction between imperialism and world people, the rightist trend is still dominating the world scene. Our Party has recognized this fact long back and based on a Marxist-Leninist analysis of the post-Second World War situation and the setbacks suffered by the ICM, it has developed the Programme and Path of Revolution, leading to the advances it has made so far.

8. Mobilizing working class as leader of people's democratic revolution

8.1 Compared to the situation in the countries where revolutions have taken place in the past like Russia, China or other countries, the strength of the working class in India is much more. Including the very large number in the unorganized sector, their strength is growing every year. So the question of establishing the working class leadership in the PDR is not just a question of theoretical importance. Without establishing their physical leadership in practice in all fields the PDR cannot advance. So the Party should give cardinal importance to mobilize the working class, to politicize them and to establish their effective leadership in all fields.

8.2 In spite of their increasing strength in the society and in spite of the ever intensifying attack on them, snatching away almost all the wage and democratic rights they had won in the past, the response of the present major trade union centres to these attacks is negligible. The division of the working class into almost front organizations of different political parties has made any united struggle even to defend their existing rights difficult. The INTUC, BMS like trade union centres, who have maximum membership among the organized sectors, do not take any initiative to lead a countrywide or state wide, or a sector based movement against the neo-liberal onslaught against the working class. They do not even help the working class in the economic and trade union struggle when wage slavery and contract system are pressing them down more than ever. As far as the Campaign Committee and other apex bodies formed under the CITU-AITUC leaderships are concerned, though they talk against neo-liberal policies and wage token countrywide strikes and campaigns, they do not take up any consistent movement to reverse the anti-working class policies pursued by the central and state governments. The problem with the leaderships of these two categories of trade union centres is that, though they claim they are opposed to the neo-liberal policies, these differences are in words only. All of them are closely linked to political parties leading central or state governments who are united in implementing the neo-liberal policies in practice. So none of them wants to wage struggles to reverse them. As a result, day by day the organized working class struggles are getting weakened when the situation demands an all-out offensive by them to reverse the neo-liberal policies.

8.3 On the other hand, the influence and strength of the 'left of CPI (M)' organizations and groups, who have taken political stand against neo-liberal policies, among both organized and unorganized sectors of the working class is still very limited. As our Party has recognized the cardinal importance of work among the working class and for establishing its leadership in the PDR, an all out political and organizational offensive in this direction is needed.

9. Building revolutionary peasant movement

9.1 The Path of Revolution has analyzed the importance of advancing the agrarian revolution according to the specific features of the neo-colonial phase. It has made a class analysis in the agricultural sector also.

13. Cultural movement

13.1 Imperialism and its lackeys use culture as an effective tool to beat back revolutionary ideas and revolutionary forces in general. This offensive is further intensified with the degeneration of all former socialist countries to capitalist path and communist parties built up during Comintern days to revisionist path. It has degenerated the positive values created during the renaissance movements, during the days of communist advances and during the independence movement. To re-capture the offensive and to develop cultural movement in theory and practice party has to play a major role in developing the revolutionary cultural activists capable of leading the movement according to present challenges and needs. Also the party should appreciate such cultural activity from any part of the society which opposes the caste system, religious fundamentalism and racism, and which promotes secular and democratic culture.

14. Developing secular and anti-caste movement

14.1 The coming to power of Modi government has further intensified the attack on secular values in the county in line with the imperialists and their lackeys who are utilizing religious teachings and religious fundamentalists of all hues to perpetuate their counter revolutionary domination. The renaissance movements and the bourgeois democratic revolutions in Western Europe from the 18th century had challenged hitherto religious stranglehold over the state, and had introduced secular values which called for separating religion from politics, for common civil liberty laws and democratic rights for all citizens. But with the advent of imperialism and degeneration of the capitalist class to its moribund stage, these values were weakened even in the countries where bourgeois revolutions had taken place. Presently in the neo-colonial phase, the imperialists and their lackeys are utilizing religion, race, caste like institutions to degenerate the state as an institution to serve communal appeasement and rabid fundamentalist positions. Religious fundamentalists are promoted to beat back progressive movements and democratic values. Presently, when the crisis faced by the global imperialist system is intensifying in all forms, in order to transfer its burden to the international proletariat and people of the neo-colonially dependent countries, imperialists and forces of reaction are promoting various hues of religious fundamentalists and ultra-rightist regimes led by them. What is happening in India cannot be seen separately.

14.2 This challenge can be met not by seeking alliance with Congress like parties, or by allying with minority fundamentalism to fight majority fundamentalism or by taking such other opportunist positions as reformist parties and intellectuals advocate. It calls for launching consistent campaigns for separating religions from politics, fighting for genuine secular values.

15. Approach towards environmental questions and movements

15.1 The intensification of imperialist plunder of natural resources and promotion of consumerism in most rabid forms, especially after the imposing of neo-liberal policies from 1970s, have led to ecological catastrophe causing serious 'climate change' and 'global warming' like features. The depletion of ozone layer like developments calls for cutting down production of carbon gases and transformation of energy sources to renewable ones. It is an established fact that the contradiction between nature and human beings started becoming more antagonistic with the beginning of capitalist loot, and especially under imperialist plunder during the post Second World War decades in the name of 'development' which really leads to devastation of nature, threatening the very existence of humanity. It is in this context the Ninth Congress of the party decided to introduce the contradiction between capital and nature as one of the major contradictions at international and national level in its Programme. Based on this understanding Party committees at various levels have taken up many ecological issues as part of the class struggle.

15.3 The Uttarakhand catastrophe in 2013, recurring huge landslides in Himalayas and yearly floods in Terai region has repeatedly brought forward the need for a macro level study of the ecological challenges faced by this vast region, especially in the context of climate change and global warming like phenomena. The party has started discussion with scientists, environmentalists and intellectuals concerned with this issue affecting more than 300 millions of people to prepare a macro level study and campaign program based on it for protection of the ecology of this fragile region.

15.4 In coming days such initiatives have to be taken up concerning other ecological issues also as part of the approach towards sustainable development paradigm, joining hands with broad sections of democratic forces.

16. Approach towards energy questions and anti-nuclear movement

16.1 From 1985-86 when the Kerala committee of CRC-CPI(ML) waged a major struggle joining with other progressive forces to effectively stop the proposal to build a nuclear power plant in the state, we have taken up the struggle against nuclear plants seriously. Though the great devastation caused by the dropping of atom bombs on Japan in 1945 had led to international uproar and beginning of an anti-nuclear movement, it was mainly against the aspect of nuclear militarization. But the proliferation of nuclear power plants, the pollution they create, and the devastation caused by Three Mile Island and Chernobyl nuclear plant meltdowns had strengthened the call for alternate energy sources, rejecting thermal and nuclear plants. When the Fukushima nuclear disaster happened in 2011, it gave a new dimension to the struggle against nuclear plants and for environmental protection all over the world. In India it gave a new impetus to the ever-growing people's opposition to Jaitapur and a dozen other plants, where nuclear power plants were being imposed after bull-dozing the nuclear agreement with US. Various studies had established that at the present level of development of nuclear technology including the unresolved questions of waste disposal, it is against people's interest to go for nuclear power. But the consecutive governments are going for it under dictates of US and other imperialists, and MNCs. This is also done without taking in to consideration that the anti-nuclear movement presently gaining strength all over the world has compelled many developed countries to close down existing plants. It is in this context joining hands with progressive forces all over the world our Party observed April 26, the 25th anniversary of Chernobyl Day, as Anti-Nuclear Power Day, as called by ICOR, based on the slogans: Abandon all nuclear plant proposals including Jaitapur; Close down all existing nuclear power plants, and Struggle for universal nuclear disarmament.

21. Conclusion

21.1 The successful convening of the Tenth Party Congress at Lucknow in continuation to the convening of the Ninth Congress at Bhubaneswar in November, 2011, marked an important step forward not only for our Party members, but also for all those Marxist-Leninist forces and progressive forces who look forward to the emergence of a unified Party with all India influence, capable of leading the PDR to victory and advancing to socialist revolution. During this period not only has the neo-colonial plunder imposed by the US-led imperialist camp become more pernicious, as the capitalist-imperialist system is facing further crises, its burden is increasingly shifted to the working class and world people through intensification of neo-liberal policies. At this juncture, to overcome the fractured condition of the Marxist-Leninist forces and to build the party based on the ideological political line according to present conditions, it is necessary that the theoretical struggle, both within and outside the revolutionary camp, is taken up with more vigour. The launching of relentless theoretical offensive against wrong ideas prevalent within the revolutionary camp as also against all anti-socialist ideas and tendencies propagated by the bourgeois theorists in the wider society as a whole, is of paramount importance today. This situation demands revolutionary initiative on the part of the Marxist-Leninist forces to free themselves from the old shackles binding them, daringness to find answers for past weaknesses, and to find solutions for future revolutionary advances. Our studies on Imperialism in its neo-colonial phase and the ideological-political line we have put forward based on it, are providing basic orientation to evaluate the reasons for past setbacks and to develop the revolutionary orientation to move forward according to the needs of the present situation.

21.2 In 2009 the All India Special Conference had adopted documents on Our Approach to International Situation and Our Tasks, On the Character of Indian State, On Principal Contradiction and the Path of Revolution. These documents provided a good fillip to overcome past mistakes and to go forward with revolutionary orientation which reflected the concrete realities of the present neo-colonial phase. The progress achieved in Party building, in launching the class and mass organizations at all India level, in organizing a number of campaigns and struggles at local, state and all India level, and in initiating the joint activities at all India level, along with the in-depth ideological-political struggle waged against alien trends have shown that our general orientation was correct, though it needed further development through the dialectical process of interaction between theory and practice. In continuation to this the Party Programme was adopted by the Ninth Congress represented the theoretical clarity achieved by then. Now, the Tenth Congress, convened at a time when the tasks which were pointed out in the last Congress including the ideological, political, organizational and agitational level were fulfilled to a great extent have opened up possibilities for greater achievements in coming days.

21.3 The developments at the international and national levels show that the major contradictions have sharpened with the principal contradiction between imperialists and their lackeys on the one hand and the world people on the other becoming sharper more than ever. Against imperialism, especially US imperialism, and its lackeys, in Latin America, in North Africa and West Asia, in all regions people's struggles are developing. To confront this, the imperialists are trying their level best to replace rightist regimes with ultra-rightist regimes wherever possible. In this situation, what is lacking in almost all these countries are the Marxist-Leninist parties capable of leading the people's movements towards social change. This weakness can be overcome by developing the Marxist-Leninist understanding according to the present concrete conditions and by re-organizing and strengthening the communist parties based on it everywhere.

21.4 This is also the situation in our country. We have made significant advances during the last three decades after we took up the theoretical studies, developed theory and practice utilizing all forms of organizations and struggles. A favourable situation for the revolutionary forces to advance is emerging. Let us seize the day, seize the hour and march forward uniting the masses and waging relentless struggles to overthrow the reactionary ruling system in a mighty wave of people's uprisings with the working class and its Party in the vanguard.

Long Live Marxism-Leninism-Mao Thought!

Long Live Proletarian Internationalism!

Long Live ICOR!

Long Live CPI (ML) Red Star!

Advance along the Path of People's Democratic Revolution as part of World Proletarian Socialist Revolution! 


Read in PDF file: Political Organizational Report (Excerpts)

ikVhZ dk;ZØe

[k.M  ,d

mifuos'khdj.k ls uo&mifuos'khdj.k rd

1-1    gekjk ns'k] Hkkjr] nqfu;k ds lcls cM+s ns'kksa esa ls ,d gS] tgka 130 djksM+ ls T;knk yksx fuokl djrs gSa A ;g vusd jk"Vªh;rksa] iztkfr;ksa] Hkk"kkvksa vkSj /keksaZ okyk ns'k gS] tks Hkkjh fofo/krkksa ls Hkjk vkSj tVhy pfj= okyk gS A tkfr O;oLFkk vkt Hkh Hkkjrh; lekt dk ,d [kkl vekuoh; y{k.k cuk gqvk gS A

1-2    vius lfn;ksa yEcs izkd~&mifuosf'kd bfrgkl ds nkSjku] Hkkjr us vius Lo;a ds fof”k’V vkfFkZd o lekftd xzkeh.k O;oLFkk dk fodkl fd;k Fkk ftldh Lo;a dh mRiknu fof/k Fkh] tks dkQh gn rd vkRe&fuHkZj Fkh vkSj ftlds vius fof”k’V d`f"k lEcU/k ,oa vU; yk{kf.kdrk,a Fkha A Hkkjr yEcs le; rd izkd~&iwathoknh oxZ lEcU/kksa ds fofHkUu pj.kksa dh izfØ;k ls xqtjrs gq, vius Lo;a ds fodkl ds jkLrs ij vxzlj Fkk] tSlk fd vU; ns'kksa ;k vapyksa esa Hkh gks jgk Fkk A

1-3    fdUrq O;kikfjd iwathokn ds vkjfEHkd fnuksa esa gh mifuos'koknh rkdrksa ds mHkkj ds lkFk mlus fodkl ds bl jkLrs esa n[ky nsuk vkSj mls cyiwoZd cnyuk 'kq: dj fn;k A bl miegk}hi esa mRiknd 'kfDr;ksa dk tks ns”kt fodkl gks jgk Fkk mls fgUld rjhds ls dqpy fn;k x;k A mifuos'khdj.k ds bl fu"Bqj izfØ;k dh vkSipkfjd “kq:vkr 1757 dh Iyklh dh yM+kbZ ls gqbZ Fkh tks ,d lkS lky ls T;knk le; rd pyh A bl izfØ;k ds tfj, 1857 ds izFke Lora=rk laxzke dks f”kdLr nsus ds ckn fczfV”k lkezkT;okn vUrr% Hkkjr dks vkSipkfjd :i ls viuk mifuos'k cukus esa dke;kc gks x;k A fczfV'k mifuos'kokfn;ksa us tehUnkjh izFkk vkSj jS;rokjh izFkk ykxw dj ,dne “kq: ls gh d`f"k lEcU/kksa dks cnyuk 'kq: dj fn;k Fkk A bu dneksa ds tfj, mifuosf'kd izHkqRo ds lkekftd vk/kkj ds :i esa mldh lsok djus ds fy, lkeUrh] v)Z&lkeUrh lEcU/kksa dks lqn`<+ fd;k x;k Fkk A ;gka ds vikj lalk/kuksa ds ywV dh jkg lqxe cukus ds fy, rFkk iwathoknh lap; esa enn ds fy, fcpkSfy;s ds :i eas ,d O;kikjh oxZ dks izksRlkgu fn;k x;k Fkk tks vkxs pydj nyky iwathifr oxZ esa rCnhy gks x;k vkSj ftlus fczfV'k mifuosf'kd O;oLFkk ds lkFk Hkkjrh; vFkZO;oLFkk ds ,dhdj.k dk dke fd;k A mifuosf'kd jkT; ra= dh lsok ds fy, vaxszth f'k{kk iz.kkyh dh 'kq:vkr dj ,d nyky ukSdj'kkgh oxZ dks Hkh fodflr fd;k x;k Fkk A blds lkFk&lkFk] gkykafd mifuos”koknh uhfr;ksa ds pyrs dqN {ks=ksa esa tkfr O;oLFkk ds dBksj pfj= dk de&ls&de lrgh rkSj ij {kj.k gqvk Fkk] rFkkfi mifuosf”kd 'kklu dks Fkkedj j[kus okys leFkZu vk/kkj ds :i esa bldk bLrseky djus ds fy, mlus bls c<+kok gh fn;k Fkk A mifuosf'kd 'kklu dks lqjf{kr j[kus ds fy, lkEiznkf;d >xM+ksa dks HkM+dk dj ^QwV Mkyks vkSj jkt djks* dh uhfr dks Hkh c<+kok fn;k x;k Fkk A

1-4    fczfV'k lkezkT;okn us tc ls vius mifuosf”kd izHkqRo dks LFkkfir djuk 'kq: fd;k rc ls gh turk ds fofHkUu rcdksa us muds fo:) la?k’kZ NsM+ fn;k Fkk ftldh “kq:vkr dbZ lkjs bykdksa esa vkfnoklh fonzksgksa ls gqbZ Fkh A vyx&vyx vapyksa ds lkekftd fodkl ds Lrj vkSj ogka dh Bksl ifjfLFkfr;ksa ds vuq:i] ,d rjQ uo&tkxj.k dh fofHkUu /kkjkvksa us vkSj nwljh rjQ iwathoknh yksdra= ds izHkko us mifuosf'kd 'kklu ds fo:) lkekftd o jktuhfrd psruk iSnk djus esa viuh Hkwfedk fuHkkuk “kq: dj fn;k Fkk A 1857 dk izFke Lora=rk laxzke Hkkjrh; turk dk mifuosf'kd 'kklu ds f[kykQ igyk laxfBr ns'kHkfDriw.kZ fonzksg Fkk A gkykafd turk dks lkEiznkf;d vk/kkj ij ckaVus lesr fofHkUu ?k` rjhds viukdj bls fueZerk ds lkFk dqpy fn;k x;k Fkk] fQj Hkh fofHkUu vapyksa esa mifuosf”kd “kklu dks yxkrkj pqukSrh nsrs gq, ,d ds ckn ,d tumHkkj gksrs jgs A bl ifjfLFkfr esa] mifuos”kokfn;ksa dh lfØ; Hkkxhnkjh ls] mifuosf”kd “kklu ds fo:) tu vkØks”k dks dkcw esa j[kus ds fy, lqj{kk VksVh ¼ls¶Vh okYo½ ds :i esa Hkkjrh; jk’Vªh; dkaxszl dk xBu fd;k x;k Fkk A dkaxszl ij mHkjrs nyky iwathifr;ksa] cM+s HkwLokeh oxZ vkSj ukSdj'kkgh rcdksa dk ncnck Fkk] rks ij Hkh og mifuosf”kd “kklu ds fo:) jk’Vªh; vkUnksyu dk ,d eap cu x;k Fkk A QyLo:i] dkaxszl iwjs ns”k esa vius izHkko dk foLrkj djus yxh Fkh A ysfdu vius oxZ pfj= ds dkj.k mlus mifuosf”kd “kkldksa ds f[kykQ tu leqnk; ds ØkfUrdkjh tks”k dks mUeqDr ugha fd;k A og fczfV”k jk’VªeaMy ds vUnj vf/kjkT; dk ntkZ ¼dominion status½ ekax dj gh larq"V Fkh A

1-5    fofHkUu dsUnzkas esa gks jgs vkS|ksfxd fodkl ds pyrs etnwj oxZ dh la[;k c<+us yxh vkSj mUuhloha lnh ds vfUre n'kd esa VsªM ;wfu;u vkUnksyu fodflr gksus yxk A mUgksaus tYn gh jktuhfrd {ks= esa Hkh dne j[kuk 'kq: dj fn;k A 1917 dh vDVwcj ØkfUr us nqfu;k Hkj esa jk"Vªh; eqfDr vkUnksyuksa dks ,d u;k vkosx iznku fd;k A dE;qfuLV vkUnksyu dk tUe gqvk vkSj bldh igy ij iw.kZ vktknh dh ekax xksycUnh dk dsUnz cu xbZ] ftls dkaxszl dks Hkh Lohdkj djuk iM+k A 1920 ds n'kd esa fofHkUu ØkfUrdkjh rkdrksa dk mHkkj Hkh ns[kk x;k] tSls fd og /kkjk ftldk usr`Ro Hkxr flag dj jgs Fks A etnwj oxZ ds la?k"kksZa vkSj lkeUrokn&fojks/kh vkUnksyuksa dk foLQksV Hkh bu n”kdksa dh ,d [kkl igpku cuus yxh Fkh A dE;qfuLV vUrjkZ"Vªh; us etnwj oxZ ds usr`Ro esa turk dh tuoknh ØkfUr dk ekxZn”kZd fl)kUr is'k fd;k Fkk ftldk Hkkjr tSls ns”kksa mu ns”kksa dks vuqikyu djuk Fkk tks fofHkUu :iksa esa mifuosf”kd izHkqRo ds ekrgr Fks A rst gksrs lkearokn&fojks/kh vkSj mifuos”kokn&fojks/kh la?k’kksZa us Økafrdkjh rkdrksa ds fodkl dh ifjfLFkfr;ka fufeZr dj nh Fkh A bu lcds ckotwn] Hkkdik dk usr`Ro mHkj jgs cM+s iwathifr;ksa ds nyky pfj= vkSj dkaxzsl ij mlds izHkko dk Bksl fo'ys"k.k dj ikus esa rFkk Hkkjr dh Bksl ifjfLFkfr dk fo”ys’k.k djrs gq, ØkfUrdkjh fn”kk dk fodkl dj ikus esa vlQy jgk A og vktknh dh yM+kbZ eas etnwj oxZ dk usr`Ro LFkkfir dj ikus esa vlQy jgk A mYVs] mlus jk’Vªh; vkUnksyu dk usr`Ro] dekscs'k] dkaxzsl vkSj eqfLye yhx dks lkSai fn;k Fkk A f}rh; fo'o ;q) esa lksfo;r la?k dh vxqokbZ esa Qklhokn&fojks/kh rkdrksa dh egku fot; ds ckotwn] jk"Vªh; eqfDr vkUnksyu dh fo'kky ygj rFkk ukS lsuk fonzksg] rsyaxkuk o rsHkkxk vkUnksyu vkSj etnwj oxZ ds 'kfDr'kkyh la?k"kksZa ds QwV iM+us ds ckotwn Hkkdik dk usr`Ro viuh xyr fn'kk dks lq/kkj ikus esa vlQy jgk A

1-6    f}rh; fo'o ;q) ds ckn dh vof/k esa fo”o Lrj ij Hkkjh cnyko vk;k Fkk A lksfor; la?k ds usr`Ro esa lektoknh [ksek vkSj jk"Vªh; eqfDr vkUnksyu ,d cy'kkyh rkdr ds :i esa mHkj dj lkeus vk;k Fkk A nwljh rjQ fczfV'k lkezkT;okn detksj gks x;k Fkk vkSj lkezkT;oknh [kses ds usrk ds :i esa vesfjdk mHkjdj lkeus vk;k Fkk A bl ifjfLFkfr eas] lektoknh [kses dh vksj ls fey jgh pqukSrh dk eqdkcyk djus ds fy, vkSj fo'o Lrj ij vius izHkqRo dk foLrkj djus ds fy, vesfjdh usr`Ro okys lkezkT;oknh [kses us ywV vkSj izHkqRo ds mifuosf'kd Lo:iksa dks uo&mifuosf'kd Lo:iksa esa rCnhy djuk 'kq: fd;k A blds fy, vko';d vkStkjksa dks x<+k x;k vkSj mifuos'kksa esa nyky ukSdj”kkgh iwathifr vkSj HkwLokeh oxksZa ds izfrfuf/k;ksa dks lÙkk dk gLrkarj.k fd;k x;k A fczfV'k lkezkT;okn us bl uhfr dks ykxw djrs gq, ns'k dk lkEiznkf;d vk/kkj ij foHkktu fd;k rFkk dkaxszl vkSj eqfLye yhx dks lÙkk dk gLrkarj.k fd;k tks Hkkjr vkSj ikfdLrku esa nyky iwathifr&cMs+ HkwLokeh ds oxZ fgrksa dk izfrfuf/kRo dj jgs Fks A

[k.M  nks

uo&mifuos'khdj.k ds rgr rhoz gksrk ladV vkSj ubZ pqukSfr;ka

2-1    f}rh; fo'o ;q) ds ckn dh vof/k esa] gkykafd ;g ;qx vc Hkh lkezkT;okn vkSj loZgkjk ØkfUr dk ;qx gh gS] rFkkfi lkezkT;oknh O;oLFkk ds uo&mifuosf'kd pj.k esa vUrjjk"Vªh; Lrj ij fuEu vUrfoZjks/k vc Hkh izeq[k vUrfoZjks/k cus gq, gSa  lkezkT;okn vkSj nqfu;k ds mRihfM+r jk"Vªksa ,oa turk ds chp vUrfoZjks/k] iwath vkSj Je ds chp vUrfoZjks/k] lkezkT;oknh ns'kksa dk vkSj btkjsnkj lewgksa dk vkil esa vUrfoZjks/k] rFkk lkezkT;oknh O;oLFkk vkSj lektoknh rkdrksa ds chp vUrfoZjks/k A blds lkFk gh] bl vof/k ds nkSjku] [kkldj 1970 ds n'kd esa vk;s ladV ds ckn] fodkl ds izfr lkezkT;oknh utfj, ds rgr cstksM+ rduhdh mUufÙk dk bLrseky djrs gq, izkd`frd ,oa ekuo lalk/kuksa ds nksgu dh ikxy nkSM+ ds pyrs i;kZoj.k dk fouk'k yxkrkj rhoz gksrk x;k gS tks vUrjjk"Vªh; ,oa jk"Vªh; nksuksa Lrjksa ij ,d izeq[k fo’k; curk x;k gS A blus] vUrjjk"Vªh; ,oa jk"Vªh; nksuksa Lrjksa ij] pkj vU; izeq[k vUrfoZjks/kksa ds lkFk&lkFk ,d u;s] ikaposa izeq[k vUrfoZjks/k dks] iwath vkSj izd`fr ds chp vUrfoZjks/k dks tUe fn;k gS A vUrjjk’Vªh; Lrj ij bu ikap eq[; vUrfoZjks/kksa esa ls lkezkT;okn vkSj mRihfM+r turk ,oa jk’Vªksa ds chp vUrfoZjks/k vc Hkh iz/kku vUrfoZjks/k cuk gqvk gS A

2-2    1947 esa lÙkk gLrkarj.k ds i'pkr] lkezkT;okn dh lsok dj jgs nyky ukSdj'kkgh iwathifr&cM+s HkwLoeh oxksZa ds fgrksa dh lsok djrs gq, dkaxszl ljdkj us ns”k ds njokts dks lHkh lkezkT;oknh ns'kksa ls cM+s iSekus ij fons'kh iwath dh ?kqliSB ds fy, [kksy fn;k A Þtksrus okys dks tehuß ds vk/kkj ij Hkwfe lq/kkj ykxw djus ls bUdkj djrs gq,] ftldk vktknh dh yM+kbZ ds le; ok;nk fd;k x;k Fkk] blus Hkwfe gncUnh dkuwu ¼yS.M flfyax ,DV½ vkfn ds uke ij ÞÅij ls Hkwfe lq/kkjß ykxw fd;k vkSj bl izdkj iqjkus lkeUrh Hkwfe lEcU/kksa dks izfrLFkkfir djuk “kq: fd;k A ifj.kke Lo:i] ,d u;s fdLe dk HkwLokeh oxZ mHkjus yxk vkSj izHkqRo esa vkus yxk ftlus ^gfjr ØkfUr* tSlh uhfr;ksa ds rgr d`f"k {ks= dks iwath o cktkj dh rkdrksa vkSj u;s rduhdh vfo’dkjksa ds fy, [kksyuk 'kq: fd;k A

2-3    Hkkjr tks fd ,d mifuosf'kd vkSj v)Z&lkeUrh ns'k Fkk] og lÙkk gLrkarj.k ds lkFk uo&mifuosf'kd izHkqRo ds rgr ,d vkfJr ns'k esa rCnhy gks x;k A blds lkFk gh d`f"k lEcU/kksa esa rsth ls cnyko yk;s x;s D;ksafd lkezkT;okn us vius lkekftd vk/kkj ds :i esa lkeUrokn dk bLrseky djus dh viuh mifuosf”kd uhfr dks R;kx fn;k Fkk A ns”k esa mifuosf'kd dky ds nkSjku fuEu pkj izeq[k vUrfoZjks/k Fks  lkezkT;okn vkSj jk"Vª ds chp vUrfoZjks/k] lkeUrokn vkSj O;kid tu leqnk;ksa ds chp vUrfoZjks/k] iwath vkSj Je ds chp vUrfoZjks/k rFkk 'kkld oxksaZ dk vkil esa vUrfoZjks/k A blesa lkezkT;okn vkSj jk"Vª ds chp vUrfoZjks/k iz/kku Fkk A uo&mifuos'khdj.k ds rgr ;s vUrfoZjks/k cnydj bl rjg gks x;s gSa  lkezkT;okn vkSj turk ds chp vUrfoZjks/k] iwath vkSj Je ds chp vUrfoZjks/k] HkwLokeh oxksZa vkSj fdlkuksa ds O;kid tu leqnk;ksa ds chp vUrfoZjks/k rFkk 'kkld oxksZa dk vkil esa vUrfoZjks/k A blds vykok] tSlk fd Åij O;k[;k dh xbZ gS] gky ds le; esa iwath vkSj izd`fr ds chp vUrfoZjks/k ikaposa izeq[k vUrfoZjks/k ds :i esa mHkjk gS A vkSj iz/kku vUrfoZjks/k ,d rjQ lkezkT;okn] nyky ukSdj'kkgh iwathifr ,oa HkwLokeh oxksZa ds xBtksM+ vkSj nwljh rjQ O;kid tu leqnk;ksa ds chp vUrfoZjks/k eas rCnhy gks x;k gS A

2-4    lkezkT;oknh O;oLFkk }kjk uo&mifuos'khdj.k ds rgr ykxw dh xbZ dhUloknh uhfr;ksa ds rgr rFkk 1940 ds n'kd esa vfLrRo esa vk;s cy'kkyh lektoknh [kses vkSj rkdroj jk"Vªh; eqfDr vkUnksyuksa ,oa etnwj oxZ ds c<+rs la?k"kksZa ds izHkko ds pyrs] 1947 ds ckn ds o"kksZa esa Hkkjrh; “kkld oxksZa ds fgrksa dk izfrfuf/kRo djrs gq, dkaxszl ljdkj us vusd dY;k.kdkjh uhfr;ksa dh “kq:vkr dh Fkh] dksj mRiknd {ks=ksa dk jk"Vªh;dj.k fd;k Fkk vkSj ,d 'kfDr'kkyh lkoZtfud {ks= dk fuekZ.k fd;k Fkk A ysfdu 1970 ds n'kd esa BgjkLQhfr ¼mRiknu esa Bgjko vkSj eqnzkLQhfr½ loZizeq[k ifj?kVuk cu xbZ Fkh vkSj lkezkT;oknh O;oLFkk xaHkhj ladV dk lkeuk djus yxh Fkh A blfy, vesfjdk dh vxqokbZ esa lkezkT;oknh ns'kksa us vc rd dh dhUloknh uhfr;ksa dh txg vkbZ-,e-,Q-&fo'o cSad&MCY;w-Vh-vks- dh frdM+h] cgqjk’Vªh; dEifu;ksa ,oa vU; dbZ lkezkT;oknh ,tsfUl;ksa dk bLrseky djrs gq, cgq&izpkfjr Hkwe.Myhdj.k&mnkjhdj.k& futhdj.k jkt ds ek/;e ls uo&mnkjoknh uhfr;ksa dks ykxw djuk 'kq: fd;k A Hkkjr esa 1991 esa bu cnykoksa dks vkSipkfjd :i ls Fkksi fn;s tkus ds lkFk iwoZorhZ uhfr;ksa dks rsth ls myVuk 'kq: dj fn;k x;k A blls foÙkh; {ks= esa rFkk vU; lHkh lkekftd] vkfFkZd ,oa lkaLd`frd {ks=ksa esa Hkkjh cnyko vk;k gS A

2-5    bu uo&mnkjoknh uhfr;ksa ds rgr] lkoZtfud {ks= ds lHkh miØeksa dk futhdj.k fd;k tk pqdk gS ;k os bl izfØ;k esa gSa A cSad] chek vkfn {ks=ksa ds rFkk ifjogu] lapkj ,oa ÅtkZ vkfn lesr vU; lsok {ks=ksa ds lHkh lkoZtfud ,oa ljdkjh miØeksa dk Hkh rsth xfr ls futhdj.k fd;k tk jgk gS A bl izfØ;k esa jktdh; fu;a=.k okys miØeksa }kjk cgqjk’Vªh; fuxeksa ds lkFk la;qDr m|e LFkkfir fd;s tk jgs gSa A dkjiksjsV ?kjkuksa vkSj cgqjk"Vªh; fuxeksa dks izkd`frd ,oa ekuo lalk/kuksa ds va/kk/kaq/k ywV dh btktr nsrs gq, mUgsa ty] taxy] tehu] [kfut bR;kfn ij fu;a=.k lfgr lHkh {ks=ksa esa ,dkf/kdkj lkSai fn;k x;k gS A

2-6    bu ubZ vkfFkZd uhfr;ksa ds rgr etnwj oxZ ds dBhu la?k’kksZa ls izkIr lHkh vf/kdkjksa dks Nhu fy;k x;k gS A Bsdsnkjh izFkk] vLFkkbZ Je izFkk rFkk ^dke djkvks vkSj fudky nks* ¼gk;j ,.M Qk;j½ vkt fu;e&lk cu x;k gS A ;gka rd fd mUgsa vkB ?k.Vs dk dk;Zfnol] U;wure osru ,oa vU; tuoknh vf/kdkjksa ls Hkh oafpr dj fn;k x;k gS A tgka ,d rjQ nfyrksa] vkfnokfl;ksa ,oa vU; fiNM+s rcdksas dks tehu ugha nh xbZ gS] tks okLro esa tehu dks tksrus okys gSa] ogha nwljh rjQ xjhc ,oa lhekUr fdlkuksa ds ikl tks FkksM+h&cgqr tehu gS mls Hkh fofHkUu uo&mnkjoknh ifj;kstukvksa ds fy, vkSj Hkw&ekfQ;k }kjk Nhuk tk jgk gS A dkjiksjsV ?kjkuksa vkSj cgqjk"Vªh; fuxeksa dks d`f"k {ks= esa iwjh rjg izos'k dh vuqefr ns nsus ls d`f"k dk dkjiksjsVhdj.k c<+ jgk gS A ;g yk[k+ksa fdlkuksa dks vkRegR;k djus rFkk djksM+ksa xjhc fdlkuksa ,oa [ksr etnwjksa dks 'kgjksa dh vksj iyk;u djus ds fy, etcwj dj jgk gS A tu forj.k iz.kkyh] eq¶r f'k{kk] vkokl] fpfdRlk] ikuh] fctyh] ifjogu vkSj jkstxkj ds vf/kdkj ls tu leqnk;ksa dks oafpr dj fn;k x;k gS A va/kk/kqa/k tek[kksjh vkSj dkykcktkjh ds lkFk&lkFk] ^ok;nk dkjksckj* ¼¶;qpj VsªfMax½] dkjiksjsV ?kjkuksa vkSj cgqjk"Vªh; fuxeksa ds izos'k rFkk [kjhn ,oa forj.k ds {ks= ls jkT; ds ihNs gV tkus dh otg ls egaxkbZ vkleku Nwus yxh gS A urhts esa djksM+ksa [kqnjk O;kikjh nfjnz gks x;s gSa A bu lcus tu leqnk; dks vf}rh; nfjnzrk dh vksj /kdsy fn;k gS A

[k.M  rhu

uo&mifuos'khdj.k ds rgr rhoz gksrs lHkh izeq[k vUrfoZjks/k

3-1    vDVwcj ØkfUr ds ckn mHkj jgs oxZ lEcU/kksa dk fo'ys"k.k djrs gq, dE;qfuLV vUrjkZ"Vªh; ¼dksfeUVuZ½ us dgk Fkk fd igyk] iwathoknh ns'kksa esa iwathifr oxZ dk iwoZ esa tks Hkh izxfr'khy pfj= Fkk og btkjsnkj iwathokn ;k lkezkT;okn ds pj.k esa foyqIr gksus yxk Fkk] vkSj nwljk] ,f'k;k] vÝhdk o nf{k.k vesfjdk ds ns'kksa esa mifuos'khdj.k ds ekrgr tks iwathifr oxZ mHkjdj lkeus vk;k Fkk og cqfu;knh rkSj ij lkezkT;okn ds lkFk lg;ksx dj jgk gS vkSj og jk"Vªh; o tuoknh ØkfUr ds dk;ZHkkjksa dks lEiUu dj ikus esa v{ke gS A uo&mifuosf'kd nkSj esa] gkykafd ;g iwathifr oxZ] tks uo&mifuos'kksa esa 'kkld oxZ dk lcls izHkko'kkyh fgLlk cu pqdk gS] ftl gn rd mldk fodkl gqvk gS mlds vuq:i og [kqn dks le`) cukus ds fy, lkezkT;oknh 'kfDr;ksa ds lkFk dqN gn rd Vdjko eksy ysrk gS] rFkkfi og cqfu;knh rkSj ij lkezkT;okn ds lkFk lg;ksx dj jgk gS A nyky iwathifr u dsoy lkezkT;okn ds ,tsUV gSa] cfYd ,dkf/kdkjh iwath ds lpsr fgLlk Hkh gSa tks ,dkf/kdkj iwath ds fgr esa fu.kZ; ysrs jgrs gSa A bl vFkZ esa mls vc Hkh nyky pfj= okyk dgk tk ldrk gS A nyky ukSdj'kkgh iwathifr vkSj cM+s HkwLokeh oxZ Hkkjr ds 'kkld oxZ gSa A

3-2    fczfV'k mifuos'kokfn;ksa us vius mifuosf'kd jktdh; ra= dks lqn`<+ djus ds fy, Åap tkfr ds fgUnqvksa dks vkxs c<+k;k A lkFk gh] os fgUnqvksa vkSj eqlyekuksa ds chp lkEiznkf;d nq”euh dks gok nsdj ^QwV Mkyks vkSj jkt djks* dh uhfr ij vey dj jgs Fks A lkEiznkf;d tulagkj ds chp Hkkjr dk lkEiznkf;d vk/kkj ij caVokjk rFkk ,dne “kq: ls gh dkaxszl ljdkj dh lkEiznkf;d rq"Vhdj.k dh uhfr ds pyrs lkEiznkf;d dyg c<+rs x;k A blus fgUnw dêjiaFkh rkdrksa dks Qyus&Qwyus ds fy, mitkÅ tehu iznku fd;k ftldh vxqokbZ eq[;r% vkj-,l-,l- }kjk vius jktuhfrd cktw igys tula?k vkSj orZeku esa Hkktik ds ek/;e ls dh tkrh jgh gS A bldh izfrfØ;k esa eqfLye lkEiznkf;d rkdrsa Hkh etcwr gqbZ gSa A 1989 ds vke pqukoksa ds nkSjku Hkktik ds lkFk&lkFk ekdik dh vxqokbZ okys nyksa }kjk turk ny ds usr`Ro okys xBca/ku esa fuHkkbZ xbZ Hkwfedk us Hkh la?k ifjokj dks etcwr djus enn dh A 1992 esa dkaxzsl ljdkj dh ?k` vkSj [krjukd uhfr ds rgr lkezkT;oknh Hkwwe.Myhdj.k dks Fkksis tkus ls turk dk /;ku vyx gVkus ds fy, vkj-,l-,l- ifjokj dks ckcjh efLtn <gkus fn;k x;k Fkk A blls u dsoy lkEiznkf;d Qklhoknh Hkktik dks 1998 esa dsUnz dh lÙkk esa vkus vkSj dqN jkT;ksa esa viuh idM+ etcwr djus dk ekSdk feyk] cfYd lHkh rjg ds /kkfeZd dêjiaFkh rkdrksa] [kkldj fgUnw dêjiaFkh rkdrksa dks iuius dk ekSdk Hkh feyk A bu uhfr;ksa ds pyrs lekt dk dkQh gn rd lEiznk;hdj.k gks x;k gS A Hkkjrh; lafo/kku esa /keZ fujis{k ds :i esa O;k[;k fd;s tkus ds ckotwn] Hkkjrh; jktlÙkk lHkh vFkksZa ,oa O;ogkj esa Øe”k% fgUnw jk’Vª cu xbZ gS] tgka /kkfeZd vYila[;dksa ds vf/kdkjksa vkSj mudh lqj{kk ij yxkrkj [krjk eaMjk jgk gS A dkaxzsl ds usr`Ro okys laizx ds nl lky yEcs “kklu ds nkSjku uo&mnkjoknh uhfr;ksa ij rsth ls vey ds pyrs turk dh yxkrkj c<+rh nfjnzrk us Hkh dêjiaFkh rkdrksa dks Qyus&Qwyus ds fy, mitkÅ tehu iznku fd;k gS tks turk ds vlarks’k vkSj vkØks”k dks iFkHkz’V dj jgs gSa A 2014 ds yksd lHkk pqukoksa esa Hkktik ljdkj ds lÙkklhu gksus ls dkaxzsl ds usr`Ro okys laizx ds nf{k.kiaFkh “kklu dh txg ?kksj&nf{k.kiaFkh “kklu us ys fy;k gS tks dkjiksjsV jkt vkSj lkEiznkf;d Qklhokn dks vf}rh; :i ls rst dj jgk gS A

3-3    lkekftd ifjorZu dks jksdus ds iz;kl ds fgLls ds :i esa] uo&tkxj.k vkUnksyu vkSj Lora=rk laxzke ds nkSjku iuis tkfr izFkk ds mUewyu dh Hkkouk ds fojks/k esa tkrs gq,] dkaxzsl ,oa “kkld oxZ dh lHkh ikfVZ;ksa us tkfr vk/kkfjr oksV cSad dh jktuhfr dk bLrseky fd;k A “kkld oxZ dh ikfVZ;ksa us oksV cSad dh jktuhfr ds eÌsutj tkfr O;oLFkk dks cuk;s j[kus dk iz;kl dj vkj{k.k uhfr ds mÌs”; ij gh ikuh Qsj fn;k A QyLo:i] tkfr&fojks/kh eqfge vkSj tkfr mUewyu dh ekax detksj iM+ xbZ A gkykafd e.My vk;ksx dh fjiksVZ us fiNM+s rcdksa dks viuk gd ekaxus ds fy, u;k tks'k iznku fd;k Fkk] ysfdu Hkwfe lq/kkjksa vkSj lkekftd U;k; lqfuf”pr djus tSlh bldh dsUnzh; vuq”kalkvksa ls /;ku vyx gVkus ds fy, izHkqRo”kkyh tkfroknh rkdrksa vkSj [kki iapk;r tSls cps gq, lkeUrh lkekftd xBuksa us tkfrxr >xM+ksa dks rhoz dj vf}rh; Lrj ij igqapk fn;k A urhts esa] tkfr O;oLFkk tks fd izHkqRo”kkyh fgUnw /keZ dk ,d fof”k’V y{k.k gS] dqN txgksa ij u;s&u;s :i ysrs gq, fofHkUu bykdksa esa vusd fof”k’V yk{kf.kdrkvksa ds lkFk iwjs Hkkjr esa vc Hkh cjdjkj gS rFkk vius cnlwjr y{k.kksa ls] tSls fd tkfrxr ?k`.kk] tkfrxr HksnHkko] tkfrxr mRihM+u] vLi`';rk] vkfn ls lHkh /keksZa dks izHkkfor dj jgk gS A futhdj.k vkSj mnkjhdj.k dh uhfr;ksa ds rgr vkj{k.k tSls ekStwnk tuoknh vf/kdkjksa ij Hkh ikuh Qsj fn;k x;k gS vkSj mUgas Nhu fy;k x;k gS A bl edln ls ÞeykbZnkj ijrß vkSj ÞvkfFkZd fiNM+siu ds vk/kkj ij vkj{k.kß tSls u;s&u;s QkewZys mNkys tk jgs gSa A tkfr O;oLFkk rFkk NwvkNwr ds dyad tM+ ls [kRe djus ds fy, oxZ la?k’kZ ds gfFk;kj rFkk tu tkx`fr ds fy, ØkfUrdkjh dk;ZØe dk mi;ksx dj tksjnkj la?k’kZ NsM+us dh t:jr gS A

3-4    gkykafd lÙkk gLrkarj.k ds ckn Ng n'kd chr pqds gSa] ysfdu Lora=rk laxzke ds nkSjku fd;s x;s ok;nksa ds foijhr] vc rd dh ljdkjksa us lHkh jk’Vªh;rkvksa ds vkRe&fu.kZ; ds vf/kdkj dks ekU;rk nsus ls bUdkj dj fn;k gS A ;gka rd fd turk dks Hkk"kk ds vk/kkj jkT;ksa ds xBu ds fy, Hkh yEch yM+kbZ yM+uh iM+h Fkh A tEew&d'ehj ,oa iwoksZÙkj jkT;ksa esa jktuhfrd lek/kku ds tfj, muds vkRe&fu.kZ; ds vf/kdkj ij vey djus ls bUdkj djrs gq, fiNys Ng n'kdksa ls T;knk le; ls lsuk rSukr j[kk x;k gS A pwafd uo&mifuos'khdj.k ds rgr vleku fodkl rhoz :i ysrk tk jgk gS vkSj blfy, vyx jkT;ksa dh ekax mB jgh gS] fdUrq ;k rks budk fueeZrk ls neu fd;k tk jgk gS ;k fQj bldk voljoknh <ax ls turk ds chp QwV Mkyus ds fy, bLrseky fd;k tk jgk gS A jktuhfrd lÙkk ds izxfr'khy fodsUnzhdj.k] gLrkarj.k vkSj tuoknhdj.k ds vHkko esa turk ds chp  jk"Vªh;rk vkSj uLyh; lokyksa ds vk/kkj ij Hkh vkilh dyg rhoz gksrk tk jgk gS A

3-5    vkfnokfl;ksa dk] tks Hkkjr dh vkcknh eas yxHkx nl izfr'kr dk gSa] fczfV'k mifuos'kokfn;ksa ds f[kykQ la?k"kZ djus vkSj lÙkk gLrkarj.k ds ckn vius vf/kdkjksa ds fy, yM+us dk ,d egku bfrgkl jgk gS A ysfdu vc rd dh dsUnz ,oa jkT; ljdkjksa us izxfr'khy <ax ls muds Lok;Ùk'kklh ifj"knksa dh LFkkiuk ugha dh gS ;k viuh tehu ij muds vf/kdkj dh j{kk ugha dh gS A mYVs] [knkuksa dk foLrkj djus vkSj dkjiksjsV ifj;kstukvksa dh LFkkiuk ds uke ij mUgsa cM+h la[;k esa foLFkkfir fd;k x;k gS A ^uo&mnkjoknh* uhfr;ksa ds rgr Je ds lcls lLrs lzksr ds :i esa mudk tcjnLr “kks’k.k fd;k x;k gS A blds vykok] HksnHkkoiw.kZ uhfr;ksa ds dkj.k rFkk ljdkj dh vksj ls vkfnokfl;ksa dh n”kk dks Åapk mBkus ds fy, dksbZ iz;kl ugha gksus ds dkj.k mUgsa mUur mRiknu lEcU/kksa esa Hkkxhnkjh ls vyx&Fkyx j[kk x;k gS vkSj os viuk thou Lrj csgrj ugha cuk ik jgs gSa A ,slk yxrk gS fd ekuks os ;k rks taxy ij fuHkZj jgus ds fy, ;k fQj Je dk lcls lLrk lzksr cus jgus ds fy, vfHk”kIr gSa A

3-6    efgyk,a] tks vkcknh ds vk/ks fgLls dk fuekZ.k djrh gSa] lkeUrh ,oa mifuosf'kd izHkqRo ds rgr rFkk /keZ ,oa tkfr O;oLFkk ds rgr 'kks"k.k ds lcls cnrj Lo:iksa ls ihfM+r Fkha A vusd la?k’kksZa ds QyLo:i] ?kjsyw fgUlk ds f[kykQ dkuwu tSls dbZ dkuwu cuk;s x;s gSa rFkk LFkkuh; fudk;ksa esa 50 izfr”kr vkj{k.k ykxw fd;k x;k gS] fdUrq “kkld oxZ dh ikfVZ;ka jkT; fo/kku lHkkvksa vkSj laln rd bl vkj{k.k dk foLrkj djus ds fy, vfuPNqd gSa A ;s ltkoVh lq/kkj Hkh T;knkrj dkxtksa rd gh lhfer gSa A uo&mifuos”khdj.k ds rgr efgykvksa ij u;s fdLe ds geys c<+ jgs gSa A iq#"k lÙkk vkSj futh lEifÙk dh O;oLFkk ds rgr mudh xqykeh us u;k :i xzg.k dj fy;k gS A ySafxd HksnHkko ds lkFk&lkFk dU;k Hkzq.k gR;k vkSj ;kSu fgUlk fnu&c&fnu rst gksrk tk jgk gS A ;gka rd fd efgykvksa ds 'kjhj dk Hkh izp.M :i ls okf.kT;hdj.k dj fn;k x;k gS A

3-7    uo&mifuos'khdj.k ds rgr fodkl ds uke ij ykxw dh xbZ uhfr;kas ds pyrs] tks okLro esa lkezkT;okfn;ksa vkSj mlds vuqpjksa ds fgrksa dh lsok djrh gSa] i;kZoj.k dk fouk'k yxkrkj rhoz :i ysrk tk jgk gS A ^oSf'od xjekgV* tSlh ifj?kVuk rFkk ukHkdh; gfFk;kjksa dh gksM+] ekStwnk ijek.kq ÅtkZ la;a=] tks ^ijek.kq Vkbe ce* gSa] tSlk fd Qqdq'khek us ,d ckj fQj lkfcr fd;k gS] vkSj u;s ijek.kq fctyh?kjksa ds fuekZ.k ls tUe ys jgh ukHkdh; rckgh us ekuotkfr ds Hkfo"; dks gh [krjs esa Mky fn;k gS A iks[kj.k ijek.kq foLQksV ls “kq: gqbZ ijek.kq gfFk;kjksa dh gksM+ ds ckn ikfdLrku ds lkFk rhoz gksrs vUrfoZjks/k ls lcd ysus ls bUdkj dj Hkkjr ljdkj us orZeku esa  vesfjdh lkezkT;okn ds lkFk ijek.kq djkj ij gLrk{kj fd;k gS] vkSj bl rjg ns”k dh tks Hkh lEizHkqrk Fkh mldk leiZ.k dj fn;k gS A lkezkT;oknh funsZ”k ij u;s ijek.kq fctyh?kjksa ds fuekZ.k ls i;kZoj.k dh foink dk [krjk vkSj c<+ x;k gS A lkezkT;okfn;ksa }kjk Hkkjr tSls ns'kksa esa vkS|ksfxd vkSj ijek.kq dpjk MEi fd;k tk jgk gS A bu ?kVukØeksa us i;kZoj.k dh j{kk ds fy, la?k"kZ dks lkekftd izxfr dk ,d cqfu;knh ?kVd cuk fn;k gS A

3-8    izfrfØ;koknh 'kklu O;oLFkk dks phjLFkkbZ cukus ds fy, rFkk uo&mifuos'khdj.k dks c<+kok nsus ds fy,] e/;dkyhu o lkeUrh laLd`fr vkSj rjg&rjg ds va/kfo'oklksa ds lkFk&lkFk] laLd`fr dks eky esa cny dj vkSj mldk okf.kT;hdj.k dj lkezkT;oknh lkaLd`frd ewY;ksa dks fuyZTTrk ds lkFk izksRlkfgr fd;k x;k gS A lwpuk izkS|ksfxdh rFkk bysDVªkfud ehfM;k ds l?ku foLrkj dk bLrseky dj laLd`fr dks lkezkT;oknh O;oLFkk vkSj mlds vuqpjksa ds cktk: LokFkksa ds lkFk yxkrkj tksM+k tk jgk gS vkSj bls ,d m|ksx esa cny fn;k x;k gS A f”k{kk O;oLFkk dk cktkjhdj.k dj fn;k x;k gS rFkk bldk bLrseky ubZ ih<+h dks uo&mifuosf”kd O;oLFkk ds v/khu ykus ds fy, vkSj lkezkT;oknh lkaLd`frd ewY;ksa ds izpkj&izlkj ds fy, fd;k x;k gS A lkezkT;okfn;ksa vkSj muds vuqpjksa ds lkFk lg;ksx djus okyh lkEiznkf;d rkdrksa }kjk laLd`fr lesr lkekftd thou ds gjsd {ks= dk lEiznkf;dhdj.k fd;k tk jgk gS A bu lcdk edln gS jk"Vªh; nklrk dh Hkkouk iSnk djuk rFkk leLr izxfr'khy vkSj tuoknh lkaLd`frd psruk dks u"V djus dk iz;kl djuk A

3-9    egaxkbZ] csjkstxkjh@v)Z&;csjkstxkjh vkSj lekt ds pkSrjQk vijk/khdj.k ds lkFk&lkFk Hkz"Vkpkj ,d lcls cqjh chekjh cu xbZ gS vkSj lkekftd rkus&ckus dks fNUu&fHkUu dj jgh gS A uo&mnkjoknh uhfr;ksa ds rgr lêk iwath dh loZxzklh Hkwfedk ds pyrs blus Hkhedk; Lo:i xzg.k dj fy;k gS A Åij ls ysdj uhps rd ljdkjh e'khujh] j{kk ,oa iqfyl lsok] pqukoh O;oLFkk vkSj ;gka rd fd U;k;ikfydk lesr lewps jktdh; ra= esa Hkz"Vkpkj vf}rh; Lrj ij igqap x;k gS A jktuhfrd usrkvksa vkSj fofHkUu fudk;ksa eas rFkkdfFkr :i ls pqus x;s T;knkrj lnL;ksa dk Hkh ;gh gky gS A ;g lc crkrk gS fd uo&mifuos'khdj.k ds bu lkB ls T;knk o’kksZa ds nkSjku] vius ?k` vkSj ?kkrd pfj= dks mtkxj djrs gq,] 'kklu O;oLFkk fdl gn rd v/k%ifrr vkSj tu&fojks/kh gks xbZ gS A gkykafd dkjiksjsV ?kjkuksa vkSj “kkld izfr’Bkuksa }kjk djhc&djhc iwjh rjg fu;af=r ehfM;k “kklu O;oLFkk dh cqjkb;ksa dk inkZQk”k djrh izrhr gksrh gS] ysfdu vly esa ;g lHkh {ks=ksa esa lkezkT;okfn;ksa vkSj mlds vuqpjksa ds opZLo dks cuk;s j[kus dk dke dj jgh gS A

[k.M  pkj

dE;qfuLV vkUnksyu esa HkVdkoksa ls yM+ks vkSj

turk dh tuoknh ØkfUr ds fy, la?kkZ djks

4-1    Hkkjr esa vius vfLrRo ds ukS n'kdksa ds nkSjku dE;qfuLV vkUnksyu }kjk fofHkUu pj.kksa esa fuHkkbZ xbZ Hkwfedk dk ewY;kadu mifuosf'kd vrhr vkSj uo&mifuosf'kd orZeku dh Bksl ifjfLFkfr;ksa ds vk/kkj ij fd;k tkuk pkfg, A mifuosf'kd dky ds nkSjku dE;qfuLV vkUnksyu dh xfrfof/k;ksa ij ,d utj Mkyus ls irk pyrk gS fd ikVhZ dk lkaxBfud rkSj ij fodkl rks gqvk Fkk] fdUrq og jk"Vªh; eqfDr vkUnksyu esa etnwj oxZ dk usr`Ro LFkkfir dj ikus vlQy jgk A blus lkezkT;okn ds laj{k.k esa iys&c<+s cM+s iwathifr;ksa ds nyky pfj= dks igpkuus ls bUdkj dj fn;k Fkk A tc MkW- vEcsMdj us tehu vkSj m|ksxksa ds jk’Vªh;dj.k ds lkFk tksM+dj tkfr mUewyu dk vkg~oku djrs gq, nfyr vkUnksyu NsM+k Fkk vkSj tc ns”k Hkj esa lekt ds fofHkUu mRihfM+r rcdksa ds bl izdkj ds vU; vkUnksyu py jgs Fks rks ml le; Hkkjr dh dE;qfuLV ikVhZ] oxZ la?k’kZ dh ;kaf=d vkSj egt vkfFkZd le> gksus ds dkj.k] la;qDr ekspkZ ds vk/kkj ij bu yM+kb;ksa dks /kkjnkj cukus esa l{ke ugha Fkh A blds lkFk&lkFk] Hkkjr NksM+ks vkUnksyu ds izfr ikVhZ ds :[k us Bksl ifjfLFkfr ds ckjs esa ikVhZ dh le>nkjh ds vHkko dks mtkxj dj fn;k Fkk A dE;qfuLV vkUnksyu ds bu HkVdkoksa vkSj detksfj;ksa us ns'k dk lkEiznkf;d caVokjk djus vkSj dkaxzsl ,oa eqfLye yhx ds usrkvksa dks lÙkk dk gLrkarj.k djus esa fczfV'k mifuos'kokfn;ksa dh enn dh A gkykafd 1948 esa ikVhZ ds f}rh; egkf/kos'ku esa lÙkk gLrkarj.k ds izfrfØ;koknh pfj= dk HkaMkQksM+ djrs gq, bl nf{k.kiaFkh HkVdko dks Bhd djus dk iz;kl fd;k x;k Fkk] fdUrq mlesa okeiaFkh HkVdko dh fn”kk dks Lohdkj fd;k x;k ftlds dkj.k tcjnLr /kDdk yxk Fkk A ikVhZ ds Hkhrj la?k"kZ ds ckn 1951 esa turk dh tuoknh Økafr dks vkxs c<+kus ds fy, igyk ikVhZ dk;ZØe] dk;Zuhfrd fn'kk vkSj uhfrxr oDrO; Lohdkj fd;k x;k A fdUrq nf{k.kiaFkh usr`Ro us igys rks bl fn'kk dks uje dj fn;k vkSj fQj iwjh rjg R;kx fn;k A lksfo;r la'kks/kuoknh voLFkkuksa dks cqyUn djrs gq, Hkkdik ds usr`Ro us Økafr ds pj.k dh O;k[;k jk"Vªh; tuoknh Økafr ds :i esa dh vkSj dkaxzsl ds usr`Ro dks jk"Vªh; iwathifr ds fgrksa dh lsok djus okyk crk;k A mlus jk"Vªh; tuoknh Økafr dks 'kkafriw.kZ lEiUu djus vkSj dkaxzsl ds lkFk lg;ksx djrs gq, lektokn esa laØe.k dk vkg~oku fd;k A urhts esa ikVhZ ds Hkhrj la?k"kZ rhoz gks x;k vkSj 1964 esa igyk foHkktu gqvk vkSj ekdik dk xBu fd;k x;k A

4-2    fdUrq ekdik usr`Ro us lksfo;r la'kks/kuoknh voLFkkuksa ls ukrk ugha rksM+k A 1964 esa blds lkroas egkf/kos'ku esa cM+s iwathifr;ksa ds nksgjs pfj= dk fo'ys"k.k fd;k x;k Fkk] fdUrq blds eq[;r% nyky pfj= dks ns[kus ls bUdkj dj fn;k x;k A lalnh; ckSusiu dk vuq'kj.k djrs gq, og tc Hkh pqudj lÙkk esa vkbZ rks mlus ikVhZ dk;ZØe ij vey djus dh fn'kk esa dke djus ls bUdkj dj fn;k A blus lHkh cqfu;knh lokyksa ij ^e/;ekxhZ* voLFkku xzg.k fd;k A bl ifjfLFkfr esa dE;qfuLV Økafrdkfj;ksa us bldh e/;ekxhZ fn'kk ds f[kykQ oSpkfjd la?k"kZ 'kq# fd;k A tc 1967 ds vkjEHk esa caxky vkSj dsjy esa ekdik dh vxqokbZ esa ljdkjksa dk xBu gqvk Fkk rks mlus vkewypwy Hkwfe lq/kkj ykxw djus ls bUdkj dj fn;k A

4-3    dE;qfuLV Økafrdkfj;ksa }kjk tehu n[ky ds fy, rFkk Hkkdik o ekdik ds la'kks/kuoknh usr`Ro ds f[kykQ ebZ 1967 esa uDlyckM+h tufonzksg 'kq# fd;k x;k A ekDlZokn&ysfuuokn&ekvks Rls rqax fopkj/kkjk dks ekxZn'kZd fl)kUr ds :i esa cqyUn djrs gq, dE;qfuLV Økafrdkfj;ksa dh vf[ky Hkkjrh; leUo; lfefr ¼AICCCR½ vkSj fQj vizSy 1969 esa Hkkdik¼ekys½ dk xBu fd;k x;k A ysfdu ;g cgqr tYn gh fyu fi;kvks ds oke nqLlkgloknh fn'kk ds izHkko esa vk x;k tks 1969 esa phu dh dE;qfuLV ikVhZ ds ukSosa egkf/kos'ku esa ml ij gkoh Fkh A ;g ladh.kZrkoknh voLFkkuksa dh vksj ys x;k ftlds dkj.k xgjk /kDdk yxk vkSj 1971 rd vkUnksyu fc[kj x;k A

4-4    QyLo:i] tc vkUrfjd vkikrdky ls igys vkSj mlds nkSjku bafnjk xka/kh ljdkj ds f[kykQ tufonzksg QwV iM+k Fkk vkSj tc 1977 ds pqukoksa esa dkaxszl dk lQk;k gks x;k Fkk rks ml le; Hkktik ,oa vU; nf{k.kiaFkh rkdrsa bl LFkku dks Hkjus esa dke;kc gqbZ Fkha A fiNys nks n'kdksa ds nkSjku ekdik&uhr oke ekspkZ tgka Hkh lÙkk esa vk;k gS ogka mldh fn'kk 'kkld oxZ dh ikfVZ;ksa ds lekukFkhZ gks xbZ gS A vkSj ?kksj nf{k.kiaFkh Hkktik ljdkj ds lÙkk esa vkus ds lkFk gh os Hkktik dk fojks/k djus ds uke ij ,d ckj fQj ls dkaxszl dks leFkZu nsus dh ykbu ys jgs gSa A nwljh rjQ] Hkkdik¼ekvksoknh½] u;s ;qx ds ekDlZokn&ysfuuokn ds :i esa ^ekvksokn* dk fo'ys"k.k djrs gq,] vVy :i ls vjktd ykbu ij py jgh gS A

4-5    Hkkdik¼ekys½ ds ,sls dbZ xqzi gSa tks vkt Hkh ^v)Z&mifuosf'kd] v)Z&lkearh] nh?kZdkfyd tu;q) dh ykbu* ij vM+s gq, gSa A ogha vU; ,sls xqzi Hkh gSa tks ns'k esa lkezkT;oknh rkdrksa ds c<+rs izHkqRo dks Lohdkj ls bUdkj djrs gq, Hkkjr dks ,d iwathoknh ns'k dgrs gSa vkSj Økafr ds pj.k dks lektoknh Økafr dk pj.k crkrs gSa A f}rh; fo'o ;q) ds ckn fiNys Ng n'kdksa dk fodklØe n'kkZrk gS fd lkezkT;okn us izR;{k fu;a=.k vkSj ywV ds mifuosf'kd Lo:i dks uo&mifuosf'kd Lo:i }kjk izfrLFkkfir dj fn;k gS A bl uo&mifuos'khdj.k ds fgLls ds :i esa Hkkjrh; 'kkld oxksZa vkSj mudh eq[; jktuhfrd ikVhZ dkaxzsl ds gkFkksa lÙkk dk gLrkarj.k fd;k x;k Fkk A tks ns”k uo&mifuosf'kd izHkqRo ds ekrgr ogka ds iwathifr;ksa dk nyky pfj= vkSj T;knk mtkxj gqvk gS A Hkkjr dks lkezkT;oknh O;oLFkk] fo'ks"k :i ls vesfjdh lkezkT;okn ds ^tqfu;j ikVZuj* esa cny fn;k x;k gS A

4-6    lkezkT;oknh Hkwe.Myhdj.k ds rgr fo”o loZgkjk vkSj mRihfM+r turk ij geyk vkSj T;knk rhoz gks x;k gS tks vUrjjk"Vªh; Lrj ij dE;qfuLV ikfVZ;ksa dh ?kfu"B ,drk dh ekax dj jgk gS A bl ifjfLFkfr esa] 1943 esa dE;qfuLV vUrjjk"Vªh; ¼dksfeUVuZ½ dks Hkax fd;s tkus rFkk vUrjjk"Vªh; dE;qfuLV vkUnksyu dh vksj ls brus yEcs le; rd bldk iquxZBu djus esa vlQy jgus dk fo'o Lrj ij lkezkT;okn&fojks/kh vkUnksyu ij cqjk izHkko iM+k gS A tgka ,d vksj] vUrjjk"Vªh; dE;qfuLV vkUnksyu us 1950 ds n'kd rd tks ,sfrgkfld izxfr dh Fkh og mu egRoiw.kZ dkj.kksa esa ls ,d Fkk ftlds pyrs lkezkT;oknh [kses us ywV ds rc rd ds mifuosf'kd Lo:iksa dh txg uo&mifuosf'kd Lo:iksa dks viukdj mlesa xq.kkRed cnyko yk;k Fkk] ogha nwljh vksj] vUrjjk"Vªh; dE;qfuLV vkUnksyu bl u;s lkezkT;oknh geys dks le>us esa vkSj blds vuq:i viuh vke fn'kk dk fodkl djus esa vlQy jgk tks mu cqfu;knh dkj.kksa esa ls ,d Fkk ftlds pyrs bls xaHkhj vk/kkr lguk iM+k Fkk A ,d u;s fdLe ds dE;qfuLV vUrjjk"Vªh; ds iqufuZekZ.k dh fn'kk esa mBk;s x;s ,d dne ds :i esa Økafrdkjh ikfVZ;ksa ,oa laxBuksa ds vUrjkZ"Vªh; leUo; ¼vkbZdksj½ dh LFkkiuk ds egÙo dks bl lanHkZ esa ns[kk tkuk pkfg, A

4-7    Ng n'kdksa ds uo&mifuos'khdj.k] ftlds pyrs fo'o Lrj ij lHkh {ks=ksa esa mYys[kuh; cnyko vk;k gS] ekStwnk ifjfLFkfr ds vuq:i fo'o loZgkjk lektoknh Økafr ds fl)kUr o O;ogkj dks fodflr djus dh ekax dj jgk gS A uo&mifuos'kokn ds rgr] fo'ks"k :i ls uo&mnkjoknh uhfr;ksa dks ykxw fd;s tkus vkSj blds QyLo:i lêsckt foÙkh; iwath ds fo”o Lrj ij foLrkj ds ckn] iwjh nqfu;k esa vukS|ksxhjd.k  vkSj jkstxkjghu fodkl dh vHkwriwoZ ifj?kVuk ns[kus esa vk jgh gS A blds dkj.k dbZ ns'kksa esa etnwj oxZ vkSj mRihfM+r turk ds vusd tu fonzksg gq, gSa A ,slh ,d egÙoiw.kZ ?kM+h esa Hkkjrh; turk ds le{k mifLFkr bu pqukSfr;ksa dks lEcksf/kr djus dk iz;kl djrs gq, Hkkjr esa turk dh tuoknh Økafr ds fy, ikVhZ dk;ZØe is'k fd;k x;k gS A

[k.M  ikap

Hkkjrh; ØkfUr dk jkLrk

5-1    Hkkjrh; jktlÙkk nyky ukSdj”kkgh iwathifr oxZ dh vxqokbZ esa nyky ukSdj”kkgh iwathifr vkSj HkwLokeh oxksZa dh jktlÙkk gS A ;g oxhZ; 'kklu dk fudk; gS] ;kuh fd etnwj oxZ] fdlkuksa rFkk turk ds lHkh 'kksf"kr o mRihfM+r rcdksa ij lkezkT;okn dh lsok dj jgs nyky ukSdj'kkgh iwathifr&cM+s HkwLokeh oxksZa dk vf/kuk;dRo gS A ØkfUr ds usrk ds :i esa etnwj oxZ dks xksycUn dj] fdlkuksa ds lkFk bldk xBca/ku cukdj rFkk etnwj&fdlku laJ; ds vk/kkj ij e/;e oxksZa ,oa <qyeqy lg;ksxh jk"Vªh; iwathifr oxZ dks ,drkc) djds turk dk tuoknh ekspkZ cukdj gh bl izfrfØ;koknh jktlÙkk dks m[kkM+ Qsadk tk ldrk gS vkSj bldh txg turk dh tuoknh jktlÙkk dk;e dh tk ldrh gS A

5-2    ,sfrgkfld fodkl vkSj lkezkT;okn ds ekStwnk uo&mifuosf'kd pj.k esa ns'k dh Bksl ifjfLFkfr;ka ØkfUr ds orZeku pj.k dk fu/kkZj.k dj jgh gS] tks turk dh tuoknh ØkfUr dk pj.k gS A Hkkdik¼ekys½ ekDlZokn&ysfuuokn&ekvks Rls rqax fopkj/kkjk dks gekjs ns”k dh Bksl ifjfLFkfr;ksa esa ykxw djrs gq, vkSj bls ØkfUr ds Bksl O;ogkj ds lkFk tksM+rs gq, bls vius ekxZn”kZd fl)kUr ds :i esa cqyUn djrk gS A ;g turk dh tuoknh ØkfUr dks lEiUu djus ds fy, vkSj lektoknh ØkfUr dh vksj vkxs c<+us ds fy, izfrc) gS A

5-3    Hkkjr esa turk dh tuoknh ØkfUr dk jkLrk lksfo;r] ;k phu] ;k fdlh vU; ns”k ds jkLrs ds ;kaf=d iz;ksx ls r; ugha gksrk gS] tSlk fd vrhr esa ckj&ckj fd;k x;k gS] cfYd ns'k dh vkSj vUrjjk"Vªh; Lrj dh Bksl ifjfLFkfr;ksa ls fu/kkZfjr gksrk gS A bl ØkfUrdkjh jkLrs dk fodkl djrs le; ns'k ds ØkfUrdkjh tu vkUnksyuksa ds vuqHko rFkk vUrjjk"Vªh; Lrj ij vc rd tks ØkfUr;ka gqbZ gSa mu lcds vuqHko dks vkRelkr djuk pkfg, A lalnh; ckSusiu rFkk ladh.kZrkokn ,oa O;fDrxr vkradokn dh fn'kk dks udkj dj vkSj ØkfUrdkjh tu fn'kk dks cqyUn djrs gq,] Hkkjrh; jktlÙkk dks m[kkM+ Qsadus vkSj jktuhfrd lÙkk n[ky ds fy, 'kfDr'kkyh ns'kO;kih tufonzksg ds fy, etnwj oxZ ,oa lHkh ØkfUrdkjh oxksZa o rcdksa dks xksycUn djus ds fy, ;g la?k"kZ ,oa laxBu ds lHkh :iksa dk bLrseky djus dk fu.kZ; ysrk gS A

5-4    Hkkdik¼ekys½ dE;qfuLV ?kks’k.kki= ds bl ,syku dks nqgjkrk gS fd d;qfuLV vius fopkjksa vkSj mÌs”;ksa dks Nqikus ls ?k`.kk djrs gSa A os [kqys :i ls ,syku djrs gSa fd mudk y{; lHkh fo|eku lkekftd ifjfLFkfr;ksa dks cyiwoZd m[kkM+ dj gh gkfly gks ldrk gS A “kkld oxksZa dks dE;qfuLV ØkfUr ds Hk; ls dkaius nks A loZgkjk ds ikl [kksus ds fy, viuh csfM+;ksa ds flok; vkSj dqN ugha gS A muds ikl thrus ds fy, ,d lalkj gS A^^* Hkkjrh; ØkfUr ds jkLrs dh ekax gS fd lalnokn vkSj lq/kkjokn ds lHkh fdLeksa dk frjLdkj fd;k tk;s rFkk jktuhfrd lÙkk ds ØkfUrdkjh n[ky ds jkLrs ij pyk tk;s A bldk vFkZ gS etnwj oxZ ds ns'kO;kih la?k"kksa ds lkFk ØkfUrdkjh fdlku la?k’kZ dks tksM+uk rFkk la?k’kZ ds vU; lHkh Lo:iksa dks blds lkFk tksM+uk A

[k.M  Ng

turk ds tuokn dk dk;ZØe

6-1    turk ds tuoknh jktlÙkk dh igpku ,d ,sls lafo/kku ls gksxh ftlesa futh lEifÙk ds vf/kdkj ds Øfed mUewyu vkSj mRiknu ds lHkh lk/kuksa ds lkekftd ekfydkuk ds fl)kUr ij vey ds fy, izko/kku gksxk A bl rjg ds lafo/kku dk elkSnk lafo/kku lHkk }kjk rS;kj fd;k tk;sxk tks lkoZHkkSfed erkf/kdkj ds vk/kkj ij pquh tk;sxh vkSj tks la?k"kZ ds tfj;s fodflr gqbZ desfV;ksa ls mHkj dj vkus okys etnwjksa] fdlkuksa ,oa vU; mRihfM+r tu leqnk;ksa ds lkFk&lkFk vU; lHkh ØkfUrdkjh rcdksa dk lPps vFkksZa esa izfrfuf/kRo djus okyh gksxh A bl rjg dk lafo/kku iwjh lÙkk turk ds gkFk ds fl)kUr ij vk/kkfjr gksxk ftlesa xkao ls ysdj jk"Vªh; Lrj rd lHkh Lrjksa ij etnwjksa] fdlkuksa vkSj mRihfM+r turk dh mu fofHkUu desfV;ksa dks lÙkk gLrkarfjr dh tk;sxh tks ØkfUrdkjh la?k"kZ ls mHkj dj lkeus vk;saxh A bl rjg dk lafo/kku pqus gq, izfrfuf/k;ksa dh tokcnsgh lqfuf'pr djus ds fy, lHkh Lrjksa ij mUgsa okil cqykus dk vf/kdkj iznku djsxh rFkk dk;Zikfydk dh 'kfDr vkSj fo/kkf;dk dh 'kfDr ds chp Hksn dks [kRe dj nsxk A bldk vFkZ gS fd tt] iqfyl izeq[k] uxjikfydk ds vf/kdkjh] lesr lHkh Lrjksa ij lHkh vQljksa dk pquko fd;k tk;sxk vkSj mUgsa okil cqyk;k tk ldsxk A

6-2    la?k ,oa jkT; Lrj ij tu ifj’knksa ds lnL;ksa }kjk la?k ds jk"Vªifr dk pquko fd;k tk;sxk vkSj og la?k ds tu ifj’kn }kjk tkjh fd;s x;s fu;eksa vkSj uhfr;ksa ds ekrgr jgdj dkedkt djsxk A ljdkj dh izfrfuf/kewyd iz.kkyh ds fl)kUrksa dk vuqikyu fd;k tk;sxk A orZeku lsuk dks Hkax dj fn;k tk;sxk vkSj blds LFkku ij turk dh tuoknh jktlÙkk }kjk xfBr vkSj mlds lkFk ?kfu"B :i ls tqM+h tu lsuk dk;e dh tk;sxh vkSj mls mRiknu ds lkFk tksM+k tk;sxk A iqfyl] v)Z&lSfud cyksa ,oa ekStwnk 'kklu O;oLFkk ds vU; neudkjh vaxksa dh txg LFkkuh; pqus gq, fudk;ksa ds fu;a=.k esa tu fefyf'k;k dk;e dh tk;sxh A mifuosf'kd fnuksa ls pys vk jgs vkSj blds ckn ykxw fd;s x;s dsUnz ,oa jkT;ksa ds lHkh dkuwuksa dks] tks tu&fojks/kh gSa] gVkdj mldh txg u;s tu dkuwu cuk;s tk;saxs A

6-3    lkjh lkezkT;oknh iawth tCr djuk] lHkh lkezkT;oknh dtksZa dks jn~n djuk rFkk lkezkT;oknh ns'kksa ,oa ,tsfUl;ksa ds lkFk fd;s x;s ,sls reke vleku laf/k;ksa vkSj le>kSrksa dks [kkfjt djuk tks turk ds fgrksa ds fo:) gSa A vUrjjk"Vªh; eqnzk dks"k ¼vkbZ-,e-,Q-½] fo'o cSad vkSj fo'o O;kikj laxBu ¼MCY;w-Vh-vks-½ ls ukrk rksM+uk rFkk lHkh jk"Vªksa dh lekurk vkSj HkykbZ ds vk/kkj vUrjjk"Vªh; O;kikj ds fy, igy djuk A cgqjk"Vªh; dEifu;ksa dh xfrfof/k;ksa dk fu"ks/k djuk A ns'k esa fons'kh lêk iwath ds izokg ij jksd yxkuk A ns'k dks lHkh rjg ds lkezkT;okn 'kks"k.k] n[kyvankth vkSj nknkfxjh eqDr djuk A xSj&ljdkjh laxBuksa ¼,u-th-vks-½ rFkk lkezkT;okn }kjk izksRlkfgr ,slh lHkh laLFkkvksa ds izfr turk dks f”kf{kr djuk vkSj buds dkedkt ij jksd yxkuk A

6-4    nyky ukSdj'kkgh iwathifr oxZ ;k dkjiksjsV ?kjkuksa vkSj ekfQ;k ds lHkh miØeksa] iwath vkSj lEifÙk dk jk"Vªh;dj.k djuk A Hkz"Vkpkj ds lHkh jkLRkksa dks Åij ls ysdj uhps rd cUn djuk A ?kksVkyscktksa }kjk fons'kh cSadksa ,oa vU; laLFkkvksa esa tek /ku dks okil ykuk vkSj mls tCr djuk A eBksa ,oa bl rjg laLFkvksa esa tek dkys /ku lesr lHkh dkys /ku dk irk yxkuk vkSj mls tCr djuk A eBksa vkSj lHkh /kkfeZd laLFkkvksa dh lEifÙk tCr djuk A lHkh Hkz"Vkpkfj;ksa dks ltk nsuk A

6-5    Þtksrus okys dks tehuß ds vk/kkj ij ØkfUrdkjh Hkwfe lq/kkj ykxw djuk A d`f"k {ks= esa lHkh izkd~&iwathoknh lEcU/kksa dk mUewyu djuk rFkk HkwLokfe;ksa dh tehu dks tCr djuk vkSj mldk caVokjk djuk A dkjiksjsV ?kjkuksa] cgqjk"Vªh; dEifu;ksa vkSj ekfQ;kvksa ds ekfydkus okys ckxkuksa ,oa QkeksZa esa ogka dke djus okyksa dk lkewfgd ekfydkuk dk;e djuk A lHkh fdLe dh ca/kqvk etnwjh vkSj lwn[kksjh dk mUewyu djuk A d`f"k ds dkjiksjsVhdj.k rFkk d`f’k {ks= esa d`f’k&cgqjk"Vªh; dEifu;ksa ds izos'k ij jksd yxkuk vkSj i;kZoj.k laj{k.k ij iwjk /;ku nsrs gq, lcds fy, [kkn~; lqj{kk ds utfj, ls d`f"k dk fodkl djuk A

6-6    lHkh {ks=ksa esa Øe”k% Ng ?k.Vs dk dk;Zfnol vkSj ikap fnu dk dk;Z lIrkg ykxw djuk A vko”;drk vk/kkfjr U;wure osru dks iqu% ifjHkkf’kr djuk vkSj bls ykxw djuk A Bsdsnkjh Je izFkk] Je ds vLFkk;hdj.k rFkk ^^dke djkvks] fudky nks** izFkk dk vUr djuk A etnwjksa ds ekSfyd vf/kdkj ds :i esa laxfBr gksus] lkewfgd eksyHkko djus rFkk gM+rky ,oa vU; la?k’kZ ds vf/kdkj dks lqfuf”pr djuk A

6-7    lexz jk"Vªh; vkS|ksfxd uhfr ykxw djuk A Hkkjh] e>kSys vkSj y?kq m|ksxksa ds chp rFkk xkao vkSj 'kgj ds chp LoLF; fj”rk fodflr djuk A ns'kt 'kks/k ,oa fodkl uhfr dk fodkl dj fons'kh izkS|ksfxdh ij fuHkZjrk dks Øe”k% [kRe djuk A turk ds fgrksa dks lokZsifj j[krs gq, cSad] chek ,oa _.k iznku djus okyh laLFkkvksa lfgr lsok {ks= dk fodkl djuk A leqnk; ds lkfoZd fgrksa dks /;ku esa j[krs gq, vk/kkjHkwr <kaps dh ifj;kstukvksa dk fodkl djuk A

6-8    lkoZHkkSfed tu forj.k iz.kkyh] lcds fy, eq¶r ,oa vfuok;Z f'k{kk o LokLF; ns[kHkky] vkokl vkSj jkstxkj lqfuf'pr djuk A lexz [ksy uhfr dk fodkl djuk rFkk bls turk dh Hkkxhnkjh ds lkFk ykxw djuk A ,d tu laLd`fr uhfr dk fodkl djuk A

6-9    lHkh dkys dkuwuksa dks jn~n djuk A lHkh Lrjksa ij iz”kklu vkSj lekt dk tuoknhdj.k djuk A naM lafgrk ls ekSr dh ltk dk mUewyu djuk A

6-10   lHkh fdLe ds ySafxd HksnHkko ij jksd yxkuk A iq#"k lÙkk dh tdM+ rFkk /keZ&tkfr vk/kkfjr mRihM+u ls efgykvksa dh eqfDr ds fy, ifjfLFkfr;ksa dk fuekZ.k djuk A dk;ZLFkyksa ,oa vU; LFkkuksa ij efgykvksa ij gksus okys lHkh fdLe ds geyksa ij jksd yxkuk A dU;k Hkzq.k gR;k ij jksd yxkuk A lHkh {ks=ksa esa efgykvksa dh lekurk] efgykvksa dk lEifÙk ij vf/kdkj rFkk leku dke ds fy, leku osru lqfuf'pr djuk A lHkh efgykvksa dks lkekftd :i ls mRiknd Je esa fu;qDr fd;k tk;sxk A lekt dh vkfFkZd bdkbZ ds :i esa dke djus okys ekStwnk ifjokj O;oLFkk dk mUewyu lqfuf”pr djus rFkk ,d izxfr”khy tuoknh ifjokj O;oLFkk dk fuekZ.k djus ds fy, dne mBk;k tk;sxk A

6-11   lHkh cPpksa ds fy, lqj{kk] LokLF; vkSj f'k{kk dh xkjaVh djuk rFkk cky Je lesr cPpksa ds lHkh rjg ds 'kks"k.k dk vUr djuk A ofj’B ukxfjdksa ds fy, lHkh vFkksZa esa lqj{kk lqfuf”pr djuk A

6-12   lHkh jk"Vªh;rkvksa ds vyx gksus ds vf/kdkj rd vkRe&fu.kZ; ds vf/kdkj dks lqfuf'pr djuk A turk dk x.kra= fofHkUu jk"Vªh;rkvksa dh turk dks cyiwoZd ugha] cfYd mudh LoSfPNd lgefr ls ,drkc) djus dk iz;Ru djsxk A tEew&d'ehj ,oa mÙkj&iwohZ jkT;ksa dh leL;k dk lek/kku ogka ls lsuk dks ,dckjxh gVkdj rFkk vkRe&fu.kZ; dk vf/kdkj lqfuf'pr djrs gq, jktuhfrd rjhdksa ls djuk A turk dks viuh ekr`Hkk"kk esa f'k{kk ikus dk vf/kdkj] lHkh Hkk"kkvksa ds lkFk ,dleku O;ogkj ,oa bl rjg ds vU; tuoknh vf/kdkjksa dks lqfuf'pr djuk A

6-13   vkfnokfl;ksa ds lHkh rjg ds 'kks"k.k vkSj mRihM+u dk vUr djuk A tc izxfr”khy fodkl dh ifj;kstukvksa ij vey fd;k tk;s rks izkd`frd lalk/kuksa ij muds vf/kdkj dh j{kk djuk A lEiw.kZ 'kfDr;ksa ds lkFk Lok;Ùk'kklh ifj"knksa dh LFkkiuk djuk rFkk muds tuoknh vf/kdkjksa dks lqfuf'pr djuk A

6-14   jktlÙkk ds <kaps dk lPpk /keZ fujis{k pfj= lqfuf'pr djuk A /kkfeZd vk/kkj ij lHkh fdLe ds HksnHkkoksa dk vUr djuk rFkk /kkfeZd vYila[;dksa dh j{kk djuk A /kkfeZd dêjiaFkh rkdrksa }kjk lekt ds lkEiznkf;dhdj.k ds iz;klksa ij jksd yxkuk A jkT; ds ekeyksa vkSj ns'k ds jktuhfrd thou esa /keZ ds feJ.k ij jksd yxkuk A lkoZtfud {ks=ksa esa] tSls fd f'k{kk] fpfdRlk ,oa bl rjg vU; {ks=ksa esa /kkfeZd laLFkkvksa ds izos'k ij jksd yxkuk A lekt ds tuoknhdj.k ds fgLls ds :i esa /keZ fujis{k] tuoknh o izxfr'khy leku ukxjhd lafgrk dk fodkl djuk A turk dk tuoknh jkT; }kjk jkT; ,oa /keZ ds chp vyxko ds /keZ fujis{k fl)kUr dks dM+kbZ ls ykxw fd;k tk;sxk A

6-15   tkfr izFkk ,oa vU; lHkh lkekftd xSj&cjkcjh dk iw.kZ :i ls mUewyu ds fy, eqfge ,oa yksdrkaf=d vkUnksyu tkjh j[kuk A blds fgLls ds :i esa] lHkh rjg ds tkfr vk/kkfjr mRihM+uksa] tkfrxr HksnHkko] vLi`';rk vkSj [kki iapk;r tSlh izfrfØ;koknh laLFkkvksa ij jksd yxkuk A tc rd lHkh rjg dh lkekftd vlekurkvksa dk vUr ugha gks tkrk gS rc rd vkj{k.k tSls tuoknh vf/kdkjksa ij vey djuk A Þtksrus okys dks tehuß ds ukjs ds vk/kkj ij nfyrksa ds fy, tehu lqfuf'pr djuk A

6-16   bl le>nkjh ds vk/kkj ij fd vUrjjk"Vªh; vkSj jk"Vªh; nksuksa Lrjksa ij iwath vkSj izd`fr ds chp vUrfoZjks/k ,d eq[; vUrfoZjks/k cu x;k gS] i;kZoj.k dh j{kk ds fy, rFkk bl egRoiw.kZ loky dks /;ku esa j[kdj fodkl dk utfj;k fodflr djus ds fy, Bksl ;kstuk,a cukbZ tkuh pkfg, A

6-17   /keZ fujis{k] ySafxd&eS=hiw.kZ] yksdrkaf=d vkSj oSKkfud f'k{kk O;oLFkk ykxw djuk tks lcds igqap ds Hkhrj gks A f'k{kk ds cktkjhdj.k vkSj futhdj.k ij jksd yxkuk A lHkh cPpksa ds fy, eq¶r] ,d leku vkSj vfuok;Z f'k{kk lqfuf'pr djuk A lcds fy, mPp f'k{kk dh lqfo/kk,a lqfuf'pr djuk A lHkh vfHktkr Ldwyksa dks cUn djuk rFkk f'k{kk {ks= esa i{kikr vkSj HksnHkko cUn djuk A

6-18   lkeUrh vkSj lkezkT;oknh lkaLd`frd ewY;cks/kksa ds izHkko ds f[kykQ yM+rs gq, turk dh tuoknh] ySafxd&eS=hiw.kZ laLd`fr dk fodkl djuk A lHkh {ks=ksa esa oSKkfud n`f"Vdks.k dks izksRlkgu nsuk A pwafd lkezkT;okn vkSj mlds vuqpjksa }kjk turk dks ywV vkSj izHkqRo ds v/khu cuk;s j[kus ds fy, Åijh <kaps esa vius izHkkoksa dk bLrseky fd;k tk jgk gS] blfy, HkwriwoZ lektoknh ns'kksa ds vc rd ds vuqHko ds vk/kkj ij ,d lrr pyus okyh izfØ;k ds :i esa lkaLd`frd ØkfUr fodflr djus ds loky dks] [kkldj bu lHkh lektoknh ns'kksa esa iwathokn dh iquLFkkZiuk ds lanHkZ esa] vR;f/kd egRo fn;k tkuk pkfg, A

6-19   lekurk vkSj 'kkfUriw.kZ lg&vfLrRo ds vk/kkj ij iM+kslh ns'kksa ds lkFk lHkh {ks=ksa esa ?kfu"B lEcU/k dk;e djuk A nksLrkuk ckrphr ds tfj;s lHkh lhek fooknksa dk fuiVkjk djuk A

6-20   loZgkjk vUrjkZ’Vªh;rkokn dks cqyUn djuk A vUrjjk’Vªh; Lrj ij ekDlZoknh&ysfuuoknh ikfVZ;ksa dh ,drk ds fy, iz;Ru djuk A nqfu;k ds lHkh izxfr'khy] lkezkT;okn&fojks/kh rkdrksa ds lkFk ,drkc) gksuk rFkk lkezkT;okn] fo'ks"k :i ls vesfjdh lkezkT;okn vkSj mlds vuqpjksa ds f[kykQ ØkfUrdkjh rkdrksa ds lkFk fcjknjkuk fj”rk dk;e djuk A vesfjdk vxqokbZ esa gks jgs geyksa vkSj ccZj opZLodkjh dneksa ls lHkh txg gks jgh rckgh ds f[kykQ lfØ; :i ls la?k"kZ djuk A

6-20   yksdra= vkSj lektokn ds fy, la?k"kZ esa iwjh nqfu;k dh turk ds lkFk ,dtqVrk O;Dr djuk A pwafd f}rh; fo'o ;q) ds ckn fufeZr la;qDr jk"Vª la?k lesr vusd laLFkk,a vkSj ,tsfUl;ka uo&mifuosf'kd ywV vkSj izHkqRo dks rst ds vkStkj ds :i esa dke dj jgh gSa] blfy, turk ds tuoknh x.kjkT; dks loZgkjk vUrjkZ"Vªh;rkokn ds vk/kkj ij turk ds tuoknh vkSj lektoknh ns'kksa ds oSdfYid vUrjkZ"Vªh; dsUnzksa dks Øfed :i ls fufeZr djus ds fy, lfØ; dne mBkuk pkfg, A

[k.M  lkr

ikVhZ dk iquxZBu djks vkSj turk ds tuoknh ØkfUr ds jkLrs ij vkxs c<+ks

7-1    Hkkjr esa turk dh tuoknh ØkfUr ds fy, yxHkx ukS n'kdksa ls] ;gka dE;qfuLV vkUnksyu ds ,dne 'kq:vkr ls gh la?k"kZ py jgk gS A bu n'kdksa ds nkSjku vUrjjk"Vªh; vkSj jk"Vªh; nksuksa gh Lrjksa ij Hkkjh cnyko vk;s gSa A gkykafd orZeku ;qx vc Hkh lkezkT;okn vkSj loZgkjk ØkfUr dk ;qx gS] rFkkfi lkezkT;okn us] f}rh; fo'o ;q) ds i'pkr ftldk usr`Ro vesfjdh lkezkT;okn dj jgk gS] ywV vkSj izHkqRo ds mifuosf'kd Lo:iksa dh txg uo&mifuosf'kd Lo:iksa dks viuk fy;k gS A lkezkT;okn ds bl uo&mifuosf”kd pj.k esa Hkkdik¼ekys½ ds lkeus pqukSrh gS ekStwnk ifjfLFkfr;ksa ds vuq:i turk dh tuoknh ØkfUr ds dk;ZHkkj dks mldh eafty rd ys tkuk rFkk lektoknh ØkfUr dh vksj vkxs c<+uk A

7-2    Hkkdik¼ekys½ ;g elkSnk ikVhZ dk;ZØe u dsoy vius lnL;ksa ds le{k] cfYd vke rkSj ij ftls O;kid vFkksZa esa okeiaFkh vkUnksyu dgk tk ldrk gS mlds lnL;ksa vkSj leFkZdksa rFkk lHkh izxfr”khy o tuoknh rkdrksa ds le{k bl mEehn ds lkFk j[k jgk gS fd blds vk/kkj ij ,d O;kid ppkZ dh 'kq:vkr gksxh vkSj bl ij lfØ; :i ls vey fd;k tk;sxk A gesa mEehn gS fd bldh oSpkfjd o jktuhfrd fn”kk ds vk/kkj ij ekDlZoknh&ysfuuoknh rkdrksa dks ,d lkFk ykus ds fy, fd;s tk jgs ,drk iz;klksa dks tkjh j[kus ds lkFk&lkFk bl rjg dk dne mBkus ls vf[ky Hkkjr Lrj ij dE;qfuLV vkUnksyu ds iquxZBu ds ,sfrgkfld dk;ZHkkj dks xfr iznku djus esa enn feysxh tks turk dh tuoknh ØkfUr dks iwjk djus dh fn”kk esa vkxs c<+us ds fy, rFkk lektokn vkSj lkE;okn dks lkdkj djus ds fy, dwp djus ds fy, ,d u;k vkosx iznku djsxk A

n n n

ikVhZ lafo/kku

/kkjk ,d % uke

ikVhZ dk uke Hkkjr dh dE;qfuLV ikVhZ ¼ekDlZoknh&ysfuuoknh½ jsM LVkj gksxk A

/kkjk nks % izrhd fpUg

ikVhZ dk izrhd fpUg yky i`’BHkwfe esa lQsn jax esa cuk ,d&nwljs dks frjNk dkVrs gq, gafl;k&gFkkSM+k rFkk loZgkjk vUrjkZ"Vªh;rkokn ds izrhd ds :i esa gafl;k&gFkkSM+k ds nkfgus Åijh fdukjs ij pkSFkkbZ o`rkdkj cukrs gq, lQsn jax esa ikap rkjk gksxk A

/kkjk rhu % >.Mk

ikVhZ dk >.Mk vk;rkdkj yky >.Mk gksxk ftldh yEckbZ vkSj pkSM+kbZ dk vuqikr 3%2 gksxk vkSj ftlds Åijh fdukjs ¼M.Ms dh vksj½ ds ,d pkSFkkbZ fgLls ds e/; esa lQsn jax esa gafl;k&gFkkSM+k vkSj pkSFkkbZ o`rkdkj es ikap rkjk vafdr fd;k gksxk A

/kkjk pkj % ekxZn'kZd fl)kUr vkSj lkekU; dk;ZØe

1-  Hkkdik ¼ekys½ jsM LVkj Hkkjrh; loZgkjk dk vxzxkeh nLrk] ;kuh fd] fgjkoy nLrk gS] tks ekDlZokn&ysfuuokn&ekvks Rls raqx fopkj/kkjk dks vius ekxZn”kZd fl)kUr ds :i esa cqyUn djrk gS rFkk lHkh fdLe ds la”kks/kuoknh vkSj ladh.kZrkoknh :>kuksa ds f[kykQ le>kSrkghu la?k’kZ djrs gq, bls Hkkjr dh Bksl ifjfLFkfr;kas esa ykxw djuk pkgrk gS vkSj bls Hkkjrh; Økafr ds Bksl O;ogkj ds lkFk ,d:i djuk pkgrk gS A

2-  ;g turk dh tuoknh Økafr ¼ih-Mh-vkj-½ lEiUu djus rFkk turk dk tuoknh vf/kuk;dRo LFkkfir djus ds fy, izfrc) gS A turk dh tuoknh Økafr ds bl pj.k esa ikVhZ ds lkeus dk;ZHkkj gS lkezkT;okn dh lsok dj jgs nyky ukSdj”kkgh iwathoknh&HkwLokeh oxksZa ds “kklu dks m[kkM+ Qsaduk rFkk ekStwnk izfrfØ;koknh Hkkjrh; jktlÙkk dh txg loZgkjk oxZ ds usr`Ro esa turk dh tuoknh jktlÙkk dh LFkkiuk djuk A ikVhZ dk cqfu;knh dk;ZØe gS turk dh tuoknh Økafr ds dk;ZHkkj dks iwjk djuk] lektoknh ØkfUr dh vksj vkxs c<+uk rFkk loZgkjk vf/kuk;dRo ds ekxZn'kZd mlwyksa ds rgr lektokn vkSj lkE;okn dks lkdkj djus ds fy, vkxs dne c<+kuk A

3-  Hkkdik ¼ekys½ jsM LVkj loZgkjk vUrjjk’Vªh;rkokn dks cqyUn djrk gS A nqfu;k dh lHkh ekDlZoknh&ysfuuoknh ikfVZ;ksa o laxBuksa ds lkFk fj”rk cukus ds ekeys esa cjkcjh vkSj HkkbZpkjk bldk ekxZn”kZd mlwy gksxkA

4-  Hkkdik ¼ekys½ jsM LVkj lHkh dE;qfuLV Økafrdkfj;ksa dks ,d ikVhZ esa ,drkc) dj cksY”ksfod fl)kUrksa ds vk/kkj ij dE;qfuLV ikVhZ dk fuekZ.k djus ds fy, iz;Ru”khy gS A

/kkjk ikap % ikVhZ  lnL;rk

1-  vV~Bkjg o’kZ ;k mlls T;knk mez dk dksbZ Hkh Hkkjrh; ukxfjd] tks ikVhZ ds dk;ZØe vkSj lafo/kku dks Lohdkj djrk gS] tks fdlh ,d ikVhZ desVh esa dke djus] fu;fer :i ls ikVhZ lnL;rk 'kqYd vkSj ysOgh vnk djus rFkk ikVhZ ds fu.kZ;ksa ij vey djus ds fy, rS;kj gS] og ikVhZ lnL; cuus dh ik=rk j[krk gS A

2   O;fDrxr :i ls vkosnu djus vkSj nks ikVhZ lnL;ksa dh vuq'kalk ij ikVhZ ”kk[kk ;k vU; ikVhZ desfV;ksa ds ek/;e ls u;s lnL;ksa dks ikVhZ esa “kkfey fd;k tkrk gS A LFkkuh; ;k uxj] rglhy ;k Cykd ;k ,fj;k] ftyk] jkT; vkSj dsUnzh; Lrjksa dh ikVhZ desfV;ksa dks Hkh u;s lnL;ksa dks ikVhZ esa “kkfey djus dk vf/kdkj gS A tks ikVhZ lnL; vkosnd dh vuq'kalk dj jgs gSa mUgsa vkosnd ds lEcU/k esa O;fDrxr tkudkjh ds vk/kkj ij vkSj ftEesnkjh dh Hkkouk ls lacaf/kr ikVhZ desVh dks lgh lwpuk iznku djuh pkfg, A ikVhZ lnL;rk ds fy, lHkh vkosnuksa dks mudh vuq”kalk vkSj vuqeksnu ds i”pkr vkosnu tek djus ,oa muds vuqeksnu ds ,d ekg ds Hkhrj vxyh mPprj ikVhZ desVh ds lkeus is”k fd;k tkuk pkfg, A

3-  viokn Lo:i ekeyksa dks NksM+dj] ikVhZ lnL;ksa dh HkrhZ muds chp ls dh tkuh pkfg, ftUgksaus oxZ@tu laxBuksa esa dke fd;k gS vkSj tks dqN lkaxBfud dk;ksZa vkSj oxZ la?k"kZ esa tkaps&ij[ks gq, gSa] vkSj ftUgksaus fdlh ,d ikVhZ desVh ds ekrgr dk;Zjr dk;ZdÙkkZ@leFkZd lewgksa esa dke fd;k gSS A inyksyqiksa ¼dSfj;jokfn;ksa½] lkft'k jpus okyksasa] nksgjs pky&pyu okyksa] cqjs pfj= okyksa vkSj nq”eu ds ,tsUVksa }kjk ikVhZ esa ?kqliSB ds izfr fo'ks"k lrdZrk cjruh pkfg, A

4-  lEcfU/kr ikVhZ desVh] tgka vkosnu fd;k x;k gS] viuh cSBd esa u;s lnL;ksa dks “kkfey djus ds ckjs esa fu.kZ; ysxh A ;fn vkosnd dks ikVhZ esa “kkfey fd;k tkrk gS rks mls mEehnokj lnL; ekuk tk;sxk A mEehnokj lnL; dks mEehnokj lnL;rk dh U;wure ,d o’kZ dh vof/k ls gksdj xqtjuk gksxk A iwathifr] HkwLokeh ,oa vU; “kks’kd oxksaZ ls vkus okys lnL;ksa ds fy, mEehnokj lnL;rk dh vof/k nks o’kZ dh gksxh A

5-  mEehnokj lnL;ksa dh HkrhZ djus okyh ikVhZ desVh }kjk ikVhZ dk;ZØe] ikVhZ lafo/kku vkSj ikVhZ dh ekStwnk uhfr;ksa ds ckjs esa mudh vkjfEHkd f”k{kk dh O;oLFkk dh tk;sxh vkSj muds fodkl ij utj j[kh tk;sxh A

6-  mEehnokj lnL;rk dh vof/k lekIr gksus ij] lEcfU/kr ikVhZ desVh bl ij ppkZ djsxh fd D;k mEehnokj lnL; iw.kZ lnL; ds :i esa “kkfey fd;s tkus dh xq.koÙkk j[krk gS A lEcfU/kr ikVhZ desVh mEehnokjksa dks iw.kZ lnL; ds :i esa HkrhZ dj ldrh gS ;k mEehnokj lnL;rk dh vof/k dks vkxs c<+k ldrh gS] tks N% ekg ls T;knk ugha gksxh A ;fn mEehnokj lnL; vuqi;qDr ik;k tkrk gS] rks ikVhZ desVh mldh mEehnokj lnL;rk dks [kkfjt dj ldrh gS A lEcfU/kr ikVhZ desVh }kjk vxyh mPprj desVh ds ikl fu;fer :i ls lnL;ksa dh HkrhZ dh fjiksVZ izsf’kr dh tk;sxh A

7-  mPprj desVh fjiksVZ dh Nkuchu dj] ftl ikVhZ desVh us fjiksVZ Hkstk gS mlds lkFk ijke”kZ ds i”pkr] ,sls fdlh fu.kZ; dks cny ldrh gS ;k mlesa lq/kkj yk ldrh gS A mEehnokj lnL;ksa dh HkrhZ rFkk iw.kZ lnL; ds :i esa “kkfey djus ds ekeys esa ftyk vkSj jkT; desfV;ksa dks fuxjkuh j[kus dk vf/kdkj gksxk rFkk mUgsa bl ekeys esa fupyh desfV;ksa ds fu.kZ; dks lq/kkjus ;k mls [kkfjt djus dk vf/kdkj gksxk A

8- lnL;rk 'kqYd nl #i;s okf"kZd gksxh A lnL; ftl desVh esa 'kkfey gS ml desVh }kjk lEcfU/kr lnL; dh {kerk dk vkadyu djus ds i'pkr ysOgh tek djsxh A

9-  ,d ikVhZ lnL; viuh lnL;rk dks ,d desVh ls nwljh desVh esa LFkkukarfjr dj ldrk gS ftlds fy, mls ml desVh dk vuqeksnu ysuk gksxk tgka ls og LFkkukarj.k pkgrk gS rFkk ftl desVh esa og “kkfey gksuk pkgrk gS ogka mls vius lEcU/k esa igyh desVh }kjk iznÙk igpku i= izLrqr djuk gksxk A ftyk ;k jkT; ls ckgj LFkkukarj.k ds ekeys esa lEcfU/kr ftyk ;k jkT; desVh dk vuqeksnu vko”;d gksxk A ;g vxyh mPprj desVh ds vuqeksnu dk fo’k; gksxk A

10- ftu lnL;ksa dks ,d ckj ikVhZ ls fu"dkflr fd;k tk pqdk gS] mUgsa dsoy ml ikVhZ desVh ds fu.kZ; ls gh iqu% ”kkfey fd;k tk ldsxk ftlus muds fu’dklu dh iqf’V dh Fkh] tks vxyh mPprj desVh ds vuqeksnu dk fo’k; gksxk A

11- tc LFkkuh;] bykdk] ftyk ;k jkT; Lrj ij fdlh vU; jktuhfrd ikVhZ dk dksbZ usr`Rodkjh lnL; ikVhZ esa 'kkfey gksuk pkgrk gS] rks lEcfU/kr lnL; dks ikVhZ lnL; ds :i esa HkrhZ djus ls igys blds fy, LFkkuh;] bykdk] ftyk ;k jkT; desVh dh eatwjh ds vykok vxyh mPprj desVh dh eatwjh vko';d gS A viokn Lo:i ekeyksa esa dsUnzh; desVh ;k jkT; desVh ,sls lnL;ksa dks ikVhZ dh iw.kZ lnL;rk ns ldrh gSa A tc jkT; desVh ,slk fu.kZ; ysrh gS rks ,sls ekeyksa esa og dsUnzh; desVh ls iwoZ&vuqefr ysxh A

12- ikVhZ lnL;rk dk izfro"kZ uohuhdj.k fd;k tkuk pkfg, A ,sls ikVhZ lnL;ksa dks tks fdlh larks"ktud dkj.k ds fcuk ,d o"kZ rd lEcfU/kr ikVhZ desfV;ksa vkSj mPp desfV;ksa }kjk r; dh xbZ xfrfof/k;ksa esa lfØ; :i ls Hkkx ysus esa] ikVhZ ds fu.kZ;ksa dks ykxw djus esaa] ikVhZ vuq'kklu cuk;s j[kus esa vkSj lnL;rk 'kqYd ;k ysOgh vnk djus esa vlQy jgrs gSa] mUgsa viuh lnL;rk okil ysus ds fy, dguk pkfg, vkSj ,slk u djus ij vxyh mPprj desVh ds vuqeksnu ls muds uke dks lnL;rk lwfp ls gVk nsuk pkfg, A

13- lnL;rk dh iqf’V ds le; izR;sd ikVhZ lnL; vius lEifÙk dh ?kks’k.kk djsxk rFkk lnL;rk ds uohuhdj.k ds le;] ;fn bl chp mlus ubZ lEifÙk vftZr dh gS] rks mldk fooj.k izLrqr djsxk A

14- dsUnzh; desVh rd mPprj desfV;ksa esa dke djusokys lHkh ikVhZ lnL; fdlh ,d cqfu;knh ikVhZ desVh] ;kuh fd] muds fuokl LFky esa lfØ; ;k vklikl ds bykdksa esa dk;Zjr 'kk[kk ;k LFkkuh; ;k ,fj;k desVh ds lnL; gksaxs vkSj os tc Hkh ml bykds esa gksaxs rks mPprj desVh dh viuh ftEesokfj;ksa dks fdlh Hkh rjg ls izHkkfor fd, fcuk bldh cSBdksa vkSj dkedkt esa fgLlk ysaxs A mudh ikVhZ lnL;rk ds uohuhdj.k ds le; bu desfV;ksa dk fopkj ekaxk tk;sxk A

/kkjk Ng % ikVhZ 'kiFk

ikVhZ esa 'kkfey gksus okys izR;sd lnL; ikVhZ 'kiFk ysaxs A ;g 'kiFk bl izdkj gksxk %

**eSa ekDlZokn&ysfuuokn&ekvks Rlsraqx fopkj/kkjk dks ikVhZ ds ekxZn”kZd fl)kUr ds :i esa Lohdkj djrk gw¡ A

^^eSa ikVhZ ds dk;ZØe dks Lohdkj djrk gw¡ rFkk blds lafo/kku dk ikyu djus ,oa ikVhZ ds fu.kZ;ksa ij vey ds fy, bZekunkjh ds lkFk dke djus ds fy, lger gw¡ A eSa blds izfr dFkuh vkSj djuh esa fu’Bkoku vkSj bZekunkj jgus dh “kiFk ysrk gw¡ A

**eSa lkE;okn ds vkn'kksZa ds vuq:i thou fcrkus dk iz;kl d:axk rFkk eSa ges'kk ikVhZ] turk vkSj Økafr ds fgrksa dks vius O;fDrxr fgr ds Åij j[krs gq, fu%LokFkZ :i ls loZgkjk y{; vkSj Økafr dh lsok d:axk vkSj mlds fy, la?k’kZ d:axk rFkk ikVhZ ds lEeku vkSj izfr’Bk dks cqyUn j[kus dk iz;kl d:axk A

**eSa thou vkSj lekt esa lkEiznkf;drk] tkfrokn] :<+hokn] va/k&jk’Vªokn vkSj ySafxd HksnHkko ds f[kykQ yMwaxk A**

/kkjk lkr % ikVhZ ysOgh vkSj lnL;rk 'kqYd dk forj.k

1-  lEcfU/kr ikVhZ desfV;ksa }kjk ikVhZ lnL;ksa ls tek dh xbZ ikVhZ ysOgh dk fuEukuqlkj caVokjk fd;k tk;sxk&&

    10 izfr”kr dsUnzh; desVh ds fy,] 40 izfr”kr jkT; desVh ds fy, rFkk “ks’k 50 izfr”kr dk ftyk desVh ,oa uhpyh desfV;ksa ds chp caVokjk fd;k tk;sxk ftldk fu.kZ; lEcfU/kr ftyk desVh }kjk fy;k tk;sxk A

2-  lnL;rk o uohuhdj.k “kqYd dsUnzh; desVh ds ikl tk;sxk A

/kkjk vkB % ikVhZ lnL;ksa dh ftEesokfj;ka

ikVhZ lnL;ksa dh ftEesokfj;ka fuEukuqlkj gSa %

1-  ekDlZokn&ysfuuokn&ekvks Rlsrqax fopkj/kkjk dh le> c<+kus dk iz;kl djsa rFkk fl)kUr dks O;ogkj ds lkFk ,d:i djuk lh[ksa A

2-  os ftl ikVhZ desVh ds lnL; gSa mldh lHkh xfrfof/k;ksa esa fu;fer :i fgLlk ysa rFkk ikVhZ dh uhfr;ksa] QSlyksa vkSj funsZ'kksa ij fu"BkiwoZd vey djsa A

3-  ikVhZ if=dkvksa vkSj izdk'kuksa dks i<+sa A muds fu;fer izdk'ku esa enn djsa rFkk mudk lfØ; :i ls izpkj djsa A

4-  ikVhZ lafo/kku dk ikyu djsa vkSj vuq'kklu dk;e j[ksa A lkE;okn ds egku vkn'kksZa vkSj loZgkjk vUrjkZ"Vªh;rkokn dh Hkkouk ds vuq:i thou O;frr djsa vkSj vkpj.k djsaa A

5-  vius Lo;a ds fgrksa dks turk vkSj ikVhZ ds fgrksa ekrgr j[ksa A

6-  lefiZr Hkko ls turk dh lsok djsa ,oa muds lkFk vius laca/kksa dks yxkrkj lqn`<+ cuk;sa rFkk ges”kk gh turk ls lh[kus ds fy, rS;kj jgsa ,oa turk ds la?k’kksZa esa Hkkx ysa A turk dh t:jrksa ,oa fopkjksa ls ikVhZ dks voxr djk;sa A ;fn fo'ks"k dkj.kksa ls mUgsa NwV u nh xbZ gks] rks ikVhZ ds funsZ'kksa ds rgr fdlh ,d oxZ@tu laxBu esa dke djsa A

7-  ikVhZ lnL;ksa ds chp dkejsMkuk lEcU/k dks etcwr cuk;sa A ikVhZ ds vUnj fcjknjkuk laca/kksa dks fujarj fodflr djasa A

8-  Lo;a dh ,oa lkewfgd xfrfof/k;ksa dks csgrj cukus ds fy, rFkk ,d&nwljs dh enn djus ds fy, fu;fer :i ls vkykspuk ,oa vkRe vkykspuk djsa A

9-  ikVhZ }kjk O;Dr Hkjksls ds lkFk dHkh Hkh fo'okl?kkr u djsa A ikVhZ ds vUnj [kqysiu vkSj bZekunkjh ds lkFk vkpj.k djsa A

10- ikVhZ dh ,drk vkSj rkdr dh j{kk djsa( loZgkjk ,oa turk ds nq'euksa ds izfr lrdZrk cjrsa A

11- /keZ] tkfr] jk’Vªh;rk vkSj fyax vk/kkfjr mRihM+uksa vkSj HksnHkkoksa ds fo:) vfojke :i ls yM+sa rFkk lkEiznkf;drk] /kkfeZd dêjrk] tkfrokn] izkUrokn] ladh.kZ erokn vkSj iq#’k izHkqRookn tSlh foHkktudkjh izo`fr;ksa dk n`<+rk ls fojks/k djsa A

12- ekDlZokn&ysfuuokn&ekvks Rlsrqax fopkj/kkjk rFkk ikVhZ dh oSpkfjd o jktuhfrd fn”kk ls lHkh fdLe ds HkVdkoksa ds izfr le>kSrkghu joS¸;k viuk;sa A lHkh xSj&loZgkjk fopkjksa rFkk la”kks/kuokn] okeiaFkh o nf{k.kiaFkh voljokn] mnkjrokn] ladh.kZrkokn] vjktdrkokn ,oa tM+lw=okn dh izo`fr;ksa ds fo:) yM+sa A

13- ikVhZ desfV;ksa dk ;g dk;ZHkkj gS fd os mijksDr ftEesokfj;ksa dks ykxw djus ds fy, ikVhZ lnL;ksa dk ekxZn'kZu djsa vkSj mls iwjk djus ds fy, mUgsa gj lEHko lgk;rk djsa A

/kkjk ukS % ikVhZ lnL;ksa ds vf/kdkj

1-   ikVhZ lnL;ksa ds vf/kdkj fuEufyf[kr gSa %

v½  ikVhZ desfV;ksa dks pquus vkSj mlesa pqus tkus dk vf/kdkj(

c½  ikVhZ dh uhfr;ksa ,oa ikVhZ ds fu.kZ;ksa dks lq=hc) djus dh fn'kk esa ;ksxnku nsus ds fy, ppkZvksa esa [kqys :i ls fgLlk ysus dk vf/kdkj(

l½  ikVhZ eas vius Lo;a ds dk;Z ds ckjs esa izLrko j[kus dk] viuh ;ksX;rk ,oa thou ds gkykr ds vuq:i vius fy, dke fu/kkZfjr djokus dk vf/kdkj(

n½  ikVhZ desfV;ksa vkSj ikVhZ ds inkf/kdkfj;ksa ds ckjs ikVhZ dh cSBdksa esa vkykspuk djus dk vf/kdkj(

p½  tc fdlh ikVhZ desVh }kjk lnL; ds fo:) vuq'kklukRed dk;Zokgh ij ppkZ dh tk jgh gks ;k mlds O;fDrxr pfj= ;k ,slh xaHkhj xyfr;ksa ls lEcfU/kr mlds dk;ksZa ds ckjs esa ewY;kadu dh tk jgh gks ftleas fyIr gksus ds ckjs esa ml ij vkjksi gS] rks O;fDrxr rkSj ij lqus tkus dh ekax djus dk vf/kdkj(

N½  tc dksbZ ikVhZ lnL; ikVhZ desVh ;k ikVhZ ds usr`Ro eas fdlh laxBu ds fu.kZ; ls vlgefr j[krk gS] rks mls vius fopkj dks dsUnzh; desVh vkSj ikVhZ egkf/kos”ku lesr mPprj desVh esa j[kus dk vf/kdkj gS A fuf”pr gh] ,sls lHkh ekeyksa esa ikVhZ lnL; ikVhZ ds fu.kZ;ksa ij vey djsaxs rFkk erHksnksa dks O;ogkj esa tkapus vkSj dkejsMjkuk ppkZvksa ds tfj, gy djus dk iz;kl fd;k tk;sxk(

>½  fdlh oDrO;] vihy ;k f”kdk;r dks dsUnzh; desVh lesr fdlh Hkh mPprj desVh rd vkSj ikVhZ egkf/kos”ku rd is”k djus dk vf/kdkj gS] c”krsZ fd izR;sd lnL; }kjk ,sls oDrO; ;k f”kdk;r dks loZizFke vius izkFkfed desVh esa j[kk tk;sxk A og izkFkfed desVh ,sls fdlh oDrO; ;k f”kdk;r ij fu.kZ; ys ldrh gS A ;fn lnL; ,sls fdlh fu.kZ; ls larq’V ugha gS] ;k ;fn ml ij rhu eghuksa rd dksbZ fu.kZ; ugha fy;k tkrk gS rks lEcfU/kr lnL; dks vxyh mPprj desVh esa vkSj blh <ax ls dsUnzh; desVh ;k ikVhZ egkf/kos”ku rd vihy djus dk vf/kdkj gksxk A

2-  ikVhZ desfV;ksa vkSj ikVhZ inkf/kdkfj;ksa dk dÙkZO; gksxk fd os ;g ns[ksa fd bu vf/kdkjksa dk lEeku fd;k tk jgk gS A

3-  oksV nsus vkSj pqus tkus ds vf/kdkj ds vykok mEehnokj lnL;ksa dks iw.kZ lnL; ds lHkh vf/kdkj gSa A

/kkjk nl % ikVhZ ds lkaxBfud fl)kUr

1-  ikVhZ dh lajpuk tuoknh dsUnzh;rk ds fl)kUr ij vk/kkfjr gS vkSj mldk vkUrfjd thou mlh ls funsZf”kr gksrk gS A tuoknh dsUnzh;rk dk vFkZ gS iw.kZ vUr%&ikVhZ tuokn ds vk/kkj ij dsUnzh;Ñr usr`Ro rFkk dsUnzhÑr usr`Ro ds ekxZn'kZu ds ekrgr vUr%&ikVhZ tuokn A

    ikVhZ lajpuk esa tuoknh dsUnzh;rk ds ekxZn”kZd fl)kUr gSa %

v½  Åij ls ysdj uhps rd lHkh ikVhZ fudk; pqus gq, gksaxs(

c½  vYier }kjk cgqer ds fu.kZ;ksa ij vey fd;k tk;sxk( fupys Lrj dh ikVhZ desfV;kas }kjk mPprj ikVhZ desfV;ksa ds fu.kZ;ksa ,oa funsZ”kksa ij vey fd;k tk;sxk( O;fDr vius vkidks lewg ds v/khu j[ksxk A lHkh ikVhZ desfV;ksa }kjk ikVhZ egkf/kos”ku ,oa dsUnzh; desVh ds fu.kZ;ksa ,oa funsZ”kksa ij vey fd;k tk;sxk A

l½  lHkh ikVhZ desfV;kas }kjk le;≤ ij vius Bhd uhps dh ikVhZ desVh dks vius dk;ksZa dh fjiksVZ nh tk;sxh vkSj blh izdkj lHkh fupyh desfV;ka vius Bhd Åij dh desVh dks fjiksVZ nsaxh A

n½  lHkh ikVhZ desfV;ka] fo”ks’k :i ls usr`Rodkjh desfV;ka] fupys Lrj dh ikVhZ desfV;ksa vkSj vke ikVhZ lnL;ksa ds fopkjksa ,oa vkykspukvksa ij fu;fer :i ls /;ku nsaxh A

p½  lHkh ikVhZ desfV;ka lkewfgd fu.kZ;ksa vkSj tkap&iM+rky ds lkFk O;fDrxr tokcnsgh ds mlwy dk dM+kbZ ls ikyu djsaxh A

N½  vUrjkZ"Vªh; ekeyksa ls lacaf/kr lHkh fo’k;ksa] vf[ky Hkkjrh; pfj= okys fo’k;ksa] ;k ,d ls vf/kd jkT;ksa ls lEcU/k j[kus okys fo’k;ksa] ;k fo’k;ksa ds ckjs esa iwjs ns'k ds iSekus ij ,dleku QSlyk ysus dh vko';drk gS] bu lc ekeyksa esa dsUnzh; desVh }kjk fu.kZ; fy;k tk;sxk A jkT; ;k ftyk Lrj ds lHkh lokyksa ij QSlyk vke rkSj ij ml Lrj dh ikVhZ desVh }kjk fy;k tk;sxk A ysfdu] fdlh Hkh gkykr esa ;s QSlys mPPkrj ikVhZ laxBuksa ds QSlyksas ds f[kykQ ugha tkus pkfg, A tc Hkh ikVhZ dh dsUnzh; desVh dks jkT; ds egRo ds fdlh eqn~ns ij QSlyk ysuk gksxk rks og lEcfU/kr jkT; desVh ls ijke'kZ djus ds i'pkr gh ,slk djsxh A ftyksa ls lacaf/kr ekeyksa esa jkT; desfV;ka Bhd ,slk gh djsaxh A

t½ ,sls eqn~ns ftudk vf[ky Hkkjrh; Lrj ij ikVhZ dh uhfr ij vlj iM+rk gks] ysfdu ftu ij ikVhZ dks igys&igy viuk er izdV djuk gks] mu ij uhfrxr c;ku nsus dk vf/kdkj dsoy dsUnzh; desVh dks gksxk A uhpyh desfV;ka le; jgrs viuh jk; ,oa lqq>koksa dks fopkj ds fy, dsUnzh; desVh ds ikl Hkst ldrh gSa vkSj mUgsa Hkstuk Hkh pkfg, A

2-  lEiw.kZ ikVhZ lnL;rk vkSj yksdfiz; vkUnksyuksa ds vuqHko ds vk/kkj ij ikVhZ ds vkUrfjd thou esa ds {ks= esa tuoknh dsUnzh;rk ds fuEufyf[kr ekxZn”kZd fl)kUr ykxw gksrs gSa %

d½ ikVhZ] mldh uhfr vkSj dk;Z dks izHkkfor djus okys lHkh lokyksa ij ikVhZ desVh esa [kqyh vkSj eqDr ppkZ djuk(

[k½ ikVhZ dh uhfr;ksa dks yksdfiz; cukus vkSj ml ij vye ds fy, ikVhZ lnL;ksa dks lfØ; cukus] mudk oSpkfjd ,oa jktuhfrd Lrj Åapk mBkus rFkk mudh vke f”k{kk dks csgrj cukus dk fVdkÅ iz;kl djuk] rkfd os ikVhZ thou vkSj dk;Z esa izHkko”kkyh <ax ls Hkkx ys ldsa(

x½  ;fn fdlh ikVhZ desVh esa xaHkhj erHksn mB [kM+k gksrk gS] rks vke le> dk;e djus ds fy, lHkh rjg ls iz;kl fd;k tkuk pkfg, A ,slk djus esa vlQy jgus ij] vkxs vkSj Hkh ppkZvksa ds ek/;e ls erHksnksa dks gy djus utfj;s ls fu.kZ; dks LFkfxr j[kuk pkfg,] c”krsZ ikVhZ vkSj tu vkUnksyu dh t:jrksa dks /;ku esa j[kdj rRdky fu.kZ; dh vko”;drk u gks(

?k½  lHkh Lrjksa ij] Åij ls ysdj uhps rd] vkykspuk vkSj vkRe& vkykspuk dks] fo”ks’k :i ls uhps ls vkykspuk dks izksRlkgu nsuk(

M-½ lHkh Lrjksa ij ukSdj”kkgh izo`fr;ksa ds f[kykQ vuojr la?k’kZ djuk(

p½  ikVhZ ds vUnj fdlh Hkh :i esa xqVckth djus vkSj xqV cukus dh vuqefr ugha gS(

N½  fcjknjkuk fj”rksa vkSj ikjLifjd lg;ksx dks fodflr dj ikVhZ Hkkouk dks etcwr cukuk] dkejsMksa ds lkFk lgkuqHkwfr dk crkZo djds xyfr;ksa dks lq/kkjuk] muds vkSj muds dke ds ckjs esa dqN fNViqV xyfr;ksa ;k ?kVukvksa ds vk/kkj ij ugha] cfYd ikVhZ dh lsok esa fd;s x;s muds iwjs dke dks /;ku esa j[kdj QSlyk djukA

3-  lEcfU/kr desfV;ksa esa fofHkUu erksa dks izfrfuf/kRo fn;k tkuk pkfg, A

4-  vlkekU; ifjfLFkfr;ksa esa lHkh Lrjksa ij lkaxBfud desfV;ksa dk xBu fd;k tk ldrk gS A

5-  izkFkfed desVh ikVhZ vkSj turk ds chp lsrq gksxh A turk ,oa desfV;ksa ds fopkjksa dk /;kuiwoZd v/;;u fd;k tk;sxk] mldk fupksM+ fudkyk tk;sxk] mls vkRelkr fd;k tk;sxk rFkk ikVhZ dh uhfr;ksa dks lq=hc) djus ,oa csgrj cukus ds fy, mudk bLrseky fd;k tk;sxk A

6-  dk;ZdrkZ uhfr ¼dSMj ikWfylh½ ds vk/kkj ij lefiZr vkSj ;ksX; dkejsMksa dks ysdj dsUnzh; desVh vkSj jkT; desVh dk xBu fd;k tk;sxk A ikVhZ is”ksoj Økafrdkfj;ksa ds fodkl dh ftEesnkjh ysxh A

/kkjk X;kjg % vkykspuk vkSj vkRe&vkykspuk

vkykspuk vkSj vkRe&vkykspuk ikVhZ desVh dh lcls egRoiw.kZ mlwyksa esa ls ,d gS A vke rkSj ij ikVhZ vkSj fo”ks’k :i ls usr`Ro] desfV;ksa ,oa lnL;ksa ds fy, bl ij vey djuk fugk;r gh t:jh gS A

v½  vkykspuk vkSj vkRe&vkykspuk ikVhZ dh fn”kk vkSj mlds O;ogkj ij vk/kkfjr gksuh pkfg, A

c½  vkykspuk ikVhZ vkSj lEcfU/kr desVh ds vUnj dh tkuh pkfg,] u fd ckgj A

l½  Åijh desfV;ksa ds ckjs esa ;k muds fu.kZ;ksa ds f[kykQ vkykspuk lEcfU/kr desVh ds ikl Hksth tkuh pkfg, A

n½  ,drk&la?k’kZ&,drk ds ek/;e ls] ;kuh fd] vkykspuk vkSj vkRe&vkykspuk dh izfØ;k ls ikVhZ dh ,drk gkfly gksrh gS A

/kkjk ckjg % ikVhZ vuq'kklu

1-  ikVhZ dh ,drk dks dk;e j[kus vkSj mls lqn`<+ cukus ds fy,] mldh rkdr] tq>k: {kerk vkSj mldh izfr"Bk c<+kus ds fy, rFkk tuoknh dsUnzh;rk ds mlwyksa dks ykxw djus ds fy, vuq'kklu vifjgk;Z gS A ikVhZ vuq'kklu dk dBksjrk ls ikyu fd;s fcuk ikVhZ la?k"kksZa vkSj dk;Zokfg;ksaa esa vke turk dk usr`Ro ugha dj ldrh gS vkSj u gh muds izfr viuh ftEesokfj;ksa dks iwjk dj ldrh gS A

2-  vuq'kklu dk vk/kkj ikVhZ ds y{;ksa] dk;ZØe vkSj uhfr;ksa dks lpsr :i ls Lohdkj djuk gS A ikVhZ ds lHkh lnL;] ikVhZ laxBu ds vUnj vFkok lkoZtfud thou esa mudk pkgs tks Hkh ntkZ gks] ikVhZ vuq'kklu ls leku :i ls ca/ks gSa A

3-  ikVhZ ds lafo/kku vkSj ikVhZ ds QSlyksa dks rksM+uk ;k dksbZ Hkh ,slk dke vkSj vkpj.k djuk tks dE;qfuLV ikVhZ ds ,d lnL; dh izfr"Bk ds izfrdwy gks] ikVhZ vuq'kklu dks rksM+uk ekuk tk;sxk vkSj mlds fo#) vuq'kklu dh dk;Zokgh dh tk ldrh gSA

4-  vuq”kklu dh dk;Zokfg;ka gSa %

    v½ psrkouh nsuk A

    c½  fuUnk djuk A

    l½ lkoZtfud fuUnk djuk A

    n½  ikVhZ esa in ls gVkuk A

    p½ ikVhZ dh iw.kZ lnL;rk ls fdlh ,d vof/k ds fy, fuyfEcr djuk] ysfdu og vof/k ,d o"kZ ls T;knk ugha gksxh A

    N½ ikVhZ lnL;rk lwfp ls gVkuk A

    t½ fu"dkflr djuk A

5-  ;fn fdlh desVh dk dksbZ lnL; mDr desVh dh rhu cSBdksa esa yxkrkj mifLFkr ugha gksrk gS rks mDr desVh dks mDr lnL; ls Li’Vhdj.k ekaxus dk vkSj] mDr lnL; ds Li’Vhdj.k ij lquokbZ ds i”pkr] ;fn mDr Li’Vhdj.k dks larks’ktud ugha ik;k tkrk gS rks mDr lnL; ls mDr desVh ls gVkus dk vf/kdkj gksxk] tks jkT; desVh ;k dsUnzh; desVh ls vuqeksnu dk fo’k; gksxk] rFkkfi bl rjg ls gVk;s x;s lnL; dks dUVªksy deh”ku ds ikl vihy djus dk vf/kdkj gksxk A

6-  lkekU; rkSj ij vuq”kklu dh dk;Zokgh rc dh tk;sxh tc le>kus& cq>kus dk rjhdk lesr lHkh rjhds lEcfU/kr dkejsM dks lq/kkjus esa vlQy gks x;s gksxsa A fdUrq ,sls ekeyksa esa Hkh tgka vuq”kklu dh dk;Zokgh dh xbZ gks] ogka dkejsM dks vius vkidks lq/kkjus esa enn nsus dk iz;kl tkjh j[kk tk;sxk A ,sls ekeyksa esa tgka vuq”kklu dk mYya?ku ,slk gS fd ikVhZ ds fgrksa ;k mldh izfr’Bk dh j{kk ds fy, rRdky vuq”kklu dh dk;Zokgh djus dh t:jr gS] vuq”kklu dh dk;Zokgh rRdky dh tk;sxh A

7-  vuq'kklu dh lHkh dk;Zokfg;ksa esa ikVhZ ls fu"dklu dBksjre dne gS vkSj bls ykxw djrs le; vf/kdre lko/kkuh] fopkj vkSj foosd ls dke ysuk pkfg, A

8-  fdlh lnL; ds fu"dklu ;k fuyEcu lEcU/kh vuq'kklukRed dk;Zokgh ml le; rd izHkkoh ugha gksxh tc rd vxyh mPprj dessVh }kjk mldh iqf"V u dj nh tk;s A rFkkfi] fu"dklu ;k fuyEcu ds ekeys esa] nf.Mr ikVhZ lnL; dks bldh iqf"V gksus rd lHkh ftEesnkj inksa ls] ftl ij og gks ldrk gS] gVk fn;k tk;sxk A

9-  ftl dkejsM ds f[kykQ vuq'kklu dh dk;Zokgh izLrkfor gS] mls mlds f[kykQ yxk;s x;s vkjksiksa] dkj.kksa ,oa lHkh izklafxd rF;ksa dh iwjh tkudkjh nh tk;sxh A lnL; dks ml ikVhZ desVh esa O;fDrxr :i ls viuh ckr j[kus dk vf/kdkj gksxk ftlesa muds ekeys ij ppkZ dh tk jgh gS A

10- os lnL; tks gM+rky&rksM+d] vknru 'kjkch] uSfrd :i ls ifrr] ikVhZ fo'okl ds lkFk xn~nkjh djus vkSj xaHkhj vkfFkZd vfu;ferrkvksa ds nks"kh ik;s tkrs gSa ;k ,sls lnL; ftudh xfrfof/k;ka ikVhZ vkSj etnwj oxZ ds fy, ?kkrd gSa] mu ij ml ikVhZ desVh }kjk dk;Zokgh dh tk;sxh ftlds os lnL; gSa vkSj os vuq”kklukRed dk;Zokgh ds Hkkxh gksxsa A

11- vuq'kklu dh dk;Zokgh ds gj ekeys esa vihy djus dk vf/kdkj gksxk A

12- jkT; desVh dks vf/kdkj gS fd og uhpys Lrj dh ,slh desVh dks Hkax dj ns ;k mlds f[kykQ vuq”kklu dh dk;Zokgh djs tks ikVhZ ds QSlyksa vkSj uhfr dk fujarj mYya?ku djrs gaS] tks xaHkhj xqVckth esa vkSj ikVhZ vuq'kklu dks rksM+us esa 'kkfey gSa A

13- ikVhZ ls bLrhQk nsus ds fy, bPNqd lnL; lEcfU/kr ikVhZ desVh dks vkosnu nsxsa tks vius vke lnL;ksa dh cSBd ds fu.kZ; }kjk mls Lohdkj dj ldrh gS vkSj mlds uke dks lnL;rk lwfp ls gVkus  dk fu.kZ; ys ldrh gS vkSj ekeys dh fjiksVZ vxyh mPprj desVh dks nsxh A

/kkjk rsjg % vf[ky Hkkjrh; ikVhZ egkf/kos'ku

1-  vf[ky Hkkjrh; ikVhZ egkf/kos”ku iwjs ns”k ds fy, ikVhZ dk loksZPp fudk; gksxk A

v½  dsUnzh; desVh }kjk vke rkSj ij izR;sd rhu o’kZ esa fu;fer ikVhZ egkf/kos”ku vk;ksftr fd;k tk;sxk A rFkkfi] fdlh Hkh ekeys esa egkf/kos”ku ds vk;kstu dks bl rhu o’kZ ds vkxs ,d o’kZ ls T;knk le; ds fy, foyfEcr ugha fd;k tk ldrk gS A

c½  ikVhZ egkf/kos”ku dh frfFk] LFkku] ,ts.Mk vkSj dk;Zokgh dk fu.kZ; fo”ks’k :i ls bl edln ls cqykbZ xbZ cSBd esa dsUnzh; desVh }kjk fy;k tk;sxk A

l½  ikVhZ egkf/kos”ku esa jkT; lEesyuksa }kjk vkSj lkFk gh lh/ks rkSj ij vf[ky Hkkjrh; ikVhZ dsUnz ds ekrgr dk;Z djus okyh ikVhZ desfV;ksa ds lEesyuksa }kjk fuokZfpr izfrfuf/k 'kkfey gkssaxsA

n½  ikVhZ egkf/kos”ku esa izfrfuf/kRo dk vk/kkj dsUnzh; desVh }kjk r; fd;k tk;sxk A

p½  dsUnzh; desVh vkSj dsUnzh; dUVªksy deh”ku ds lnL;ksa dks ikVhZ egkf/kos”ku esa] pkgs og fu;fer ;k fQj fo”ks’k egkf/kos”ku gks] iw.kZ izfrfuf/k ds :i esa Hkkx yssus dk vf/kdkj gksxk A

N½  fdlh jkT; dh lnL;rk la[;k dks] ftlds fy, dsUnzh; desVh ds ikl lnL;rk “kqYd dk dksVk iwjh rjg tek fd;k x;k gS] ml jkT; ls ikVhZ egkf/kos”ku esa izfrfuf/k;ksa dh la[;k dh x.kuk djus dk vk/kkj ekuk tk;sxk A

2-  ikVhZ egkf/kos”ku ds dk;Z vkSj “kfDr;ka fuEufyf[kr gSa %

v½  dsUnzh; desVh dh jktuhfrd vkSj lkaxBfud fjiksVZ ij ppkZ djuk vkSj dk;Zokgh djuk A

c½  ikVhZ dk;ZØe vkSj ikVhZ lafo/kku esa la”kks/ku vkSj ifjorZu djuk A

l½  ØkfUr dk jkLrk rFkk ekStwnk ifjfLFkfr esa ikVhZ dh dk;Zuhfrd fn”kk vkSj uhfr dks fu/kkZfjr djuk A

n½  xqIr ernku ds tfj, dsUnzh; desVh dk pquko djuk A

p½  dsUnzh; dUVªksy deh”ku dh fjiksVZ vkSj lkFk gh lkFk vihyksa dh lquokbZ djuk vkSj fu.kZ; ysuk A

N½  dUVªksy deh”ku }kjk is”k vk;&O;; dh fjiksVZ ij lquokbZ djuk vkSj fu.kZ; ysuk A

t½ dsUnzh; dUVªksy deh”ku dk pquko djuk A

>½  viuh dk;Zokfg;ksa ds lapkyu ds fy, ,d v/;{ke.My vkSj lapkyu lfefr dk pquko djuk A

3-  v½ dsUnzh; desVh }kjk vius Lo;a ds foosd ls ;k tc mu jkT; desfV;ksa }kjk bldh ekax dh tk; tks dqy ikVhZ lnL;rk ds de&ls&de ,d&frgkbZ dk izfrfuf/kRo djrs gaS] rks fo”ks’k ikVhZ egkf/kos”ku vk;ksftr fd;k tk;sxk A tc ,sls ,d fo”ks’k ikVhZ egkf/kos”ku dh ekax dh tk;sxh rks bls mDr ekax djus dh frfFk ls N% ekg ds vUnj vk;ksftr fd;k tk;sxk A

c½  fo”ks’k ikVhZ egkf/kos”ku dh frfFk] LFkku] dk;Z vkSj ,ts.Mk dk fu.kZ; fo”ks’k :i ls bl edln ls cqykbZ xbZ cSBd esa dsUnzh; desVh }kjk fy;k tk;sxk A

l½  fo”ks’k ikVhZ egkf/kos”ku ds fy, izfrfuf/kRo dk vk/kkj dsUnzh; desVh }kjk bl edln ls fo”ks’k :i ls cqykbZ xbZ cSBd esa r; fd;k tk;sxk A

n½  dsUnzh; desVh vkSj dsUnzh; dUVªksy deh”ku ds lnL;ksa dks fo”ks’k ikVhZ bl edln ls esa iw.kZ izfrfuf/k ds :i esa Hkkx yssus dk vf/kdkj gksxk A

/kkjk pkSng % ikVhZ egkf/kos'ku ls iwoZ dh ppkZ

1-  dsUnzh; desVh vf[ky Hkkjrh; ikVhZ egkf/kos”ku ds rhu ekg igys lHkh ikVhZ lnL;ksa@mEehnokj lnL;ksa }kjk ppkZ ds fy, elfonk nLrkrstksa dks tkjh djsxh A jkT; desfV;ksa ds fy, ;g ck/;dkjh gS fd dsUnzh; desVh }kjk bls tkjh djus ds ckn lEHkore de&ls&de le; esa lEcfU/kr Hkk"kkvksa esa mudk vuqokn djsa vkSj 'kk[kk desfV;ksa rd lHkh desfV;ksa dks bldh vko';d izfr;ka miyC/k djk;ssa A izLrkoksa ds fy, la'kks/kuksa dks lh/ks dsUnzh; desVh ds ikl Hkstk tk;sxk tks blds ckjs esa viuh fjiksVZ vf[ky Hkkjrh; egkf/kos”ku ds le{k j[ksxh A

2-  vf[ky Hkkjrh; ikVhZ egkf/kos”ku ds fgLls ds :i esa dsUnzh; desVh ds elfonk nLrkostksa rFkk lEcfU/kr desfV;ksa vkSj mlds Åij dh desVh ls ysdj jkT; desVh rd dh fjiksVksZa vkSj izLrkokssa ds vk/kkj ij gj Lrj ij lEesyu vk;ksftr fd;s tk;saxs A

3-  'kk[kk vkSj LFkkuh; desVh Lrj ds lEesyuksa esa mPprj desVh ds ,d dkejsM }kjk ikVhZ egkf/kos”ku esa izLrqr fd;s tkus okys nLrkostksa dh fjiksVZ is'k dh tk;sxh A lHkh ikVhZ lnL;@mEehnokj lnL; bykdk lEesyuksa esa izfrfuf/k gksxsa A

/kkjk iUnzg % vf[ky Hkkjrh; ikVhZ lEesyu

tc Hkh vko”;d le>k tk;sxk] dsUnzh; desVh }kjk vf[ky Hkkjrh; ikVhZ lEesyu vk;ksftr fd;k tk ldrk gS A

/kkjk lksyg % ikVhZ Iysue

1-  tc dHkh fdlh egRoiw.kZ uhfrxr elys vkSj laxBukRed loky ij O;kid Lrj ij ppkZ vkSj fu.kZ; dh t:jr mB [kM+h gksxh rks dsUnzh; desVh }kjk vf[ky Hkkjrh; Iysue dk vk;kstu fd;k tk ldrk gS A

2-  dsUnzh; desVh vkSj dsUnzh; dUVªksy deh”ku ds lnL; Iysue esa insu izfrfuf/k gksaxs A vU; izfrfuf/k;ksa dk p;u dsUnzh; desVh }kjk r; ekin.M ds vk/kkj ij desfV;ksa }kjk fd;k tk;sxk A

3-  dsUnzh; desVh Iysue dk ,ts.Mk r; djsxh A

4-  Iysue ds fu.kZ; dsUnzh; desVh ds fy, ca/kudkjh gksxsa A

/kkjk lÙkjg % dsUæh; desVh

1   v½ dsUnzh; desVh dk pquko ikVhZ egkf/kos”ku esa fd;k tk;sxk] blds lnL;ksa dh la[;k ikVhZ egkf/kos”ku }kjk r; dh tk;sxh A

c½  fuorZeku dsUnzh; desVh }kjk egkf/kos”ku esa mEehnokjksa dk ,d iSuy izLrkfor fd;k tk;sxk A

l½  turk ds lkFk ?kfu’B :i ls tqM+s] etnwj oxZ ds Økafrdkjh n`f’Vdks.k ij vfMx vkSj ekDlZokn&ysfuuokn&ekvks Rls rqax fopkj/kkjk dh f'k{kk ls ySl ,d l{ke usr`Ro dh rS;kj djus ds n`f’Vdks.k ls mEehnokjksa dk iSuy cuk;k tk;sxk A iSuy esa jkT;ksa] tu laxBuksa vkSj ikVhZ xfrfof/k;ksa ds vU; {ks=ksa ls Js’B izfrHkkvksa vkSj vuqHkoh yksxksa dks ,d lkFk yk;k tk;sxk A

n½  izLrkfor iSuy ds fdlh Hkh uke ds lEcU/k esa dksbZ Hkh izfrfuf/k vkifÙk mBk ldrk gS vkSj lkFk gh fdlh u;s uke ;k ukeksa dk izLrko j[k ldrk gS A

p½  dksbZ Hkh O;fDr ftldk uke izLrkfor fd;k x;k gS] mls viuk uke okil ysus dk vf/kdkj gksxk A

N½  izfrfuf/k;kas }kjk fd;s x;s vfrfjDr ukekadu lfgr vfUre :i ls izLrkfor iSuy ij xqIr eri= ls ernku gksxk A

2-  dsUnzh; desVh nks vf[ky Hkkjrh; ikVhZ egkf/kos”kuksa ds chp ikVhZ dk loksZPp izkf/kdkj gksxh A

3-  ;g ikVhZ lafo/kku dks ykxw djus rFkk ikVhZ egkf/kos”ku }kjk Lohd`r jktuhfrd fn”kk ,oa fu.kZ;ksa ij vey djus ds fy, tokcnsg gS A

4-  dsUnzh; desVh lkfoZd :i ls ikVhZ dk izfrfuf/kRo djsxh rFkk ikVhZ ds iwjs dke dks funsZf”kr djus ds fy, ftEesokj gksxh A dsUnzh; desVh dks ikVhZ ds le{k mifLFkr fdlh Hkh loky ij iw.kZ izkf/kdkj ds lkFk fu.kZ; ysus dk vf/kdkj gksxk A

5-  dsUnzh; desVh vius lnL;ksa ds chp ls egklfpo lesr ,d jktuhfrd C;wjks ¼iksfyr C;wjks½ dk pquko djsxh A jktuhfrd C;wjks ds lnL;ksa dh la[;k dsUnzh; desVh }kjk r; dh tk;sxh A jktuhfrd C;wjks dsUnzh; desVh ds nks l=ksa ds njE;ku blds dk;kasZ dks vkxs ys tkrh gS vkSj mls dsUnzh; desVh dh nks cSBdksa ds chp jktuhfrd fu.kZ; ysus dk vf/kdkj gS A ikVhZ usr`Ro dk cnyko Hkh xqIr ernku ds vk/kkj ij fd;k tk;sxk A

6-  jktuhfrd C;wjks dh LFkkbZ desVh ¼LVSafMax desVh½ blds jkstejkZ ds dk;kZas dk lapkyu djsxh A

7-  v½ vuq”kklu ds ?kksj mYya?ku] nqO;Zogkj vkSj ikVhZ&fojks/kh xfrfof/k ds fy, fdlh Hkh lnL; dks dsUnzh; desVh mifLFkr nks&frgkbZ lnL;ksa ds er ls desVh ls gVk nsxh vkSj ftlds fy, fdlh Hkh gkyr esa dsUnzh; desVh dh dqy la[;k ds vk/ks ls T;knk }kjk ,sls fu’dklu ds fy, oksV fn;k tkuk pkfg, A ;g uhpys Lrj dh desfV;ksa ij Hkh ykxw gksxk A

c½  og dqy lnL;ksa ds lk/kkj.k cgqer ls vius xBu esa vk;h fdlh Hkh fjDrrk dh lg;kstu }kjk iwfrZ dj ldrh gS A

l½  tc dsUnzh; desVh dk ,d ;k T;knk lnL; fxj¶rkj gks tkrs gS]a rks ,sls ekeyksa esa desVh ds cps gq, lnL; nks&frgkbZ cgqer }kjk izfrLFkkfir lnL;ksa (substitute members) dks lg;ksftr dj ldrs gSa vkSj mUgsa ewy lnL;ksa tSlk iw.kZ vf/kdkj gksxk A

8-  dsUnzh; desVh dsUnzh; dUVªksy deh”ku esa vk;h fdlh Hkh fjDrrk dks mifLFkr nks&frgkbZ lnL;ksa er ls Hkj ldrh gS vkSj ml mEehnokj ds fy, fdlh Hkh gkyr esa dsUnzh; desVh dh dqy la[;k ds vk/ks ls T;knk }kjk oksV fn;k tkuk pkfg, A

9-  dsUnzh; desVh dh nks cSBdksa ds chp le; dk vUrjky pkj ekg ls T;knk ugha gksxk vkSj tc Hkh dqy lnL;ksa ds ,d&frgkbZ }kjk vuqjks/k fd;k tk;sxk] bldh cSBd cqykbZ tk;sxh A

10- dsUnzh; desVh jktuhfrd ,oa lkaxBfud eqn~nksa ij vkSj tu vkUnksyu dh leL;kvksa ij ppkZ djsxh vkSj fu.kZ; ysxh rFkk jkT; desfV;ksa dk vkSj tu laxBuksa esa vf[ky Hkkjrh; ikVhZ ÝSD'kuksa dk ekxZn'kZu djsxh A

11- dsUnzh; desVh ikVhZ egkf/kos”ku esa] tc Hkh og vk;ksftr gks] viuk jktuhfrd vkSj laxBukRed fjiksVZ izLrqr djsxh A

12- dsUnzh; desVh vius eq[ki=ksa ds fy, lEiknd e.Myksa dh fu;qfDr djsxh tks dsUnzh; desVh ds ekxZn”kZu vkSj fu;a=.k ds ekrgr dk;Z djsaxh A

13- dsUnzh; desVh ,sls laxBu ds fuekZ.k ds fy, O;oLFkk djsxh tks lHkh vkdfLedrkvksa ds lkeus fVds jg lds A Åij ls ysdj uhps dh desfV;ksa rd bl i)rh dk ikyu fd;k tk;sxk A

/kkjk vëkjg % jkT;] ftyk] bykdk] LFkkuh;] 'kk[kk desfV;ka vkSj ikVhZ ÝSD'ku

1-  jkT;] ftyk] bykdk] LFkkuh; ;k 'kk[kk lEesyu Øe”k% jkT;] ftyk] bykdk] LFkkuh; ;k 'kk[kk Lrj ij loksZPp fudk; gksaxs tks jkT;] ftyk] bykdk] LFkkuh; ;k 'kk[kk desVh dk pquko djsaxh A

2-  v½ jkT;] ftyk] bykdk] LFkkuh; ;k 'kk[kk ikVhZ desVh dh lkaxBfud lajpuk] vf/kdkj vkSj dk;Z oSls gh gSa ftudk ooZ.k vf[ky Hkkjrh; Lrj ij ikVhZ lajpuk vkSj dk;Z ls lEcfU/kr /kkjk esa fd;k x;k gS] rFkkfi muds dk;Z jkT;] ftyk] bykdk] LFkkuh; ;k 'kk[kk Lrj ds eqn~nksa rd lhfer jgsaxs rFkk vxys mPprj ikVhZ desVh }kjk fy, x;s fu.kZ;ksa ds nk;js ds vUnj jgsaxs A

c½  jkT;] ftyk] bykdk] LFkkuh; ;k “kk[kk desVh lfpo vkSj tgka t:jh gks dk; desVh dk pquko djsaxh A

3-  v½ ikVhZ dk izkFkfed fudk; is”kk ;k HkkSxksfyd [k.M ds vk/kkj ij laxfBr 'kk[kk desVh gS A

c½  ikVhZ lnL;ksa dks] tc os fdlh ,d dkj[kkus] fdlh ,d laLFkku ;k fdlh m|ksx esa dk;Zjr gksa] rks mUgsa muds is”kk ;k dk;Z (vocation) ds vk/kkj ij laxfBr fd;k tk;sxk A tc ,slh bZdkb;ksa dks laxfBr fd;k tk;sxk rks ,slh bZdkb;ksa ds lnL; vius fuokl LFky esa ikVhZ bZdkb;ksa ds ,”kksfl,V lnL; gksaxs ;k mUgsa ogka lgk;d bZdkb;ksa ds :i esa laxfBr fd;k tk;sxk A mUgsa vius fuokl LFky ij lkSaik x;k dke dkj[kkus] laLFkku ;k is”ks esa mudh cqfu;knh bZdkb;ksa }kjk mUgsa lkSais x;s dke dks uqdlku iagqpkus okyk ugha gksuk pkfg, A

l½  “kk[kk desVh esa lnL;ksa dh la[;k] <kapk o dk;Z rFkk “kk[kk desVh ls lacaf/kr vU; ekeyksa dks jkT; desVh }kjk r; fd;k tk;sxk A

4-  jkT; dk eq[ki= vkSj izdk”ku dsUnzh; desVh dh jktuhfrd vkSj lkaxBfud fn”kk ds vuq:i gksuh pkfg, A

/kkjk mUuhl % dUVªksy deh'ku

1-  ikVhZ egkf/kos”ku }kjk pqus x;s rhu lnL;ksa dk ,d dsUnzh; dUVªksy deh”ku gksxk A og vius chp ls ,d la;kstd dk pquko djsxh A

2-  dsUnzh; desVh }kjk ikVhZ egkf/kos”ku esa dUVªksy deh”ku ds fy, iSuy dk uke izLrkfor fd;k tk;sxk A ukekadu ds fy, ukeksa dk izLrko j[kus ds fy, mEehnokj dh ikVhZ ls lac)rk ¼party standing½] tks nl o’kZ ls de ugha gksuh pkfg,] rFkk ikVhZ laxBu esa mlds vuqHko ,oa mudh O;fDrxr fu’Bk dks /;ku esa j[kk tk;sxk A

3-  pquko dh izfØ;k ogh gksxh tks dsUnzh; desVh ds pquko dh gS A

4-  dsUnzh; dUVªksy deh”ku ds lnL; dsUnzh; desVh dh cSBdksa esa oksV ds vf/kdkj ds lkFk Hkkx ysxsa] flok; ml le; ds tc vuq”kklukRed dkjZokbZ ls lacaf/kr lokyksa dks fy;k tk jgk gks A

5-  dsUnzh; dUVªksy deh”ku fuEu fo’k;ksa dks gkFk esa ysxh %

v½  dsUnzh; desVh ;k jktuhfrd C;wjks }kjk mls izsf’kr ekeys(

c½  ,sls ekeys ftlesa dsUnzh; desVh }kjk vuq”kklukRed dkjZokbZ dh xbZ gS(

l½  ,sls ekeys ftlesa dsUnzh; desVh }kjk ikVhZ ls fu’dklu dk fu.kZ; fy;k x;k gS ftlds fo:) lacaf/kr lnL; }kjk vihy dh xbZ gS(

n½  dsUnzh; desVh }kjk fy;s x;s vuq”kklu ds lHkh dneksa dh fjiksVZ dsUnzh; dUVªksy deh”ku dks dh tkuh pkfg, A

6-  dsUnzh; dUVªksy deh”ku }kjk vius fu.kZ;ksa dh fjiksVZ dsUnzh; desVh dks nh tk;sxh A ;s fu.kZ; lkekU;r% vafre gksxsa vkSj dsUnzh; desVh }kjk mu ij vey fd;k tk;sxk] tc rd fd mls mifLFkr lnL;ksa ds nks&frgkbZ cgqer }kjk [kkfjt u dj fn;k x;k gks rFkk fdlh Hkh ekeys esa ;g oksV dsUnzh; desVh dh dqy la[;k ds vk/ks ls T;knk gks ¼ftlesa dsUnzh; dUVªksy deh”ku ds lnL;ksa dh la[;k “kkfey ugha gS½ A

7-  izR;sd jkT; lEesyu dks jkT; dUVªksy deh”ku xfBr djus dk vf/kdkj gS A Åij mYysf[kr /kkjk 2 ls 7 rd ds izko/kku jkT; dUVªksy deh”ku ds fy, Hkh ykxw gksxsa] gkykafd bldk nk;jk mDr jkT; rd lhfer gksxk A mijksDr /kkjkvksa esa ^^dsUnzh; desVh** ;k ^^iksfyr C;wjks** dk dksbZ Hkh mYys[k jkT; dUVªksy deh”ku ds ekeys esa ^^jkT; desVh** ds lanHkZ ds :i esa ekuk tk;sxk A ml jkT; esa fdlh Hkh ikVhZ fudk; }kjk dh xbZ lHkh vuq”kklukRed dkjZokbZ dh fjiksVZ jkT; dUVªksy deh”ku dks Hksth tk;sxh A

8-  jkT; desVh ls uhps ds Lrj dh desfV;ksa }kjk dh xbZ lHkh vuq”kklukRed dkjZokbZ dh vihy vxyh mPprj desVh ls ysdj jkT; desVh rd dh tk ldrh gS A

9-  vuq”kklukRed dkjZokbZ ds lHkh ekeyksa esa] jkT; dUVªksy deh”ku ds fu.kZ; ds i”pkr jkT; desVh }kjk fy;s x;s vafre fu.kZ; dh vihy dsUnzh; desVh ds le{k dh tk;sxh rFkk dsUnzh; dUVªksy deh”ku ds fu.kZ; ds i”pkr dsUnzh; desVh }kjk fy;s x;s vafre fu.kZ; dh vihy ikVhZ egkf/kos”ku esa dh tk;sxh A

10- dsUnzh; desVh vkSj jkT; desfV;ka Øe”k% dsUnzh; ,oa jkT; dUVªksy deh”kuksa ds foLrkfjr dkedkt dks ifjHkk’khr djrs gq, fu;e cuk ldrh gSa A

/kkjk mUuhl ¼v½ % {ks=kh; leUo; lfefr;ka

1-  izR;sd {ks= ds fy,] tSls fd iwohZ] if”peh] nf{ vkSj mÙkjh {ks= ds fy,] {ks=h; leUo; lfefr gksxh A

2-  dsUnzh; desVh bu {ks=h; leUo; lfefr;ksa dk xBu fd;k tk;sxk A

3-  {ks=h; leUo; lfefr esa fuEu lnL; gksaxs %

v½  {ks= ds vUrxZr vkus okys jkT;ksa dk izfrfuf/kRo djus okys dsUnzh; desVh lnL;(

c½  {ks= ds vUrxZr vkus okys jkT;ksa dk izfrfuf/kRo djrs gq, jkT; desVh ;k jkT; lkaxBfud desfV;ksa ds lfpo( ,oa

l½  {ks= esa “kkfey jkT;ksa ds dsUnzh; daVªksy deh”ku ds lnL;A

4-  dsUnzh; desVh }kjk r; iksfyr C;wjks dk ,d lnL; {ks=h; leUo; desVh dk la;kstd gksxk A

5-  {ks=h; leUo; lfefr dh nks eghus esa ;k dsUnzh; desVh dh nks cSBdksa ds chp ;k tc Hkh vko”;d gks viuh cSBd djsxh A

/kkjk chl % pqus gq, lkoZtfud fudk;ksa esa ikVhZ lnL;

1-  laln] fo/kku lHkkvksa] uxjfuxeksa] uxjikfydkvksa] iapk;rksa bR;kfn fofHkUu lkoZtfud fudk;ksa ds fy, pqus x;s ikVhZ lnL; leqfpr ikVhZ desVh ds ekrgr dke djsaxs A ;fn ,sls ,d ls T;knk lnL; gSa rks os vius vkidks ikVhZ xqzi ds :i esa xfBr djsaxs rFkk ikVhZ dh fn”kk] uhfr;ksa vkSj funsZ”kksa dk dM+kbZ ds lkFk ikyu djrs gq, dke djsaxs A os ges”kk gh tu vkUnksyu dks izfrfcfEcr djsaxs] ikVhZ dh uhfr;ksa dks cqyUn djsaxs vkSj mls yksdfiz; cuk;saxs rFkk vfopy :i ls turk ds fgrksa dh j{kk djsaxs A os O;fDrxr fu’Bk ds Åaps Lrj dks cuk;s j[ksaxs] vkMEcj jfgr thou O;frr djsaxs rFkk turk ds lkFk vius O;ogkj vkSj lEidZ es fouezrk cjrsaxs vkSj ikVhZ ds fgr dks vius O;fDrxr fgr ls Åij j[ksaxs A

2-  os fu;fer :i ls vkSj fcuk ukxk fd;s viuh vk; ij leqfpr ikVhZ desVh }kjk r; dh xbZ ysOgh vnk djsaxs A

3-  os vius dk;ksZa ds ckjs esa ernkrkvksa vkSj turk dks fu;fer fjiksVZ nsaxs vkSj muls lq>ko o lykg ysxsa A

4-  laln ds pquko ds fy, ikVhZ mEehnokjksa ds lHkh ukekaduksa dks dsUnzh; desVh }kjk eatwjh nh tk;sxh A jkT; fo/kku lHkkvksa ;k dsUnz “kkflr ifj’knksa ds fy, ikVhZ mEehnokjksa ds ukekadu dks lEcfU/kr jkT; desVh }kjk vfUre :i fn;k tk;sxk vkSj mldh ?kks’k.kk dh tk;sxh A uxjikfydkvvksa] uxjfuxeksa] ftyk cksMZ] LFkkuh; cksMZ vkSj iapk;rksa ds fy, fu;eksa dks jkT; desVh }kjk rS;kj fd;s tk;saxs A

/kkjk chl ¼v½ % tu izfrfuf/kRo dkuwu] 1951 dh /kjk 29¼,½ ds rgr vfuokZ; izko/kku

^^Hkkjr dh dE;qfuLV ikVhZ ¼ekDlZoknh&ysfuuoknh½ jsM LVkj Hkkjr esa dkuwu }kjk LFkkfir lafo/kku ds izfr rFkk lektokn] /keZ fujis{krk ,oa yksdra= ds fl)kUrksa ds izfr lPph fo”okl ,oa fu’Bk j[ksxk vkSj Hkkjr dh ,drk] v[k.Mrk ,oa lEizHkqrk dks cqyUn djsxk A**

/kkjk bDdhl % vUr%&ikVhZ ppkZ

1-  ikVhZ dks ,drkc) djus ds fy, rFkk mldh tu fn”kk dks fodflr djus ds fy, vUr%&ikVhZ ppkZ ikVhZ thou dk fu;fer pfj= gksuk pkfg, A ikVhZ laxBu }kjk ,slh ppkZ,a vf[ky Hkkjrh; Lrj ij ;k fofHkUu Lrjksa ij laxfBr dh tk;saxh] tks eqn~nksa ds pfj= ij fuHkZj djrk gS A

2-  vUr&ikVhZ ppkZ laxfBr fd;k tk;sxk %

d½ vf[ky Hkkjrh; ;k jkT; Lrjh; egRo ds egRoiw.kZ lokyksa ij] ftl Lrj dk ekeyk gks] vkSj ftl ij QkSjh rkSj ij fu.kZ; ysus dh t:jr ugha gks] ikVhZ dh dsUnzh; ;k jkT; desfV;ksa }kjk fu.kZ; ysus ls igys(

[k½ tc ikVhZ dh uhfr ds fdlh egRoiw.kZ loky ij dsUnzh; desVh ds vUnj ;k jkT; desVh ds vUnj i;kZIr :i ls iq[rk cgqer u gks(

x½  tc ikVhZ lnL;rk ds ,d&frgkbZ ls T;knk lnL;ksa dk izfrfuf/kRo djus okys jkT; desfV;kas }kjk vf[ky Hkkjrh; Lrj ij ;k lEcfU/kr jkT; esa dqy lnL;rk ds mlh vuqikr dk izfrfuf/kRo djus okys ftyk desfV;ksa }kjk jkT; Lrj ij vUr%&ikVhZ ppkZ dh ekax dh tk;s A

3-  vUr%&ikVhZ ppkZ dsUnzh; ;k jkT; desVh ds ekxZn”kZu ds rgr pyk;h tk;sxh tks ppkZ ds eqn~nksa dks lq=hc) djsaxs A ikVhZ desVh tks ppkZ dk ekxZn”kZu djsxh] ;g r; djsxh fd ppkZ dks fdl <ax ls pyk;k tk;s A

4-  dqNsd oSpkfjd vkSj jktuhfrd eqn~nksa ij dsUnzh; desVh dh tkudkjh esa laxBu ds ckgj Hkh cgl vkSj ppkZ pyk;h tk ldrh gS] c”krsZ fd ,slh dk;Zokfg;ka laxBu dh ,drk vkSj Hkkjrh; Økafr ds mÌs”; dks {kfr u igqapk;s A

/kkjk ckbl % tu laxBuksa esa dk;Zjr ikVhZ lnL;

tu laxBuksa vkSj mudh dk; desfV;ksa esaa dke djus okys ikVhZ lnL;ksa dks ÝSD'kuksa esa ;k ÝsD'ku desfV;ksa esa laxfBr fd;k tk;sxk vkSj os leqfpr ikVhZ desVh ds ekxZn'kZu ds rgr dke djsaxs A os ftu tu laxBukssa esas dke djrs gSa] mUgsa mldh ,drk] tuk/kkj vkSj tq>k: {kerk dks etcwr cukus ds fy, fujarj iz;kljr jguk pkfg, A

/kkjk rsbl % foÙk

1-  ikVhZ ds foÙkh; lalk/kuksa esa ikVhZ lnL;ksa dk lnL;rk “kqYd vkSj ysOgh rFkk turk] tu laxBuksa vkSj O;fDrxr leFkZdksa ls izkIr pUnk “kkfey gS A

2-  ikVhZ ds dsUnzh; ra= dks pykus ds fy, dsUnzh; desVh gjsd o’kZ ;k tSlk Hkh ekeyk gks ;g r; djsxh fd izR;sd jkT; }kjk ikVhZ Q.M esa ;k fo”ks’k ikVhZ Q.M eqfge pydkj mls fdruk Q.M fn;k tk;sxk A

3-  iksfyr C;wjks }kjk dsUnzh; desVh ds ikl vuqeksnu ds fy, okf’kZd ys[kk is”k fd;k tk;sxk A

4-  jkT; vkSj ftyk Lrj ij lEcfU/kr desfV;ksa dk lfpoe.My jkT; vkSj ftyk desfV;ksa ds ikl mlds vuqeksnu ds fy, okf’kZd ys[kk is”k djsaxs A vuqeksfnr ys[kk dh ,d izfr vxyh mPprj desVh ds ikl Hksth tkuh pkfg, A

5-  dsUnzh; desVh vkSj jkT; desVh] ftl Lrj dk ekeyk gks] ,dkmUV dh dk;Ziz.kkyh ,oa vU; ekeyksa ds fy, fu;e cuk ldrh gSa A

6-  dsUnzh; desVh vkSj jkT; desVh ds ,dkmUV dk okf’kZd vkfMV lacaf/kr desVh ds fdlh nks lnL;ksa }kjk fd;k tk;sxk vkSj vkfMV fjiksVZ egkf/kos”ku vkSj lEesyu ds le{k ppkZ vkSj vkxs dh dkjZokbZ ds fy, is”k fd;k tk;sxk A uhpyh desfV;ksa ds ,dkmUV dh vkfMV jkT; desVh ds isyu }kjk dh tk;sxh ftlesa nks ls de lnL; ugha gksxsa A

/kkjk pkSchl % mi&fu;e

dsUnzh; desVh ikVhZ lafo/kku ds rgr vkSj mlds lkFk laxfr cuk;s j[kdj fu;e vkSj mi&fu;e rS;kj dj ldrh gS A jkT; desfV;ka Hkh ikVhZ lafo/kku ds lkFk laxfr j[kdj ikVhZ lafo/kku ds rgr fu;e vkSj mi&fu;e cuk ldrh gSa ftl ij mUgsa dsUnzh; desVh dh eatwjh ysuh gksxh A

/kkjk iPphl % ikVhZ lafo/ku esa la'kks/ku

ikVhZ lafo/kku esa la'kks/ku dsoy ikVhZ egkf/kos”ku }kjk gh fd;k tk;sxk A lafo/kku esa la”kks/ku ds fy, izLrkoksa dh uksfVl mDr ikVhZ egkf/kos”ku ds nks ekg iwoZ nh tk;sxh A


Read Hindi Version of Party Program and Party Constitution in PDF



Adopted by Ninth Congress of 2011 and updated by the Tenth Congress of February-March, 2015

Chapter One

From Colonisation to Neo-Colonisation

1.1 Our country, India, is one of the biggest countries of the world inhabited by more than 1.3 billion people. It is a multi-national, multi-ethnic, multi-lingual and multi- religious country with vast diversities and complex character. The caste system continues as a distinctive inhuman feature of the Indian society.

1.2 During its millenniums long pre-colonial history, it had evolved its own specific socio-economic village system with its own mode of production, which was largely self-sufficient and had specific agrarian relations and other features. For long it was pursuing its own course of development through a process of various pre-capitalist phases of class relations, as was happening in various other countries or regions also.

1.3 But the advent of colonial forces from early mercantile capitalist days interfered with and started violently changing this course of development. The indigenous development of productive forces taking place in the sub-continent was violently crushed. It was through more than a century long ruthless colonization process, formally starting with battle of Plassey of 1757, British imperialism ultimately succeeded in formally transforming India in to its colony after defeating the First War of Independence of 1857. From the very beginning the British colonialists started transforming the agrarian relations through the introduction of Zamindari and Ryotwari systems. Through these steps feudal, semi-feudal relations were consolidated to serve as the social base of colonial domination. To facilitate the plunder of the vast resources and to help capitalist accumulation, a merchant class was promoted as middlemen who later got transformed in to the comprador bourgeois class who served the integration of Indian economy with the British colonial system. Through the introduction of English education system, a comprador bureaucratic class to serve the colonial state apparatus also was developed. Along with these, while the colonial policies contributed to erosion of the stringent character of the caste system in some fields in at least superficial ways, it promoted it to utilize it as a support base to colonial rule. To safeguard colonial rule the 'divide and rule' policy was also promoted by fomenting communal strife.

1.4 From the time British imperialism started establishing its colonial domination, starting with adivasi revolts in many regions, various sections of people had launched numerous agitations against them. Different streams of renaissance movements on the one hand and the bourgeois democratic influences on the other started playing their role in creating socio-political awareness against the colonial rule according to the concrete conditions and the level of social development in different areas. The First War of Independence of 1857 was the first organized patriotic revolt of the Indian people against colonial rule. Though it was brutally suppressed through heinous ways including communally dividing the people, a series of people's upsurges in different areas took place continuously challenging the colonial rule. It was in this situation, under the active involvement of the colonialists, the Indian National Congress was formed as a safety valve to contain people's anger against the colonial rule. Even when the emerging comprador bourgeoisie, big landlord class and bureaucratic sections had their sway over the Congress, at the same time, it became an arena for the national movement against the colonial rule. As a result, the Congress started spreading its influence all over the country. But because of its class character it did not unleash the revolutionary zeal of the masses against the colonial rulers. It was satisfied with demanding dominion status within the British common wealth.

1.5 The industrial development taking place at various centers had led to the growth of the working class and to the trade union movement by the last decade of 19th century. Soon they started entering the political arena. The October Revolution in 1917 gave new impetus to national liberation movements all over the world. The communist movement emerged, and under its initiative the demand for full independence became the rallying point, which the Congress also had to adopt. The 1920s also saw emergence of different revolutionary forces like the one led by Bhagat Singh. The outbreak of working class struggles and anti-feudal movements also started becoming a feature of these decades. The Communist International had put forward the guiding principle of People's Democratic Revolution under the leadership of the working class to be followed in countries like India which were under various forms of colonial domination. The growing anti-feudal and anti-colonial struggles had created conditions for the growth of the revolutionary forces. In spite of all these, the leadership of the CPI failed to make concrete analysis of the comprador character of the emerging big bourgeoisie and its influence over Congress and develop a revolutionary line analyzing the concrete situation of India. It failed to establish the leadership of the working class over the independence struggle. Instead, by and large, it surrendered the leadership of the national movement to the Congress and to the Muslim League. Even after the great victory of the anti-fascist forces led by the Soviet Union in the Second World War, in spite of the great upsurge of the national liberation movements and the outbreak of the Naval Revolt, the Telengana-Tebhaga movements and powerful working class struggles, the leadership of the CPI failed to rectify its erroneous line.

1.6 The post- Second World War period brought momentous changes at the international level. Under the leadership of the Soviet Union the socialist camp and the national liberation movements had emerged as a powerful force. On the other hand, British imperialism had weakened and the US emerged as the leader of the imperialist camp. In this situation, in order to counter the challenge of the socialist camp and to spread its hegemony at the global level, the US-led imperialist camp initiated the transformation of colonial forms of plunder and domination into neo-colonial forms, building necessary tools for it and transferring power in the colonies to the representatives of the comprador bureaucratic bourgeois and landlord classes. British imperialism facilitated this policy by resorting to communal partition of the country and transferring power to the Congress and the Muslim League which were representing the comprador bourgeois-big landlord class interests in India and Pakistan. Thus India achieved political independence, though limited in character.

Chapter Two

Intensification of the Crisis under Neo-Colonisation and New Challenges

2.1 In the post- Second World War (SWW) period, even while the era still continued as the era of imperialism and proletarian revolution, under the imperialist system in its neo-colonial phase, the major contradictions at the international level continued as the contradiction between imperialism and the oppressed nations and peoples of the world, the contradiction between capital and labor, the contradiction among the imperialist countries and among the monopoly groups, and the contradiction between the imperialist system and the socialist forces. At the same time, during this period, especially after the crisis of the 1970s, with the mad rush for exploitation of natural and human resources utilizing the unprecedented technological advances under the imperialist perspective of development, ever- intensifying ecological devastation has started becoming a major factor both at the international and the national level. It has given rise to a new, fifth major contradiction, at both international and national levels, the contradiction between capital and nature, along with the other four major contradictions. Among these five major contradictions, the contradiction between imperialism and the oppressed peoples and nations continues as the principal contradiction at the international level.

2.2 After the 1947 transfer of power, the Congress government serving the interests of comprador bureaucratic bourgeois-big landlord classes serving imperialism opened the country for the penetration of foreign capital from all imperialist countries on a larger scale. While refusing to implement the land reforms based on "land to the tiller" as promised during the independence struggle, it went for 'land reforms from above' in the name of land ceiling laws etc, initiating the replacement of old feudal land relations. As a result, a new type of landlord class started emerging and coming in to dominance which started to open the agrarian sector to capital-market forces and technological innovations under 'green revolution' like policies.

2.3 With the transfer of power India, which was a colonial and semi-feudal country, was transformed in to a dependent country under neo-colonial domination with agrarian relations subjected to fast changes, as imperialism had abandoned its colonial policy of utilizing feudalism as its social base. The four major contradictions in the country during the colonial period were the contradiction between imperialism and the nation, between feudalism and the broad masses of people, between capital and labor, and contradiction among the ruling classes with the contradiction between imperialism and the nation continuing as the principal contradiction. Under neo- colonization they transformed in to the contradiction between imperialism and the people, the contradiction between capital and labor, the contradiction between the landlord classes and the broad masses of the peasantry and the contradiction among the ruling classes. As explained above, the contradiction between capital and nature has emerged as a fifth major contradiction in recent times. And the principal contradiction has transformed to the contradiction between the alliance of imperialism, comprador bureaucratic bourgeoisie and landlord classes on the one hand and the broad masses of people on the other.

2.4 During the post-1947 years, under the Keynesian policies pursued under neo-colonization by the imperialist system and under the impact of the powerful socialist camp coming to existence during the 1940s and of the mighty national liberation movements and growing working class struggles, the Congress government, representing the interests of Indian ruling classes, initiated many welfare policies, went for nationalization of core production sectors and for building of a powerful public sector. But by 1970s as stagflation became the commanding phenomenon and the imperialist system started facing serious crises. The imperialist countries led by US started replacing the hitherto Keynesian policies with 'neo-liberal' policies through the much advertised globalization-liberalization-privatization regime utilizing the IMF-World Bank-WTO trio, the MNCs and numerous other imperialist agencies. With the formal imposition of these changes in India in 1991, a reversal of the earlier policies was initiated fast. A sea change has taken place in the financial sector and in all other socio-economic-cultural fields.

2.5 Under 'neo-liberal' policies, all public sector undertakings are already privatized or are in that process. All public and government undertakings in the field of banking, insurance etc and other service sectors including transportation, communications, energy etc are also being privatized at a fast pace. During this process the state controlled enterprises are forming joint ventures with the MNCs. The corporate houses and MNCs are given monopoly in all fields including control of water, forest, land, mining etc. allowing them to wantonly loot the natural and human resources.

2.6 Under these new economic policies all the hard won rights of the working class are snatched away. The contract system, casualization of labor, and 'hire and fire' are the rules of the day. Even eight hour work time, minimum wages and other democratic rights are denied. While the dalits, adivasis and other backward sections who are the actual tillers are not provided land, even whatever land is owned by the poor and marginal peasantry are snatched away for various 'neo-liberal' projects and by land mafias. Corporatization of agriculture is increasing with the corporate houses - MNCs given full entry to the agrarian sector. It is forcing hundreds of thousands of peasants to commit suicide and millions of poor peasants and agricultural workers to migrate to cities. Right to public distribution system, free education, housing, healthcare, water, electricity, transport and employment is denied to the masses. 'Futures trading', entry of corporate houses and MNCs and state withdrawing from procurement-distribution sectors along with hoarding and black marketing becoming rampant, leading to sky-rocketing price rise. Many millions of retail traders are pauperized as a result. All these have led to unprecedented pauperization of the masses.

Chapter Three

Neo-Colonisation Intensifies All Major Contradictions

3.1 Analyzing the emerging class relations following the October Revolution, Communist International (Comintern) had explained that firstly, whatever progressive character the bourgeoisie in the capitalist countries had was disappearing in the monopoly capitalist or imperialist stage, and secondly, the bourgeoisie which had emerged in the Afro- Asian- Latin American countries under colonization is basically collaborating with imperialism and is incapable of completing the tasks of national and democratic revolution. In the neo-colonial phase, though this bourgeois class which has become the most influential section of the ruling class in the neo-colonies is contending to some extent with the imperialist powers for its enrichment according to the extent of their development, it is basically collaborating with imperialism. The comprador bourgeoisie is not only the agent of the imperialists, but also is a conscious part of monopoly capital who goes on to take decisions for the interest of the monopoly capital. In that sense it can still be called comprador in character. The comprador bureaucratic bourgeoisie and the big landlord class constitute the ruling class in India.

3.2 British colonialists promoted upper caste Hindus to strengthen their colonial state apparatus. At the same time, they were pursuing 'divide and rule' policy fomenting communal rivalry between Hindus and Muslims. The communal division of India amidst communal massacres and the communal appeasement policy of Congress governments from the very beginning went on increasing the communal strife. It provided a fertile ground for the Hindu fundamentalist forces mainly spearheaded by the RSS through its political arm, Jan Sangh, presently BJP, to grow, and for the Muslim communalist forces also to gain strength in response. The role played by the CPI(M)-led forces in the Janata Dal-led alliance during 1989 general elections along with BJP also helped the strengthening of the Sangh Parivar. The heinous and dangerous policy of the Congress government in 1992 which allowed the RSS Parivar to demolish Babri Masjid to divert attention from the imposition of imperialist globalization policies, has led not only to the communal fascist BJP coming to power at center in 1998 and consolidation of its grip in few states, but also to the growth of all religious fundamentalist forces, especially the Hindu fundamentalists. These policies have led to the communalization of society to a large extent. In spite being described as secular in Indian Constitution, the Indian state has increasingly become a Hindu state for all intent and purposes, where the rights and security of the religious minorities are under constant threat. The increasing pauperization of the masses under the decade long rule of UPA led by Congress through speeding up of neo-liberal policies provided fertile ground for the growth of the fundamentalist forces, derailing the anger and discontent of the masses. The BJP government coming to power in 2014 Lok Sabha elections has led to replacement of rightist rule of Congress led UPA with ultra rightist rule, intensifying corporate raj and communal fascism unprecedentedly.

3.3 As part of the attempts to resist social change, Congress and all ruling class parties utilize caste based vote bank politics, against the spirit of the annihilation of the caste system raised during the renaissance movement and independence struggle. The very purpose of the reservation policy was defeated with the ruling class parties trying to perpetuate the caste system with an eye on vote bank politics. As a result, anti caste campaigns and caste annihilation demands became weaker. Though the Mondal Commission Report provided new enthusiasm for the backward sections to demand their rights, in order to divert attention from its central recommendations like land reforms and ensuring social justice, the dominant caste forces and remnant feudal social formations like khap panchayats etc soon intensified the caste based strife to unprecedented levels. As a result, contrary to the spirit of the recommendations in the Report, it was utilized for carrying forward the caste based politics. The caste system, which is a special feature of the dominant Hindu religion, continues all over India still as a result, taking newer forms in some places, with many specific characteristics in different areas and influencing all the religions to some extent with its ugly features like caste hatred, caste discrimination, caste oppression, untouchability etc. Under privatization and liberalization policies, existing democratic rights like reservation are also diluted and snatched away. For this purpose new formulations like "creamy layer" and "reservations based on economic backwardness" are coming to the fore. A vigorous struggle is required for eradication of the caste system and stigma of untouchability, utilizing the weapon of class struggle and a revolutionary program for awakening the masses.

3.4 Contrary to the promises during the independence struggle, though more than six decades passed after transfer of power, consecutive governments have refused to recognize the right to self determination of all nationalities. Even for achieving linguistic states the people had to wage long struggles. Military is deployed in Jammu and Kashmir and Northeast for six decades or more refusing to implement their right of self determination through political settlement. As the uneven development under neo-colonization is intensifying, giving rise to demand for separate states, they are either ruthlessly suppressed or opportunistically utilized to divide the people. In the absence of progressive decentralization, devolution and democratization of political power, people's strife based on nationality and ethnic questions is also intensifying.

3.5 The adivasis who constitute nearly 10% of the Indian population have a great history of struggling against the British colonialists and fighting for their rights after the transfer of power. But consecutive central and state governments have not established even their autonomous councils in a progressive manner or protected their right to their land. On the contrary in the name of expanding mining and establishing corporate projects they are displaced in ever larger numbers. They are exploited massively as the cheapest source of labor under the 'neo-liberal' policies. Further, as a result of discriminatory policies and absence of efforts from the government side to uplift the condition of the adivasis, they are being kept away from participating in advanced production relations and from improving their living conditions. It is as if they are doomed to either depending on the forests or continuing as the cheapest source of labor.

3.6 The women who constitute half of the population were victims of worst forms of exploitation under feudal and colonial domination and under religion and caste system. As a result of numerous struggles many laws like the one against domestic violence are enacted and 50% reservation in local bodies is implemented, though the ruling class parties are reluctant to extent this reservation to state assemblies and parliament. These cosmetic reforms too have largely remained confined to paper. Under neo-colonization new types of attacks are mounting against women. The enslavement under patriarchy and the system of private property has taken new forms. Along with gender discrimination, female infanticide and sexual harassment are also intensifying day by day. Even the female body is wantonly commercialized.

3.7 Under neo-colonization, due to the policies implemented in the name of development which actually serve the interests of imperialists and their lackeys, ecological devastation has become an ever intensifying factor. 'Global warming' like phenomena and the nuclear catastrophe created by the nuclear arms race, existing nuclear plants which are 'nuclear time bombs' as once again proved by the meltdown of Fukushima nuclear plant in Japan. Refusing to learn from the intensification of the contradictions with Pakistan following the nuclear arms race started by it from Pokhran nuclear blast, presently Indian government has signed the nuclear agreement with the US imperialists, further surrendering whatever sovereignty the country had. The construction of new nuclear plants under imperialist dictates threatens further environmental disaster. The imperialists are dumping industrial and nuclear waste in countries like India. All these developments have made the struggle for ecological protection one of the basic components of social progress.

3.8 In order to perpetuate the reactionary ruling system and to promote neo-colonization, along with medieval and feudal culture and various forms of superstitions, the imperialist cultural values are also promoted brazenly, commercializing and commodifying culture. Utilizing extensive growth of information technology and electronic media, culture is increasingly linked with the market interests of imperialist system and its lackeys and turned in to an industry. The education system is commercialized and used for subordinating the new generation to neo-colonial system and to spread imperialist cultural values. The communal forces colluding with imperialists and their lackeys are communalizing all spheres of social life including culture. All these are intended to create a sense of national servitude and for destruction of all progressive and democratic cultural consciousness.

3.9 Along with price rise, unemployment/underemployment, and all round criminalization of the society, corruption has become one of the worst malaises, destroying the social fabric. It has taken gigantic proportions with the speculative capital playing all pervasive role under 'neo-liberal' policies. The corruption in the state apparatus including the government machinery from top to bottom, the defense and police services, the electoral system, and even the judiciary have reached unprecedented levels. So are the political leaders and most of the so-called elected members of various bodies. All these explain the extent to which the ruling system has degenerated and become anti-people under more than six decades of neo-colonization, exposing its heinous and pernicious character. Though the media almost entirely controlled by the corporate houses and the ruling establishment appears to expose the evils of the ruling system, in reality it is serving to perpetuate the hegemony of the imperialists and their lackeys in all fields.

Chapter Four

Fight Deviations in the Communist Movement and Struggle for PDR

4.1 The role played by the Communist movement in India during various phases of its nine decades of its existence should be evaluated on the basis of concrete conditions of the colonial past and neo-colonial present. A glance through the activities of the communist movement during the colonial days show that though the Party developed organizationally, it failed to establish the leadership of the working class over the national liberation movement. It refused to recognize the comprador character of the big bourgeoisie developed under imperialist patronage. When Dr. Ambedkar launched the dalit movement calling for annihilation of caste, linking it with the question of nationalisation of land and industries, and when other such movements were going on all over the country of various oppressed sections in society, due to having a mechanical and merely economic understanding of the class struggle, the Communist Party of India was not able to sharpen these fights based on a united front. Along with this, the Party's approach to the Quit India Struggle exposed the lack of the understanding of the concrete situation by the Party. These deviations and short comings on the part of the communist movement helped the British colonialists to communally divide the country and transfer power to Congress and Muslim League leaderships. Though the Second Congress of the Party in 1948 tried to correct this right deviation exposing the reactionary character of the transfer of power, it adopted a line of left deviation which caused immense setbacks. Following inner party struggles the first Party Program, tactical line and policy statement were adopted in 1951for advancing the PDR. But the rightist leadership first diluted and then abandoned this line. Upholding Soviet revisionist positions, the CPI leadership interpreted the stage of revolution as National Democratic, and the Congress leadership as one serving national bourgeois interests. It called for peaceful completion of NDR and transition to socialism collaborating with Congress. As a result, the inner party struggle intensified and in 1964 the first split took place and CPI (M) was formed.

4.2 But the leadership of CPI (M) did not make a break with the Soviet revisionist positions. Its Seventh Congress in 1964 analyzed the dual character of the big bourgeoisie, but refused to see its predominant comprador character. Following parliamentary cretinism, it refused to work towards implementation of the Party Program whenever voted to power. On all basic questions it took 'centrist' position. In this situation, the Communist Revolutionaries (CRs) launched ideological struggle against its centrist line. When the CPI (M) led governments were formed in Bengal and Kerala in early 1967, they refused to implement radical land reforms.

4.3 The Communist Revolutionaries launched the Naxalbari Uprising in May 1967 for capture of land and against the revisionist CPI and CPI (M) leaderships. The all India coordination of CRs (AICCCR) and then CPI (ML) was formed in April, 1969, upholding Marxism-Leninism-Mao Tsetung Thought as guiding ideology. But, very soon it came under influence of the Lin Biaoist left adventurist line which had dominated the CPC during its Ninth Congress in 1969. This led to sectarian positions causing severe setbacks, splintering the movement by 1971.

4.4 As a result, when mass uprisings broke out against Indira Gandhi government before and during the internal emergency, and when Congress was routed in 1977 elections, it was the BJP and other rightist forces who succeeded to occupy this space. During the last two decades, the line of CPI (M) -led Left Front wherever it came to power had become synonymous with the ruling class parties. And with the advent of ultra rightist BJP government coming to power they are once again taking the line of supporting Congress in the name of opposing BJP. On the other hand, the CPI (Maoist), analyzing 'Maoism' as the Marxism-Leninism of the new era, is stubbornly pursuing anarchist line.

4.5 There are number of CPI (ML) groups who still persist in the 'semi-colonial, semi-feudal, protracted people's war line'. There are other groups who advocate India is a capitalist country and stage of revolution as socialist, refusing to recognize the increasing domination of imperialist forces in the country. The developments during the last six decades after the Second World War show that colonial forms of direct control and plunder are replaced by neo-colonial forms by imperialism. The power was transferred to the Indian ruling classes and their main political party, Congress, as part of this neo-colonization. The comprador character of the bourgeoisie in the countries under neo-colonial domination is further exposed. India is turned in to a 'junior partner' of the imperialist system, especially US imperialism.

4.6 Under imperialist globalization attacks on international proletariat and oppressed peoples have further intensified, demanding closer unity of the Communist parties at the international level. In this situation, the dissolution of the Comintern in 1943 and the failure of the international communist movement to reorganize it for such a long time have adversely affected the anti-imperialist movement at global level. If the historic advances made by the international communist movement by 1950s was one of the important factors which led the imperialist camp to qualitatively transform the hitherto colonial forms of plunder to neo-colonial forms, the failure of the ICM to recognize this new imperialist offensive and to develop its general line accordingly was one of the basic reasons for the serious setbacks suffered by it. The significance of founding the International Coordination of the Revolutionary Parties and Organizations (ICOR) as a step towards rebuilding the Communist International of a new type should be seen in this context.

4.7 The six decades of neo-colonization which has made significant changes at global level in all spheres calls for developing the theory and practice of world proletarian socialist revolution according to present situation. Under neo-colonialism, especially after the initiation of 'neo-liberal' policies and the consequent global expansion of rule of speculative finance capital, the whole world is experiencing de-industrialization and the unprecedented phenomena of jobless growth. This has led to many upsurges of the working class and the oppressed people in many countries. The Party Program for the PDR in India is put forward at such a critical time, trying to address these challenges before the Indian people.

Chapter Five

Path of Indian Revolution

5.1 The Indian state is a state of the comprador bureaucratic bourgeois and landlord classes led by the comprador bureaucratic bourgeoisie. It is the organ of class rule, that is the dictatorship of the comprador bureaucratic bourgeois-big landlord classes serving imperialism, over the working class, the peasantry and all sections of exploited and oppressed masses. This reactionary state can be overthrown and be replaced by the People's Democratic State only by mobilizing the working class as the leader of the revolution, forging its alliance with the peasantry and building the People's Democratic Front based on this worker-peasant alliance, uniting the middle classes and the national bourgeoisie, a vacillating ally.

5.2 The historical developments and concrete conditions of the country in the present neo-colonial phase of imperialism determine the present stage of revolution which is People's Democratic. The CPI (ML) upholds Marxism-Leninism-Mao Tsetung Thought as its guiding ideology, applying it to the concrete conditions of the country and integrating it with the concrete practice of revolution. It is committed to complete the People's Democratic Revolution and to advance towards socialist revolution.

5.3 The Path of the PDR in India is determined not by mechanical application of the Soviet or Chinese or any other path as happened repeatedly in the past, but by the concrete conditions of the country and international situation. While developing this revolutionary path, the experience of the revolutionary people's movements of the country and the experience of all hitherto revolutions that had taken place at international level should be assimilated. Rejecting parliamentary cretinism and the line of sectarianism and individual terrorism, upholding path of revolutionary mass line, it resolves to utilize all forms of struggle and organizations to mobilize the working class and all revolutionary classes and sections for a massive countrywide people's uprising to overthrow the Indian state and to seize political power.

5.4 The CPI (ML) reiterates the declaration of The Communist Manifesto: "The communists disdain to conceal their views and aims. They openly declare that their ends can be attained only by the forcible overthrow of all existing social conditions. Let the ruling classes tremble at a communist revolution. The proletarians have nothing to lose but their chains. They have a world to win". The path of Indian revolution calls for rejecting all shades of parliamentarism and reformism and pursuing the path of revolutionary seizure of political power. It means combining the countrywide struggles of the working class with the revolutionary agrarian struggles, combining all other forms of struggles with it.

Chapter Six

Program of People's Democracy

6.1 The People's Democratic State will be distinguished by a Constitution providing for progressive abolition of the right to private property and implementation of the principle of social ownership of all the means of production. Such a Constitution will be drafted by a Constituent Assembly to be elected on the basis of universal suffrage and truly representing the workers, peasants and other oppressed masses arising from the committees which have grown out of the struggle along with all other revolutionary sections. Such a Constitution will be based on the principle of all powers to the people, with the power being transferred to the various committees of the workers, peasants and oppressed people which have arisen out of the revolutionary struggle at all levels from the village to the national level. Such a Constitution shall provide for the right to recall at all levels to ensure the accountability of the elected representatives and shall do away with the schism between the executive power and the legislative power. This means that all officials at all levels, including judges, police chiefs, municipal officials etc. will be elected and all of them subjected to recall.

6.2 The president of the union shall be elected by members of the People's Congresses at Union and State level and shall function under the rules and policies promulgated by the People's Congress of the union. The principles of the representative system of government shall be followed. The present army shall be dissolved and replaced by a People's Army constituted and led closely linked with the People's Democratic State and shall be linked to production. The police, para-military and numerous other repressive arms of the present ruling system shall be replaced by People's militia under the control of the local elected bodies. The entire central and state laws continuing from colonial days and later introduced, which are anti-people, shall be replaced by new people's laws.

6.3 Confiscate all imperialist capital, liquidate all imperialist debts and scrap all unequal treaties or agreements with imperialist countries and agencies which are against people's interests. Quit IMF, WB and WTO and initiate international trade based on equality and well being of all nations. Prohibit operations of MNCs. Stop flow of all speculative foreign capital to the country. Free the country from all forms of imperialist exploitation, interference and bullying. Educate the people against NGOs and all such imperialist promoted agencies and put an end to their functioning.

6.4 Nationalize all enterprises, capital and properties of the comprador bureaucratic bourgeois class or corporate houses and mafias. Stop all avenues for corruption from top to bottom. Get back all deposits of scamsters in foreign banks and in other institutions and confiscate them. Unearth and confiscate all black money including that deposited in mutts and similar institutions. Confiscate the wealth of mutts and all religious institutions. Punish all corrupt.

6.5 Implement revolutionary land reforms based on "land to the tiller". Abolish all pre-capitalist relations in the agrarian sector and confiscate and distribute all land with the landlords. Establish the collective ownership of those working in the plantations and farms owned by the corporate houses, MNCs and mafias. Abolish all forms of bonded labor and usury. Stop corporatization of agriculture, entry of agro- MNCs in to agricultural sector and develop agriculture with the perspective of food security for all, giving full attention to ecological conservation.

6.6 Implement six hour working day and five day week progressively in all sectors. Redefine need based minimum wage and implement it. End contract labor system, casualization of labor and 'hire and fire'. Ensure right to organize, to collective bargaining and to wage strike and other struggles as fundamental right of the working class.

6.7 Implement comprehensive national industrial policy. Develop healthy relation among heavy, medium and small industries, and between urban and rural regions. Progressively abolish dependence on foreign technology by developing indigenous research and development policy. Develop the service sector including banking, insurance and credit institutions putting people's interests in command. Develop infrastructural projects taking the overall interests of the community in to consideration.

6.8 Ensure universal public distribution system, free and compulsory education, healthcare for all, housing and employment for all. Develop a comprehensive sports policy and implement it with people's participation. Develop a people's cultural policy.

6.9 Abolish all black laws. Ensure democratization of the administration and society at all levels. Abolish death penalty from the statutes.

6.10 Stop all forms of gender discrimination. Create conditions for women to liberate from the grip of patriarchy and religious-caste based oppression. Stop all forms of attack on women at work places and elsewhere. Stop female infanticide. Ensure women's equality in all fields, property right to women and equal pay for equal work. All women shall be employed in socially productive labor. Measures shall be taken to ensure the abolition of the present family system which serves as the economic unit of the society and to build a progressive democratic family system.

6.11 Guarantee protection, healthcare and education for all children and abolish all forms of exploitation of children including child labor. Ensure the protection of senior citizens in all respects.

6.12 Ensure right of self-determination for all nationalities up to secession. The People's Republic shall strive to unite people of various nationalities not by force but by their voluntary consent. Settle the Jammu and Kashmir and Northeast questions by withdrawing army from there forthwith and through political means ensuring the right of self determination to all nationalities. Ensure right of the people to receive education in their mother tongue, equal treatment for all languages and such other democratic rights.

6.13 Abolish all forms of exploitation and oppression of adivasis. Protect their right over the natural resources, when progressive development projects are taken up. Establish autonomous councils with full powers and ensure their democratic rights.

6.14 Ensure genuine secular character of the state structure. Abolish all discriminations based on religious ground and protect the religious minorities. End all efforts by religious fundamentalist forces for communalization of the society. Prevent mixing of religion in state affairs and political life of the country. Stop religious institutions from entering public domain like education, healthcare and such other fields. Evolve secular, democratic and progressive common civil code as part of democratization of the society. The People's Democratic state shall strictly implement the secular principle of separation between state and religion.

6.15 Continue campaigns and democratic movements for abolition of the caste system fully and of all other social inequalities. As part of it, stop all forms of caste based oppression, caste discrimination, untouchability, and khap panchayats like reactionary institutions. Implement reservation like democratic rights till all social inequalities are abolished. Ensure land to the dalits based on the slogan of "land to the tiller".

6.16 Based on the understanding that the contradiction between capital and nature has become a major contradiction at both national and international level, concrete plans should be worked out to protect environment and to develop the perspective on development taking this important question in to consideration.

6.17 Implement secular, gender-friendly, democratic and scientific education system accessible to all. Stop commercialization and privatization of education. Ensure free, uniform and compulsory education for all children, ensure facilities for higher education to all. Abolish all elitist schools, stop discrimination and differentiation in the field of education. .

6.18 Develop people's democratic and gender-friendly culture fighting against the influence of feudal and imperialist cultural values. Promote scientific outlook in all fields. As imperialism and its lackeys are utilizing the influences in the superstructure to subjugate people to their plunder and hegemony, the question of developing Cultural Revolution based on hitherto experience of the former socialist countries as a continuous process should be given great significance, especially in the context of the capitalist restoration in all these socialist countries.

6.19 Based on equality and peaceful co-existence, establish closest relations in all fields with the neighboring countries. Resolve all boundary disputes through friendly negotiations.

6.20 Uphold proletarian internationalism. Strive for the unity of the Marxist-Leninist parties at international level. Unite with all progressive and anti- imperialist forces all over the world and strive to establish fraternal relations with the revolutionary forces against imperialism, especially US imperialism, and its lackeys. Actively struggle against US led aggressions and barbaric hegemonic moves creating havoc everywhere.

6.21 Extend solidarity with people all over the world in the struggle for democracy and socialism. As several institutions and agencies built up during the post-Second World War period including the UNO are serving as the tools for intensification of neo-colonial plunder and hegemony, the People's Democratic Republic should initiate active moves to progressively build alternative international centers of People's Democratic and socialist countries based on the principles of proletarian internationalism.

Chapter Seven

Strengthen the Party and Advance along the Path of PDR

7.1 The struggle for the People's Democratic Revolution is continuing for more than nine decades in India, from the very beginning of the Communist movement here. During these decades momentous developments have taken place internationally and nationally. Even when the present era continues to be the era of imperialism and proletarian revolution, in the post-SWW period, imperialism with US imperialism taking over its leadership has replaced the colonial forms of plunder and domination with neo-colonial forms. The challenge before the CPI (ML) in this neo-colonial phase of imperialism is to carry forward the task of completion of the PDR and advancing to socialist revolution according to the present conditions.

7.2 The CPI (ML) is presenting this draft Party Program not only before its members, but also before the membership and supporters of what can be broadly called the left movement in general and all the progressive democratic forces with the hope of initiating a broad discussion based on it and active steps to put it in to practice. It is our hope that such a step along with the continuation of the unity efforts to bring together the Marxist-Leninist forces based on the ideological political line put forward, shall help to speed up the historic task of reorganization of the Communist movement at all India level, providing a new fillip to advance towards the completion of the People's Democratic Revolution and to march forward for the realization of socialism and communism. 


Article I

Name : The name of the Party shall be the Communist Party of India (Marxist-Leninist) Red Star.

Article II

Emblem : The emblem of the Party shall be a crossed hammer and sickle in white against a red background, with five white stars forming a quadrant on the left side of the hammer and sickle as symbol of proletarian internationalism.

Article III

Flag : The Flag of the Party shall be the Red Flag of rectangular shape the ratio of length and breadth being 3:2 with hammer and sickle and the five stars in a quadrant in white inscribed in middle of the top one quarter (near the pole).

Article -IV

Guiding Ideology and General Program

1. The CPI (ML) Red Star, the vanguard, that is, the advanced detachment, of the Indian proletariat, upholds Marxism-Leninism-Mao Tsetung Thought as its guiding ideology, and seeks to apply it to the concrete conditions of India and to integrate it with the concrete practice of Indian revolution, uncompromisingly struggling against both revisionist and sectarian tendencies of all hues.

2. It is committed to complete the tasks of People's Democratic Revolution (PDR) and to establish the People's Democratic Dictatorship. The task before the Party in the stage of the People's Democratic Revolution is to overthrow the rule of comprador ­bureaucratic bourgeois-landlord classes serving imperialism and replace the present reactionary Indian state with the Peoples Democratic State led by the proletariat. The basic Program of the party is to complete the PDR, to advance towards socialist revolution, and to march forward under the guiding principles of dictatorship of the proletariat for the realization of socialism and communism.

3. The CPI (ML) Red Star upholds proletarian internationalism. Equality and fraternity shall be the principles guiding the relations between all Marxist-Leninist parties and organizations the world over.

4. The CPI (ML) Red Star strives to build up communist party based on Bolshevik principles, uniting all the Communist Revolutionaries into a single Party.

Article V

Party Membership

1. Any Indian citizen, eighteen years of age or above, who accepts the Program and Constitution of the Party, agrees to work in one of the Party committees, pays the Party membership fees and levy regularly and carries out decisions of the Party shall be eligible for Party membership.

2. New members are admitted to the Party on individual application and through Party Branch or other Party committees on the recommendation of two Party members. The Party committees at local or town, taluk or block or area, district, state and central levels also have the power to admit new members to the Party. The Party members who recommend an applicant must furnish the Party committee concerned truthful information about the applicant, from personal knowledge and with due sense of responsibility. All applications for Party membership after their recommendation and approval must be placed before the next higher committee within a month of their presentation and recommendation.

3. Barring exceptional cases, Party members should be recruited from those who have worked in class/mass organizations and have been tested in some organizational work and class struggle, who have worked in an activist/sympathizers group functioning under a party committee. Special caution must be maintained against careerists, conspirators and double dealers, bad characters and enemy agents from sneaking into the Party.

4. The meeting of the Party committee concerned where the application is presented shall decide the admission of the new members. If applicant is admitted to the Party, she/he will be regarded as a candidate member. A candidate member will have to undergo a minimum period of candidature of one year. The period of candidature will be two years for those coming from the capitalist, landlord and other exploiting classes.

5. The Party committee admitting candidate members shall arrange for their elementary education on the Party Program, Party Constitution and the current policies of the Party and observe their development.

6. By the end of the period of candidature, the Party Committee concerned shall discuss whether the candidate member is qualified to be admitted to full membership. The party committee concerned may admit candidates to full membership or prolong the period of candidature for another term not exceeding six months. If a candidate member is found unfit, the Party committee may cancel her/his candidate membership. A report of recruitment shall be regularly forwarded by the Party Committee concerned to the next higher Party committee.

7. The higher committee may on scrutiny of the report, alter or modify any such decision after consultation with the Party committee which has submitted the report. The District and State Committees shall exercise supervisory powers over the recruitment of candidate members and over admissions to full membership and have the right to modify or reject the decision of the lower committees in this respect.

8. The membership fee will be Rs. 10/- annually. Levy shall be collected by the committee to which the member belongs after assessing the capacity of the member concerned.

9. A Party member can transfer her/his membership from one committee to another with the approval of the committee from which transfer is sought and by presenting a letter of introduction from the same to the new committee she/he wishes to join. In case of transfer outside the district or state, approval by the district or the state committee concerned shall be necessary. This shall be subject to the approval of the next higher committee.

10. Members once expelled from the Party can be readmitted only by the decision of the Party committee which confirmed their expulsion, subject to the approval of the next higher committee.

11. When a leading member from another political party from local, area, district or state level wants to join the Party, it is necessary to have the sanction of the next higher committee in addition to the sanction of the local, area, district or state committee, before the concerned member is admitted to membership of the Party. In exceptional cases the central committee or the state committee can admit such members to the full membership of the Party. In case of the state committee taking such a decision, it shall obtain previous sanction from the central committee.

12. Party membership should be subjected to renewal every year. Party members who are failing to take active part in activities decided by the concerned Party committees and higher committees, to carry out the decisions of the Party, to maintain Party discipline, or to pay membership fee or levy for the whole year without any satisfactory reason should be asked to withdraw their membership, and failing which their name shall be removed from the membership roll subject to the approval of the next higher committee.

13. Every party member shall declare her/his assets at the time of confirmation of membership and shall submit details if any new assets are obtained later during the membership renewal.

14. All party members working in higher committees up to the Central Committee shall be members of a basic party committee, that is a branch or Local or Area Committee active in place of his/her residence or functioning in nearby areas and shall attend its meetings and the functions whenever she/he is available in the area without in anyway affecting the performance of her/ his responsibilities in the higher committee. The opinion of of these committees shall be sought at the time of the renewal of their party membership.

Article –VI

Party Pledge

Every member jointing the Party shall take the Party Pledge.

The Pledge shall be:

"I accept Marxism-Leninism-Mao Tsetung Thought as the guiding ideology of the Party.

"I accept the Program of the Party and agree to abide by its Constitution and work sincerely to implement the decisions of the Party. I pledge to be loyal and honest in words and deeds to them.

"I shall strive to live up to the ideals of Communism and selflessly serve and fight for the proletarian cause and revolution always placing the interest of the Party, People and Revolution above personal interests and strive to uphold the honor and dignity of the Party.

"I will fight communalism, casteism, revivalism, national chauvinism and gender discrimination in life and society".

Article -VII

Distribution of Party Levy and Membership Fee

1. Party levy collected from Party members by concerned Party committees shall be distributed as follows:

10 percent for the Central Committee; 40 percent for State Committee and the remaining 50 percent shall be divided among the District committee and the lower committees as decided by the district committee concerned.

2. All membership and renewal fees shall go to the Central Committee.

Article - VIII

Responsibilities of Party Members

Responsibilities of Party members are as followings:

1. Strive to develop the understanding of Marxism-Leninism-Mao Tsetung Thought and learn to integrate theory with the practice.

2. Regularly participate in all the activities of the Party committee in which one is a member and faithfully implement the policies, decisions and instructions of the Party.

3. Read Party paper and publications. Help to regularly bring them out and to actively propagate them.

4. Follow the Party Constitution and maintain discipline. Live and behave in accordance with the great principles of Communism and in accordance with the spirit of proletarian internationalism.

5. Subordinate one's own personal interests to the Party and people interests.

6. Serve the masses devotedly and strengthen relation with them continuously and always be ready to learn from the masses and participate in the struggle of the people. Report their necessities and opinions to the Party. If not exempted for specific reasons, function in one of the class/mass organizations under the instructions of the Party.

7. Strengthen comradely relation among members. Constantly develop fraternal relations within the Party.

8. Regularly carry out criticism and self- criticism for improving one's own and collective activities and for helping each other.

9. Never betray the confidence reposed by the Party. Behave with openness and sincerity in the Party.

10. Protect the unity and strength of the Party; maintain vigilance against the enemies of the proletariat and the people.

11. Fight consistently against all oppressions and discriminations based on religion, caste, nationality and gender and firmly oppose such disruptive tendencies as communalism, fundamentalism, casteism, provincialism, parochialism and patriarchy.

12. Be uncompromising towards all deviations from Marxism-­Leninism-Mao Tsetung Thought as well as from ideological and political line of the party. Fight against all non -proletarian ideas and trends of revisionism, left and right opportunism, liberalism, sectarianism, anarchism and dogmatism.

13. It is the task of the Party committee to guide the Party members in implementing above mentioned responsibilities and to help them in whichever way possible to implement them.

Article IX

Rights of Party Members

1. Rights of the Party members are as follows:

a) To elect Party committees and to get elected to them.

b) To participate freely in discussions in order to contribute towards the formulation of Party policy and of the decisions of the Party.

c) To make proposals regarding one's own work in the party to get work assigned to oneself in accordance with one's ability and situation in life.

d) To make criticisms about Party committees and Party functionaries at Party meetings.

e) To demand to be heard in person when a Party committee discusses disciplinary action against or evaluates their personal character or work in connection with serious mistakes which she/he is alleged to have committed.

f) When any Party member disagrees with any decision of a Party committee or any organization under the Party leadership, she/he has right to submit her/his opinion to the higher committee, including and up to the Central Committee and the Party Congress. In all such cases the Party member shall, of course, carry out the party decision and the differences shall be sought to be resolved through the test of practice and through comradely discussions;

g) To address any statement, appeal or complaint to any higher Party committee up to and including the Central Committee and the Party Congress, provided that such statement or complaint shall be addressed by each member to her/ his primary committee in the first place. Such primary committee may take a decision on such a statement or complaint. If the member is not satisfied with such a decision, or if no decision is taken thereon for three months, the member concerned shall have the right to appeal to the next higher committee and in the same manner up till and including the Central Committee or the Party Congress.

2. It shall be the duty of Party committee and Party functionaries to see that these rights are respected.

3. The candidate members are entitled to all rights of a full-fledged member except the right to vote and to be elected.


Organizational Principles of the Party

1. The structure of the Party is based on, and its internal life is guided by the principles of democratic centralism. Democratic centralism means central leadership based on full inner - Party democracy and inner- Party democracy under the guidance of the centralized leadership.

In the sphere of the Party structure, the guiding principles of democratic centralism are:

a) All Party committees from top to bottom shall be elected.

b) The minority shall carry out the decisions of the majority, the lower Party committees shall carry out the decisions and directives of the higher Party committees, the individual shall subordinate herself/himself to the collective. All Party committees shall carry out the decisions and directives of the Party Congress and of the Central Committee.

c) All Party committees shall periodically report on their work to the Party committees immediately below and all lower committees shall likewise report to their immediate higher committees.

d) All Party committees, particularly the leading Party committees shall pay constant heed to the opinion and criticism of the lower Party committees and the rank and file Party members.

e) All Party committees shall function strictly on the principle of collective decisions and check-up, combined with individual responsibility.

f) All questions concerning international affairs, questions of all India character, or questions concerning more than one State or questions requiring uniform decisions for the whole country, shall be decided upon by the Central Committee. All questions of a state or district character shall be ordinarily decided upon by the concerned Party committees. But in no case shall such decisions run counter to the decisions of higher Party committees. When the Central Committee has to take a decision on any issue of major importance concerning a state, it shall do so after consultation with the State Committee concerned. The State Committee shall do likewise in relation to districts.

g) On issues which affect the policy of the Party at all India level, but on which the Party's stand point is to be expressed for the first time, only the Central Committee of the Party is entitled to make a policy statement. The lower committees can and should send their opinions and suggestions in time for consideration by the Central Committee.

2. Basing itself upon the experience of the entire Party membership and of the popular movement, in the sphere of the internal life of the Party the following guiding principles of democratic centralism are applied:

a) Free and frank discussion within the Party committee on all questions affecting the Party, its policy and work.

b) Sustained efforts to activate the Party members in popularizing and implementing the Party policies, in raising their ideological political level and improving their general education so that they can effectively participate in the life and work of the Party.

c) When serious differences arise in a Party committee, every effort should be made to arrive at a common understanding. Failing this, the decision should be postponed with a view to resolve the differences through further discussions, unless an immediate decision is called for by the needs of the Party and the mass movement.

d) Encouragement of criticism and self-criticism at all levels, from top to bottom especially criticism from below.

e) Consistent struggle against bureaucratic tendencies at all levels.

f) Impermissibility of factionalism and factional grouping inside the Party in any from.

g) Strengthening of the Party spirit by developing fraternal relations and mutual help, correcting mistakes by treating comrades sympathetically, judging them and their work not on the basis of isolated mistakes or incidents, but by taking into account their whole record of service to the Party.

3. Differing views should be given representation in the respective committees.

4. In extraordinary situations, organizing committees may be formed at all levels.

5. The primary committee will be the link between the Party and people. The opinions of the people and the committees will be carefully studied, summed up, assimilated and used to improve and formulate the party's policies.

6. The Central Committee and State Committees shall be constituted of capable and dedicated comrades based on cadre policy. This principle should be followed in the case of lower committees also as far as possible. The Party shall undertake the responsibility to develop the professional revolutionaries.

Article - XI

Criticism and Self-Criticism

Criticism and Self-Criticism is one of the most important principles of Party committee system. It is absolutely essential for the Party in general, the leadership, the committees and party members in particular to conduct it.

1. Criticism and self - criticism must be based on the Party line and its practice.

2. Criticism must be made within the Party and the concerned unit, not outside it.

3. Criticism regarding the higher committees or against their decisions should be sent to the concerned committee.

4. The unity of the Party is achieved through the principle of unity-struggle-­unity, i.e., through the process of criticism and self-criticism.

Article –XII

Party Discipline

1. Discipline is indispensable for preserving and strengthening the unity of the Party, for enhancing its strength, its fighting ability and its prestige, and for enforcing the principles of democratic centralism. Without strict adherence to the Party discipline, the Party cannot lead the masses in struggle and actions, nor discharge its responsibility towards them.

2. Discipline is based on conscious acceptance of the aims, Program and policies of the Party. All members of the Party are equally bound by Party discipline irrespective of their status in the Party organization or in public life.

3. Violation of the Party Constitution and decisions of the Party as well as any other action and behaviour unworthy of a member of the Communist Party shall constitute a breach of Party discipline and are liable to disciplinary actions.

4. The disciplinary actions are

1. Warning.

2. Censure.

3. Public censure.

4. Removal from the post held in the Party.

5. Suspension from full Party membership for any period but not exceeding one year.

6. Removal from the Party rolls.

7. Expulsion

5. If any member of any committee of any committee fails to attend three consecutive meetings of the said committee then that committee shall have the authority to call for an explanation from that member and, after hearing that member on his explanation, if that explanation is not found to be satisfactory, to remove that member from that committee, subject to ratification from the State Committee or the Central Committee, provided that the member so removed shall have the right to appeal to the Control Commission.

6. Disciplinary action shall normally be taken where other methods, including methods of persuasion, have failed to correct the comrade concerned. But even where disciplinary measures have been taken, the efforts to help the comrade to correct herself/himself shall continue. In cases where the breach of discipline is such that it warrants an immediate disciplinary measure to protect the interests of the Party or its prestige, the disciplinary action shall be taken promptly.

7. Expulsion from the Party is the severest of all disciplinary measures and this shall be applied with utmost caution, deliberation and judgment.

8. No disciplinary measure involving expulsion or suspension of a Party member shall come into effect without confirmation by the next higher committee. In case of suspension or expulsion, the penalized Party member shall, however, be removed from the responsible post that she/he may hold pending confirmation.

9. The comrade against whom a disciplinary measure is proposed shall be fully informed of the allegations, charges and other relevant facts against her/him. She/he shall have the right to he heard in person by the Party committee in which her/his case is discussed.

10. Party members found to be strike-breakers, habitual drunkards, moral degenerates, betrayers of Party confidence, guilty of financial irregularities or members whose actions are detrimental to the Party and the working classes, shall be dealt with by the Party committees to which they belong and be liable to disciplinary action.

11. There shall be right of appeal in all cases of disciplinary action.

12. The State Committee has the right to dissolve or take disciplinary action against a lower committee in cases where a persistent defiance of Party decisions and policy, serious factionalism, or a breach of Party discipline is involved.

13. A Party member who desires to resign from the Party shall submit her/his resignation to the Party committee concerned, which, by a decision of its committee meeting may accept the same and decide to strike her/his name off the rolls and report the matter to the next higher committee.

Article -XIII

All India Party Congress

1. The supreme organ of the Party for the whole country shall be the All India Party Congress.

a) The regular Party Congress shall be convened by the Central Committee ordinarily once every three years. However, in no case shall the convening of the Congress be delayed beyond the period of three years by more than one year.

b) The date, venue, agenda and functions of the Party Congress shall be decided by the Central Committee at a meeting specially called for the purpose.

c) The Party Congress shall be composed of delegates elected by the State Conferences as well as by Conferences of party Units directly under the all India Party Centre.

d) The basis of representation at a Party Congress shall be decided by the Central Committee.

e) The members of the Central Committee and of the Central Control Commission shall have the right to participate as full delegates in the Party Congress, whether regular or extraordinary.

f) The number of membership from any State for which the membership fee quota to the Central Committee has been fully paid shall be taken as the basis for calculating the number of delegates from that State at the Party Congress.

2. Functions and powers of the Party Congress are as follows:

a) To discuss and act on the political and organizational report of the Central Committee.

b) To revise and change the Party Program and the Party Constitution.

c) To determine the Path of Revolution and the policy of the party in the current situation.

d) To elect the Central Committee by secret ballot,

e) To hear and decide on the report of the Central Control Commission as well as on appeals.

f) To hear and decide on the audit report submitted by the Control Commission.

g) To elect Central Control Commission.

h) To elect a Presidium and Steering Committee for the conduct of its business.

3. a) An extra ordinary Party Congress shall be called by the Central Committee at its own discretion or when it is demanded by the State Committees representing not less than one third of the total party membership. When such an extra-ordinary Party Congress is requisitioned it shall be called within six months of receiving the said requisition.

b) The date, venue, functions and agenda of the extra-ordinary Party Congress shall be decided by the Central Committee at a meeting specially called for the purpose.

c) The basis of representation to the extra-ordinary Party Congress shall be decided by the Central Committee at a meeting specially called for the purpose.

d) The members of the Central Committee and of the Central Control Commission shall have the right to participate as full delegates in the extra-ordinary Party Congress.

Article -XIV

Discussions Prior to Party Congress

1. The Central Committee shall release the draft documents for discussion by all party members/ candidate members three months before the All India Party Congress. It is obligatory on the part of the state committees to render it into respective languages and forward the required number of copies to all committees up to branch committees in the shortest possible time after its release by the Central Committee. Amendments to the resolutions shall be sent directly to the Central Committee which will place its report on them before the All India Party Congress.

2. From the area committee level, the conferences as part of Party Congress shall take place on the basis of the draft documents of the Central Committee and the reports and resolutions submitted by the respective committees and committees above it up to the state committees.

3. In the branch and local committee level conferences a comrade from the higher committee shall present a report on the documents to be presented to the Party Congress. All the Party members/ candidate members shall be delegates to the Area conferences.

Article - XV

All India Party Conference

The central Committee may convene All India Party Conference as and when required.

Article- XVI

Party Plenum

1. When need arises for wider discussion and decision on any important policy matter and organizational question, the Central Committee may convene an All India Plenum.

2. The Central Committee and Central Control Commission members shall be ex-officio delegates to the Plenum. Other delegates shall be elected by the committees as per the criteria fixed by the Central Committee.

3. The Central Committee shall decide the agenda of the Plenum.

4. The Plenum's decisions shall be binding on the Central Committee.

Article- XVII

Central Committee

1. a) The Central Committee shall be elected at the Party Congress, the number of members being decided by the Party Congress.

b) The outgoing Central Committee shall propose to the Congress a panel of candidates.

c) The Panel of candidates shall be prepared with a view to creating capable leadership, closely linked with the masses, firm in the revolutionary outlook of the working class and educated in Marxism- Leninism-Mao's Tung Thought. The panel shall bring together the best talents, experience from the states, from mass fronts and other fields of Party activity.

d) Any delegate can raise objection with regard to any name in the panel proposed as well as propose any new name or names.

e) Anyone whose name has been proposed shall have the right to withdraw.

f) The panel finally proposed, together with the additional nominations by the delegates shall be voted upon by secret ballot.

2. The Central Committee shall be the highest authority of the Party between two all - India Party Congresses.

3. It is responsible for enforcing the Party Constitution and carrying out the political line and decisions adopted by the Party Congress.

4. The Central Committee shall represent the Party as a whole and be responsible for directing the entire work of the Party. The Central Committee shall have the right to take decisions with full authority on any question facing the Party.

5. The Central Committee shall elect from among its members the General Secretary and a Political Bureau (PB) including the General Secretary. The number of members in the PB shall be decided by the Central Committee. The PB carries on the work of the Central Committee between its two sessions and has the right to take political decisions in between two meetings of the Central Committee. The election of the Party leadership also shall be based on secret ballot.

6. The Standing Committee of the PB shall carry out its day to day works.

7. a) The Central committee shall remove any member from itself for gross breach of discipline, misconduct or for anti-­Party activity by two-thirds of the members present and voting and in any case by more than half the total strength of the Central Committee voting for such removal.

b) It can fill up any vacancy occurring in its composition through co-option by simple majority of its total members.

c) In case a member or members of the Central Committee are arrested, the remaining members of the committee by a two-thirds majority can co-opt substitute members and they shall have full rights as the original members. This is applicable to lower level committees also.

8. The Central Committee shall fill up any vacancy that may occur in the Control Commission by two-thirds of the members present and voting and in any case by more than half the total strength of the Central Committee voting for the candidate.

9. The time gap between two meetings of the Central Committee shall not exceed four months and it shall meet whenever one third of its total members make a requisition.

10. The Central Committee shall discuss and decide political and organizational issues and problems of mass movement and guide the State Committees and All India Party Fractions in mass organizations.

11. The Central Committee shall submit its Political and Organizational Report before the Party Congress, whenever it is convened.

12. The Central Committee shall appoint Editorial Boards for its organs which shall function under its guidance and control.

13. The Central Committee shall make arrangements for the building up of the organization that can withstand all eventualities. This method shall be followed from the higher to the lower committees.

Article XVIII

State, District, Area, Local, Branch Committees and Party fractions

1. The highest organ in the State, District, Area, Local or Branch shall be the State, District, Area, Local or Branch Conference which elects a State, District, Area, Local or Branch Committee.

2. a) The organizational structure, the rights and functions of the State, District, Area, Local or Branch committees are similar to those enumerated in the articles concerning the Party structure and functions at the all - India level, their functions being confined to the State, District, Area, Local or Branch levels and their decisions being within the limit of the decisions taken by the next higher Party committee.

b) The State, District, Area, Local or Branch Committee shall elect a Secretary and an executive committee wherever necessary.

3. a) The primary organ of the Party is the Branch committee organized on the basis of profession or territory.

b) Party members are to be organized on the basis of their occupation or vocation, when they are working in a factory, an institute or any industry. When such units are organized the members of such units shall be associate members of the Party units in place of their residence or organized as auxiliary units there. The work to be allotted in their place of residence shall not be detrimental to the work allotted to them by their basic committees in the factory or institute or occupation;

c) The number of members in a Branch, its structure and functions and other matters relating to a Branch or unit will be determined by the State Committee.

4. State organs and publications shall be in conformity with the political and organizational line of the Central Committee.

Article – XIX

Control Commissions

1. There shall be a Central Control Commission of three members elected by the Party Congress. It shall elect a convener from among themselves.

2. The central Committee shall propose a panel of names for the Central Control Commission to the party Congress. In proposing the names for nomination, the party standing of the candidate, which shall not be less than ten years, and his experience in the Party organization and personal integrity shall be taken in to account.

3. The procedure of election shall be the same as in the case of the Central Committee.

4. The members of the Central Control Commission shall participate in the meetings of the Central Committee with the right to vote except when the question concerning disciplinary actions are taken up.

5. The Central Control Commission shall take up:

a. Cases referred to it by the Central Committee or Polit Bureau;

b. Cases where disciplinary action has been taken by the Central Committee;

c. Cases involving expulsion from the party decided upon by the Central Committee against which an appeal has been made by the member concerned;

d. All disciplinary measures taken by the Central Committee should be reported to the Central Control Commission.

6. The central Control Commission shall report its decisions to the central Committee. These decisions shall be ordinarily final and be implemented by the central Committee unless they are set aside by two-thirds majority of the members present and voting and in any case by more than half of the total strength of the Central Committee ( not counting the members of the Control Commission).

7. Every state conference shall have the right to set up a State Control Commission. The provisions of clauses 2to 7 above shall also apply to the State Control Commission, limited however, to the state. Any reference to "Central committee" or "Polit Bureau" in those clauses shall be construed as a reference to the "State Committee" with respect to the State Control Commission. All disciplinary measures taken by any party body in that state shall be reported to the State Control Commission.

8. All disciplinary actions by party committees below the level of the state committee may be appealed to the next higher committee till the state committee.

9. In all cases of disciplinary action, the final decision of the State Committee taken after the decision of the State Control Commission shall be appealable to the Central Committee and the final decision of the Central Committee taken after the decision of the Central Control Commission, shall be appealable to the Party Congress.

10. The Central Committee and the State Committee may make rules to define the detailed functioning of the Central and State Control Commissions respectively.

Article XIX A

Zonal Coordination Committees

1. There shall be a Zonal Coordination Committee for each zone, namely eastern, southern, western and northern.

2. The Central Committee shall constitute respective zonal coordination committees.

3. The members of the zonal coordination committees shall be as follows:

a. Central Committee Members from the states included in the zone;

b. Secretaries of the State Committees or State Organizing Committees representing the states included in the zone; and

c. Central Control Commission Member/s from the states included in the zone.

4. A Polit Bureau member as may be decided by the Central Committee shall be the convener of each Zonal Coordination Committee.

5. The Zonal Coordination Committee shall meet bi-monthly or in between two Central Committee meetings or as and when required.


Party Members in Elected Public Bodies

1. Party members elected to different public bodies including Parliament, Assemblies, corporations, municipalities, panchayats etc. shall function under the appropriate Party committee. If there is more than one member, they shall constitute themselves into a party group and function in strict conformity with the line, policies and directives of the Party. They shall always reflect the mass movement, uphold' and popularize the policy of the party and defend the interest of the people unswervingly. They shall maintain a high standard of personal integrity, lead an unostentatious life and display modesty in all their dealing and contact with the people and place the party above self.

2. They shall pay regularly and without default a levy on their earnings fixed by the appropriate party committee.

3. They shall make regular reports of their work to the electors and the people and seek their suggestion and advice.

4. All nominations of Party candidates for election to Parliament shall be subject to approval by the Central Committee. Nominations of Party candidates to the State Legislatures or the councils of centrally-administered areas shall be finalized and announced by the State Committee concerned. Rules governing the nomination of Party candidates for corporation, municipalities, district boards, local boards and panchayats shall be drawn up by State Committee.

Article XX (A)

Mandatory Provision as in Section 29A (5) of the Representation of the People Act, 1951

"The Communist Party of India (Marxist-Leninist) shall bear true faith and allegiance to the Constitution of India as by law established and to the principles of socialism, secularism and democracy and would uphold the sovereignty, unity and integrity of India."


Inner Party Discussions

1. To unify the Party and for evolving its mass line inner Party discussion shall be a regular feature of Party life. Such discussion shall be organized on all -India scale or at different levels of the Party organization depending on the nature of the issue.

2. Inner - Party discussion shall be organized:

(a) On important questions of all India or State importance, where immediate decision is not necessary, by the Central or the State Committees of the party as the case may be, before the decision is taken;

(b) Whenever there is no sufficient majority inside the Central Committee or in the State Committees on an important question of Party policy.

(c) When an inner-Party discussion on an all India scale is demanded by a number of State Committees representing one­-third of the total Party membership or at the State level by District committees representing the same proportion of the total membership of the State concerned.

3. Inner-Party discussion shall be conducted under the guidance of the Central or the State committee which shall formulate the issues under discussion. The Party Committee which guides the discussion shall lay down the manner in which the discussion shall be conducted.

4. On certain ideological and political issues debates and discussions may be carried on even outside the organization with the knowledge of the Central Committee provided such actions do not cause damage to the unity of the Party and to the cause of Indian Revolution.


Party members working in mass organizations

Party members working in mass organization and their executives shall organize themselves into fractions or fraction committees and function under the guidance of the appropriate Party committee. They must always strive to strengthen the unity, mass base and fighting capacity of the mass organizations concerned.



1. The financial resources of the party comprise of membership fees and levies of the Party members, contributions from the masses, mass organizations and individual sympathizers.

2. In order to run the Party's central apparatus, the Central Committee shall decide each year, or as the case may be, the quantum of funds each state shall pay to it through Party fund or special Party fund drive.

3. The Polit Bureau shall submit yearly accounts to the Central Committee for its approval.

4. At state and district level the secretariat of concerned committees shall submit yearly accounts to the Slate and District Committees for their approval. A copy of the approved accounts should he submitted to the next higher committee.

5. The Central Committee and the State Committee, as the case may be, may frame rules for accounting procedure ad for other matters.

6. The yearly audit of accounts of the Central Committee and State Committee shall be audited by any two members of the respective committee and the audit report shall be palced before the Congress and the Conferences for discussion and for taking further action. The accounts of the lower committees shall be audited by a panel of state committee members not less than two.


Bye-laws : The Central committee may frame rules and bye-laws under the Party Constitution and in conformity with it. Rules and bye - laws under the Party Constitution and in conformity with it may also be framed by the State Committees subject to confirmation by the Central Committee.


Amendment : The Party Constitution shall be amended by the Party Congress only. The notice of proposals for amending the Constitution shall be given two months before the said Party Congress. 


Read Party Program and Constitution in PDF File

Path of Indian Revolution


We are publishing the Path of Indian Revolution updated and concretized by the Tenth Congress held from 25th February to 2nd March, 2015. It was initially adopted by the All India Special Conference held in November, 2009, and updated by the Ninth Congress held in November, 2011.

1. Introduction

2. International Situation

3. National Situation

4. Class Analysis of Indian Society

5. Building Party as Vanguard of Indian Proletariat

6. Mobilizing Working Class as Leader of PDR

7. Building Revolutionary Peasant Movement

8. Mobilizing Women for Liberation

9. Mobilizing Youth for Revolution

10. Organizing Students' Movement

11. Tasks in the Cultural Front

12. Separating Religion from Politics

13. The Caste Question

14. Developing People's Movements on Questions like Ecology,

Displacement and Slums

15. The Nationality Question

16. On Utilizing Parliamentary Forms of Struggle

17. On Building Tactical to Strategic United Fronts

18. Agrarian Question and Agrarian Revolutionary Program

19. The Path of Indian Revolution

20. Conclusion

1. Introduction

1.1 As the Party Program states: "India is one of the biggest countries in the world inhabited by more than 1.3 billion people, a multi-national, multi-ethnic, multi-lingual and multi-religious country with vast diversities and complex character." When the Path of Revolution in such a country is put forward, the momentous changes that have taken place in the international and national situation during the last five decades or more compared to pre-Second World War days have to be taken into consideration. During this period the socialist countries have degenerated to capitalist countries and the international communist movement (ICM) has suffered severe setbacks. It was in such a situation, that the party succeeded in developing the ideological-political line and in putting forward the Party Program by the time of the Ninth Congress held in 2011by considering these changes in the concrete situation. But drafting the Path of Revolution in a country like India in the first half of the 21st century, compared to the days when the Communist International (Comintern) formed in1919 under the leadership of Lenin had put forward the strategic line of the ICM and the tasks of the Communist Parties in the capitalist countries as well as in the countries under imperialist domination for advancing the World Proletarian Socialist Revolution, is fraught with difficult and challenging problems. Mechanical repetition of old concepts or experience of revolutionary struggles in Russia, China or elsewhere is not sufficient. Similarly, after the setbacks suffered by the ICM and the communist movement in our country there are also no 'authorities' to seek guidance from.

1.2 The task before Communist Parties around the world is to evaluate hitherto international and national experience and develop their Path of Revolution based on the concrete analysis of the concrete conditions of today. They should dare to throw out all shades of dogmatism and opportunism, and go forward with historical and dialectical materialist perspective, developing theoretical line and practice based on Marxism-Leninism-Mao Tsetung Thought and proletarian internationalism. The Path of Revolution document was drafted and adopted by the Special Conference of the Party in 2009 with this understanding. Retaining all its basic features, the Tenth Congress has concretized and abridged it based on the last six years' experience.

2. International Situation

2.1 The post- Second World War situation has undergone qualitative changes, with the colonial plunder of the world replaced by neo-colonial forms of plunder and domination. The territorial control of the erstwhile colonies has been replaced in the main by control through finance capital, market forces and technology, with numerous international agencies and MNCs along with military agreements on the one hand, and UN and its various subordinate wings on the other, to enforce financial, trade, political, military and cultural hegemony, which also prepares the ground for military aggression when it is required. If colonial forces used pre-capitalist relations in the colonies or promoted them as the social base for their control, under neo-colonization capitalist relations are developed very fast integrating the economies of the countries under neo-colonial domination with the international finance system. That is, the previous feudal, semi-feudal system is being largely replaced, albeit in an uneven manner, by infiltration of finance capital and comprador bureaucratic capitalism under imperialist hegemony. Though the native corporate forces have become fabulously rich, their comprador character has not decreased. Along with this, under banners like Second Green Revolution, the corporatization of agriculture is promoted in countries under neo-colonial dependence.

2.2 All these developments have posed many complex problems to be resolved. They include: how to analyze the present situation and develop strategy and tactics to capture political power, how to develop all forms of struggle without becoming victims of reformism and parliamentary cretinism, how to build a Bolshevik style party in the new situation, how to develop class and mass organizations mobilizing millions of members, how to develop the concept of democratic centralism, that is, centralism always based on democracy, how to develop proletarian democratic concepts transcending bourgeois democracy, how to combat degeneration of socialist countries under proletarian dictatorship to bureaucratic state capitalism, how to develop the concept of Cultural Revolution rejecting decadent values and creating conditions for emergence of socialist values; how to put proletarian internationalism in command while leading revolutionary struggles in different countries etc. It is not possible to resolve all these complex problems as a pre-condition for launching revolutionary struggles. But these and many more such issues shall continuously come up during pre- and post- revolutionary periods. It was at such a time the Communist International was dissolved in 1943. The ICM disintegrated and subsequent steps to reorganise an international platform of Communist parties proved to be inadequate. The significance of the formation of the International Coordination of the Revolutionary Parties and Organizations (ICOR) and its development in which the CPI(ML) Red Star is playing an important rule should be seen in this context'. All these problems have to be addressed while developing the approach towards the Path of Revolution.

3. National Situation

3.1 The crushing defeat inflicted on the fascist forces during World War II under the leadership of the Soviet Union, weakening of British and other colonial powers, and the upsurge of national liberation movements all over the world including mass revolutionary upsurge in the post-War years in India, compelled the colonial powers to replace the direct colonial rule with neo-colonial forms of plunder, and to transfer political power to subservient local classes. The British colonial rulers, in continuation to their 'divide and rule' policy, communally divided the country provoking violent fratricidal killings and bloodshed and transferred power to the comprador classes represented by Congress and Muslim League. Thus this country was transformed from a colony of British imperialism to a country under neo-colonial domination by various imperialist powers, especially US imperialism, with limited political independence.

3.2 In the post-1947 years, while pursuing a policy of ruthless suppression of Telengana and other struggles led by the Communists in particular, and all people's movements for various demands in general, the Congress government pursued reformist policies like abolition of Zamindari Act and introduction of land ceiling acts on the one hand, and implemented various welfare policies in the context of the Keynesian policies introduced by US-led imperialist camp to confront the challenge posed by the socialist camp, on the other. The Indian state, beleaguered by the Food Movement and other mass movements, introduced the Green Revolution under US dictates and utilized the land ceiling acts to replace the feudal landlords with a new class of landlords ready to utilize the modern inputs, to promote capitalist mode of production in the agrarian sector and to speed up the integration of the Indian economy with the global imperialist system. Implementing the directives of the Bombay Plan and in the context of the existence of a powerful socialist camp, industries, infrastructure building and service sector were developed on a major scale in the public sector. Later when socialist Soviet Union degenerated to a social imperialist superpower and the inter-imperialist contradictions between US and Soviet Union started intensifying, this contradiction was reflected in the Indian ruling classes also. In the main this inter-imperialist contradiction was utilized by the Indian State for manoeuvring for its benefits, and to pursue an expansionist policy in South Asia.

3.3 These policies of the Indian state, the state of the comprador bureaucratic bourgeois-landlord classes, led by the big bourgeoisie collaborating with imperialism went on intensifying its contradictions with the Indian people, which got manifested in various ways. The land reforms from above did not give land to the tiller, but only created a new landlord class. The economic policies followed by central and state governments went on increasing the burden on the people like price-rise, unemployment and pauperization of growing sections. It also increased the uneven development sharply. When the great Naxalbari Uprising once again brought agrarian revolution back to people's agenda, when peoples of Kashmir and Northeast intensified struggles for right of self-determination, and when workers, peasantry and other sections went on waging numerous struggles for their rights, the Congress government pursued a policy of ruthless suppression, often resorting to black laws and deployment of army. As people's upsurge and the contradictions among the ruling classes went on intensifying, the internal emergency was clamped down during 1975-77. This led to further contradictions among the ruling classes and among the political parties representing them coming to the fore, and led to the end of Congress monopoly of power at the centre and in the states. The 1980s witnessed economic crisis as reflected in the acute balance of payments problems on the one hand, and intensification of communal, caste based divisions on the other. India, which was mortgaged to imperialist powers under neo-colonization, came under acute turmoil. Imposition of imperialist globalization on the one hand, and demolition of Babri Masjid like acts and later Indian State becoming active partner in the 'War on Terror' of US imperialism on the other hand, followed. The Indian State came under ever-increasing sway of the 'neo-liberal' policies promoted by US Imperialism in its bid for world hegemony.

3.4 During the last two decades, the Indian State has almost abandoned all welfare state policies. The ruling classes are trying to snatch away all rights won by the working class and impose contract labour system and 'hire and fire' policy in all sectors. The government procurement of food grains and public distribution system (PDS) is almost demolished. MNCs and corporate houses are allowed almost total domination in industries, services, infrastructure building and in wholesale and retail trade. They are allowed uninhibited entry to agrarian sector, intensifying the land accumulation in fewer and fewer hands. More and more sections are thrown out of land through SEZs, new industrial centres, real estate lobby and land mafias. Commercialization of education, health-care, services, etc. is taking place at a ruthless pace. As a result of these policies, the integration of the Indian economy with the global imperialist system is going ahead at a furious pace. The grave consequences of this integration at the behest of imperialist powers, especially US imperialism, are now felt in all fields following the global financial crisis with its epi-centre in the US. The recession and depression have spread fast to India-like countries, exposing the hitherto tall claims of the ruling classes and their political representatives. While those responsible for it are bailed out by the state at people's expense, millions of workers are thrown out of jobs and all sections of people are further pauperized. The coming to power of BJP led by Narendra Modi, with a clear majority in the 16th Lok Sabha elections, has further aggravated all these problems.

3.5 Largely abandoning the progressive aspects of the Indian foreign policy and sacrificing the sovereignty of the country, the Indian state under the leadership of the comprador bureaucratic bourgeoisie is intensifying its strategic ties with US imperialism. At the same time, the gap between the rich and poor has widened phenomenally. Almost half the people are under the poverty line, with almost 25% reduced to destitution, when 60-70% of the wealth is accumulated in the hands of less than 10%. The present price rise has unprecedentedly intensified the misery of the vast masses. Contrary to ruling class claims the prices of essential commodities are continuing to rise. The adivasis, dalits, women and all other oppressed classes and sections are facing acute devastation. Along with these, the imperialist dictated 'development policies' have devastated ecology, leading to global warming like impacts. The overall objective situation is one of ever-intensifying neo-colonial plunder and oppression and sharpening of internal contradictions, a situation which demands an all-out offensive by the Communist Party to overthrow the existing anti-people, reactionary state and usher in a people's democratic state.

4. Class Analysis of Indian Society

4.1 On the class approach to the PDR, the Party Program states: (5.1). ''The Indian state is the organ of class rule, that is the dictatorship of the comprador bureaucratic bourgeois-big landlord classes serving imperialism, over the working class, the peasantry and all sections of exploited and oppressed masses. This reactionary state can be overthrown and be replaced by the People's Democratic State only by mobilizing the working class as the leader of the revolution, forging its alliance with the peasantry and building the People's Democratic Front based on this worker-peasant alliance, uniting the middle classes and all patriotic sections including national bourgeoisie, which is a vacillating ally".

4.2 Mao Tsetung emphasised the importance of the question of determining the enemies and friends of revolution in many of his writings. One of the basic reasons why the revolutionary struggles could not win victory so far is the failure to make a correct class analysis according to the concrete conditions in the country. It led to failure to establish the leadership of the working class, to mobilize the peasantry through agrarian revolution, to forge worker-peasant alliance, and thus to unite with the real friends to attack the real enemies.

4.3 The comprador bureaucratic bourgeoisie is the leading class among the ruling classes. While the Indian big bourgeoisie and the bureaucratic class have contradictions with imperialism, which is often reflected in their manoeuvres to utilize the inter-imperialist contradictions for their benefit, their collaboration with imperialism is basic as reflected in their collaboration with the neoliberal policies. Their making huge investments in other countries, or some of the heads of these corporate houses finding a place among the richest in the world, do not change the basic fact that they are continuing to collaborate with imperialism and to obstruct the independent development of productive forces in the country. So whether one calls it a junior partner of imperialism or dependent bourgeoisie, its basic character remains the same – it is a comprador class serving imperialist interests in the main, reaping big benefits in the bargain.

4.4 On the contrary, the stand taken by all those forces, who define it as an independent capitalist class and India as an independent capitalist country (which inevitably means another imperialist country in this era of imperialism) and the stage of revolution as socialist, has been proved inconsistent with present reality, especially after the imposition of globalization and 'neo-liberal' policies. While the intensifying neo-colonization leading to increasing capitalist transformation of relations of production in the agrarian and all other sectors is a fact to be recognized, it is taking place under domination of imperialist agencies and MNCs, with even seeds production controlled by Monsanto-like MNCs. The two tasks of democratic revolution are putting an end to pre-capitalist relations and overthrowing imperialist domination. Under neo-colonial domination, the development of capitalist relations in agriculture is a growing trend at the all-India level, though there are diversities and unevenness to a large extent. The task of the Indian revolution is to overthrow imperialism, comprador bureaucratic capitalism and landlordism. These tasks are inter-related. That is why, in spite of fast and deep capitalist inroads in agriculture, the stage of revolution is still democratic, not socialist.

4.5 The big landlord class, corporate landlords/agricultural corporates, the agricultural bourgeoisie and various sections of land owning mafias comprise a deadly force in the countryside. It is integrating the agricultural sector with imperialist economy, facilitating entry of imperialist capital and MNCs into every sphere of agriculture from production of seeds to procurement of produce and their marketing, and allying with the comprador bureaucratic bourgeoisie to perpetuate the neo-colonial plunder.

4.6 The national bourgeoisie is a vacillating ally of the Indian revolution. To retain their existence, they want to remain inter-twined with the comprador bureaucratic bourgeoisie increasingly and collaborate with imperialism more than ever, especially after the imposition of neo-liberal policies. In spite of all this, their contradictions with imperialism shall be increasing with the increasing trend of monopolization in every field. With the development of the struggles of the working class and the peasantry, the possibility of the national bourgeoisie joining the revolutionary movement will increase.

4.7 The petty bourgeoisie, including the middle peasants, because of its size and class character is a significant class with the possibility of being a dependable ally of the revolution. The lower middle class which constitutes more than half of it, which may be called its left wing, is facing ever-intensifying misery under the globalization-liberalization-privatization regime, as a result of which large sections of it have fallen to the level of workers, having lost all property. Under neo-colonization the ruling class is trying to win over this class and contaminate it with the illusion of individual development and to influence it with all kinds of reactionary culture. It is a big challenge to the revolutionaries to win over larger sections of this class.

4.8 The landless, poor and middle peasants and agricultural workers, the real tillers of the land, constitute almost half of the population. They include the adivasis, dalits, and most backward and oppressed sections of society. Due to neo-liberal policies, massive changes have come about in the class structure of the agrarian sector. These new forms of class differentiation oblige us to make more intensive studies and the conclusions drawn from the same may be used to come up with more concrete/realistic slogans for revolutionary offensive.

4.9 India is a country with a large working class, without mobilizing and politicizing which as the leader of revolution, the completion of PDR and advancement to socialist revolution are impossible. Leave alone pre-revolutionary China, the working class in India is many times more numerous than it was in pre-revolutionary Russia or any other country where revolution has taken place. So the working class movement assumes far greater importance here. Under liberalization-privatization raj the population of the working class in the unorganized sector has enormously increased under the contract labour and hire and fire systems. Even the modern industrial proletariat is coming under this category increasingly. Through closures, modernization, outsourcing, VRS etc. the number of workers and employees in organized sector is rapidly reduced. By increasing regular hours of work, cutting down wages, security of service, social security etc. workers in the organized sector are under constant attack. Though the comparatively better paid workers of the organized sector form the main force of most of the trade union centres today, more attention is to be given to unorganized sectors. The task is to mobilize and lead them to local, state-wide and country-wide struggles, re-creating an atmosphere favourable for working class struggles and upsurges.

5. Building Party as Vanguard of Indian Proletariat

5.1 The present concrete conditions compared to the situation in Russia, China and other countries when revolutions took place there are vastly different. Today party building is taking place when almost all parties built up under Comintern guidance have degenerated to capitalist path with bureaucratic organizational structures. The erstwhile socialist countries have degenerated to bureaucratic state capitalism or to open capitalist/imperialist countries. The PDR is taking place now when imperialism and its lackeys have succeeded to replace class struggle with the 'clash of civilizations' to a great extent and created conditions for religious fundamentalists of all hues to gain strength enormously, with secular values greatly weakened. Besides, issues like approach to annihilation of caste system and racial hatred, adivasi question, ecology, women's liberation etc. have assumed unprecedented importance. Massive storage of nuclear weapons on the one hand and its proliferation on the other, and the plans to build new nuclear power plants are also serious issues to be taken up. The PDR is also taking place when the imperialist camp is intensifying its ideological onslaught through alien theories and NGOs, when the advantages gained under the development of science and technology are utilized by them for counter revolutionary offensive.

5.2 Though the CPI (M), CPI like parties have totally degenerated to right opportunist positions and considerably weakened in that process, they are continuing to use the communist banner and confuse the left masses. The activities of CPI(Maoist) are also destroying the image of the communist movement. Under the social democratic influence a section of the Marxist-Leninist forces have also already degenerated to parliamentary opportunism. Ideological struggle has to be intensified against both right opportunist and anarchist trends of all hues.

5.3 What is required is the building of a Bolshevik-model party surrounded by class and mass organizations and different people's movements according to present conditions. In a country of more than 130 crores of people including tens of millions of workers, landless-poor peasants and agricultural workers and other revolutionary sections, they can be successfully mobilized for countrywide campaigns and struggles only if the Leninist approach towards Bolshevik party building surrounded by class/mass organizations is developed according to present needs and studiously pursued. Concepts like 'front' organizations without a democratic program and mobilization of the masses are nothing but manifestations of sectarianism.

5.4 It should be a party with countrywide organization and political influence. The concept of 'area wise seizure of political power' and 'base areas', influence of localism etc. under the line of 'protracted people's war' are presently used as cover for 'self-satisfied' opportunism, for keeping aloof from the masses and for continuing activities reduced to certain pockets of influence. Significant changes that have taken place in the concrete situation in recent decades, especially after the launching of neo-liberal offensive by imperialism and the native ruling classes call for a countrywide offensive by the revolutionary forces mobilizing tens of millions. So, political and organizational initiative should be taken for party building at all India level uniting all communist revolutionary forces that can be united.

5.5 The possibilities available today to launch vigorous ideological and political campaigns, to win over politically advanced sections and for party building should be fully utilized. Already there are numerous instances of spontaneous struggles in different regions against consequences of neo-liberal policies, corruption, increasing attacks on women, proposed nuclear plants, displacement for 'development' projects etc. Possibilities for countrywide mass upsurges cannot be overlooked in this situation. The Party should be able to provide leadership to the coming upsurges and political and organizational work should be taken up with this perspective. At the same time, building of party fractions among the working class, organizing fractions in sensitive areas including state apparatus and within the police, para-military and military, should be given importance.

5.6 The ideological-political education and training, which keep the party politically vigorous and organizationally active, should be given prime importance. Marxism is not a dogma, but a guide to action which should be continuously developed to cope with the changes taking place in the concrete conditions internationally and nationally. The party should be capable of taking up this challenge and prepare the whole organization for theoretical offensive consciously.

5.7 Democratic centralism should be organically practiced so that the democratic atmosphere for inner-party struggle always exists. It is easy to talk about the undesirability of individual authority and bureaucratic practices. But even after serious setbacks suffered by the ICM no proper lessons are drawn from them so that the above negative factors can be combated and a lively democratic atmosphere maintained within the party and class/mass organizations. Replacement of committee system and collective functioning with individual authority, and democratic functioning with bureaucratic methods are petit-bourgeois influences in the party. Similarly, the existence of so many groups claiming to uphold Marxist-Leninist line even when in many cases there are no basic differences among their lines and the 'theory of many centres' are alien, petit-bourgeois trends, which should be vigorously fought.

6. Mobilizing Working Class as Leader of PDR

6.1 Marxism is the revolutionary ideology of the proletariat, the most advanced class engaged in the most developed, advanced and organized fields of production. The task of the Communist Party, as the vanguard of the proletariat, is to transform it from a ''class in itself'' to a ''class for itself", capable of leading the revolutionary transformation of society, by providing leadership to the people's democratic revolution.

6.2 After the imposition of imperialist globalization in 1991, under the neo-liberal regime the working class is confronting ever intensifying challenges. Almost all democratic, wage and TU rights achieved through a century of bitter struggles are being snatched away. Contract labour system and 'hire and fire' are the rules of the day. What is witnessed, are extreme forms of wage slavery. The number of workers in the organized sectors is dwindling fast, with 'labour aristocracy' dominant among their leadership. Tens of millions of workers in the unorganized sectors, whose number is increasing day by day, are denied all democratic and trade union rights. Many black laws are imposed for it. Even struggles for economic demands, right to form unions, etc. are made extremely difficult. Along with de-unionization, de-politicization and dominance of caste based, communal, parochial feelings, alcoholism, drug addiction and anarchic tendencies are increasing in some areas among the workers. The party committees have to be prepared to reverse the present situation.

6.3 While leadership of the major TU centres like BMS and INTUC are not opposing foreign investment and are actively involved in mortgaging the interests of the working class and the country to imperialist interests in the name of promoting 'development' under imperialist globalization, leaderships of TU centres like AITUC and CITU are satisfied with making a show of ritualistic opposition to imperialist globalization. There are NGO-led trade unions and their centres also. Some of the communist revolutionary cadres have reduced trade union work to fighting individual worker's cases in labour courts. The TU centres led by them are also failing to forge unity and to launch active resistance against the increasing attacks on the working class, as well as to politicize them to take up political tasks. This is not a task which can be left to the TU centres and their committees. The Party should prepare a program for politicization of the workers and propagate it through extensive fraction work not only among the unions led by the party cadres, but also in the trade unions as a whole.

6.4 An important task of politicising the working class lies in organising it to stand and act in support of peasants' struggles, all democratic movements and struggles of the oppressed sections of society.

7. Building Revolutionary Peasant Movement

7.1 The Naxalbari uprising took place challenging the reformist path practised by the CPI and the CPI(M) and once again bringing agrarian revolution back to the agenda. The revolutionary agrarian struggles started emerging in many areas. But for a long time the hangover of the sectarian line stunted the growth of these struggles. Undaunted by these, fighting against reformism and sectarianism continued, and today the peasant question is once again coming to the forefront of the political scene.

7.2 The tasks before the Party are: Firstly, take up the study of the vast changes that have taken place in the agricultural sector under more than six decades of neo-colonization, speeded up by the neo-liberal policies, and chalk out an agrarian program based on these. Secondly, organise the peasantry, especially the agricultural workers, landless and poor peasants – the most oppressed sections. Build up the peasant movement at state level and co-ordinate them at all India level. In line with the agrarian revolutionary program, form land struggle committees starting from village level with the initiative of agricultural workers and middle, poor and landless peasants' organization to launch struggles with land to the tiller slogan, and to organise movements for taking over plantations and farms.

7.3 Immediate slogans against forced labour, usury, communal and caste and gender based oppression, for higher wages, for distribution of banjar land, against forest contractors etc. should be raised and struggles organized. While taking up campaigns and struggles for immediate demands, the link between immediate and basic demands should be established. These sections should be organised at the all India level to fight for their immediate demands as well as for the basic slogans. Similarly relation with the numerous peasant movements against displacement should also be developed, participating in their struggles.

8. Mobilizing Women for Liberation

8.1 Marxism teaches us that "the first class antagonism which appears in history coincides with the development of antagonism between man and woman in monogamous marriage and the first class oppression with that of female sex by male. Monogamy was a great historical advance, but at the same time it inaugurated, along with slavery and private wealth that epoch lasting until today, in which the well-being and development of one group are attained by the misery and repression of the other". As Mao Tsetung pointed out after the first wave of Cultural Revolution in China, the seizure of political power in pre-revolutionary countries and socialist transformation in post-revolutionary societies shall face ever surmounting problems so long as effective ways for the liberation of these 'first slaves' remain elusive. All the religions preach perpetuation of this slavery. Their enslaved conditions make women carriers of the superstitions and reactionary traditions, customs and ideologies which are transferred to the children. Though most of them still remain a private property of men in practice, and the private property system has become most barbarous under imperialism, women under the present family system are forced to become the most important propagandists of the perpetuation of the ideologies which perpetuate their own slavery.

8.2 In spite of many steps taken for emancipation of women, failure of the post-revolutionary societies to comprehensively deal with the question of women's liberation along with weaknesses in the struggle to eliminate patriarchal values, religious stranglehold and imperialist culture including commodification of women played an important role in the stagnancy of the women's liberation movement. This helped alien theories to dominate this field. In spite of these experiences, even today the weakness of the communist movement in mobilizing the women, who constitute 50% of the population, in the party, class and mass organizations, and in various fields of activities is sharply manifested in different forms.

8.3 The condition of women in India like countries is much more backward compared to that in the imperialist countries. The resistance to bring forward even superficial changes like providing 33% reservation in the elected bodies ensures that it is still not implemented. The influence of Manu Smriti's declaration that 'women do not deserve independence' is still dominant. The caste system and religions perpetuate women's backwardness. The rule of capital and market system under neo-liberalism has intensified women's miseries. Woman and their body are made commodities increasingly. The present family system, even after its transformation to the nuclear one, still remains basically male dominated and conservative. While dowry system and denial of equal right to family property is rampant, even decadent systems like child marriage, devadasi system etc. still continue in some areas. The growth of communal forces and religious fundamentalism sponsored by the ruling system has worsened women's condition. Under the influence of the neo-colonial culture, as more and more female foetus are destroyed before birth in Haryana, Punjab like states, number of women compared to men is dwindling in these areas. As a result, a new type of women trafficking is taking place to these areas, 'married' from other states to do household work and to produce children. Not only do women bear the brunt of oppressive patriarchal institutions, they are also subjected to shameless commodification. Today, in our society on one hand advertisements objectify women and on the other hand various fanatical religious organizations exhort them to produce 10 or more babies. Though the bourgeois feminist movements have pockets of influence in urban areas, they do not address the real issues of the masses of women like relation between the stranglehold of private property in all fields and women's enslavement.

8.4 The situation calls for conscious efforts to organize women at different levels to take up the task of their liberation, involving ever larger number of women. The Party should take active steps to assist the development of a women's mass movement.

9. Mobilizing Youth for Revolution

9.1 The youth in our country have a glorious history of actively participating in the social renaissance movement, in the independence struggle and later in the anti-imperialist, anti-feudal struggles led by the Communist Party and other progressive movements. The role of Ashfaqullah Khan and Bhagat Singh and other revolutionary youth who challenged the colonial forces still inspire the youth. But with the transfer of power in 1947 and with the emergence of revisionist tendencies in the Communist Party, the youth started getting frustrated and influenced by retrogressive ideologies and the revisionists misled the youth, causing them to get disenchanted and disillusioned and turn towards reaction. Many joined reformist and even reactionary forces. When the Naxalbari uprising created a revolutionary upheaval, once again thousands of youth joined the revolutionary movement. But influence of sectarian tendencies once again caused setback to this upsurge. The communist revolutionary movement failed to mobilize the youth into a countrywide organization with a revolutionary program. Though there were spurts of progressive activism during and after the internal emergency period, these were short-lived. At all India level the participation of the youth in the left movement went on decreasing.

9.2 In the meantime under increasing neo-colonization, especially after the imposition of neo-liberal policies, the challenges faced by the youth have intensified. Unemployment and under-employment have become rampant. Even the already employed have started losing employment. At the same time vested interests are promoting imperialist culture, drug addiction and criminalization among them to prevent the frustrated youth from joining progressive movements. As a result, large sections of youth are influenced by retrogressive thinking and recruited in large numbers by communal, casteist and chauvinist forces on the one hand, and by the ruling classes as their storm troopers and in mafia gangs on the other.

9.3 A similar situation is rampant at the international level also. It is a fact that large numbers of them are joining the anti-imperialist, anti- dictatorial upsurges around the world. But compared to the present intensity of the contradiction between imperialism and world people, the role played by the youth is not significant. Weakening of the socialist forces with the degeneration of the erstwhile socialist countries to capitalist path, the severe setback suffered by the ICM, and the weaknesses shown by the Marxist-Leninist forces in confronting and challenging the counter-revolutionary offensive of imperialists and their lackeys have a major role in creating this situation.

9.4 The Communist Party should seriously take these international and national realities into consideration and launch a vigorous offensive to politicize the youth with a militant program so that the youth can be aroused once again.

10. Organizing Students' Movement

10.1 The students as a social stratum are a major force in our country. The neo-liberal policies of globalization-liberalization-privatization have reduced education to a mere commodity, increasingly depriving it of the progressive social character and orientation it once had. The commercialization of education system and the neo-liberal syllabi are taking a large section of students undergoing higher education away from social realities. The commercialization has transformed higher education as an elite sector reserved for mostly the upper caste, upper class students. The syllabus, methods of education and the atmosphere prevalent in these 'centres of excellence', especially in the professional colleges, are basically a continuation of the colonial education system, though its present content and forms have changed to serve the neo-colonial needs. The present system is organized so as to make the students and youth serve imperialist globalization, the capital-market raj. It is well established that the content and form of the education system in a society in a particular period are determined by and implemented for protecting the interests of the then ruling classes. The education system is utilized by them to mould the students in accordance with their ideology and political-administrative needs.

10.2 A large section of the students, especially the elitist and middle class sections among them, are attracted to communal, casteist, chauvinist ideas and organizations led by BJP-like leading ruling class parties or RSS. They are imitating the corruption and cultural degeneration of their political elders. Most of them are influenced by neo-liberal values. They compete to divide the students communally, caste-wise, and in the name of reservation policy. They refuse to fight commercialization of education, criminalization of the campus life, increasing dominance of reactionary culture etc. This is one of the most important challenges faced by the democratic students' movement.

10.3 Combating these tendencies and still prevailing sectarian tendencies, students' organisations have developed in some of the states and have come together with a broad based democratic program. The hitherto history of the ICM and experience in India shows that efforts for organizing a powerful student movement at all India level, especially in the present situation, is a crucial requirementto develop the revolutionary movement. It will influence the society at a broader level, give rise to militant movements and provide a continuous flow of cadres to the revolutionary movement.

11. Tasks in the Cultural Front

11.1 We are living in a period when imperialism and reaction are developing and implementing class strategies in newer and newer forms for exploitation and oppression of the world people. The universal and all-pervading hegemony of capitalism and capitalist relations of production are establishing their domination over all sectors of human thought and scientific knowledge. To serve their reactionary goals they are utilizing religion, caste, race, linguistic divisions etc. and art, literature and cultural forms extensively. Culture is commercialized and turned into a commodity to dominate all progressive ideas. The quantum revolution that took place in the field of physical sciences in the beginning of the 20th century and the technological advances that followed along with the development in other fields of science and technology including that of organic sciences, telecommunication, cybernetics, information technology (IT) etc. are utilized to serve imperialist interests. Human developments in the intellectual fields are also utilized in this way. The spread of knowledge is taken to an irrational and religious level. Similarly, people's achievements in the fields of art and literature, in the cultural and scientific fields in general are suffocated, vulgarized and commodified to serve imperialist interests. The hegemony of the ideology of private property and imperialist culture along with continuing influence of feudal culture, religion and caste system are utilized to subvert revolutionary advances in various fields and to serve the imperialist system. We must oppose the imposition of imperialist culture and at the same time reject the old conservative ideas and blind faith and strive to develop a socialist culture throughout the country. As revolutionaries it is our duty to provide alternative progressive content and material to the people.

11.2 We are putting forward the Path of Revolution to complete the tasks of PDR, to realize People's Democracy and to advance towards socialist revolution at a time when drastic changes in the socio-political-cultural fields have taken place unlike the Russian situation during October Revolution, or the conditions in China and other countries when revolutions took place there. Drastic changes in the fields of culture have taken place during the last five decades in India compared to the condition during the struggle against British imperialism and during the Telengana-Tebhaga struggles etc. Though the socialist forces had reached a challenging position by the early 1950s, they have degenerated to revisionism and social democracy due to various weaknesses and failure in continuing the class struggle in the fields of philosophy, politics, culture etc. All these developments point towards the need of linking the revolutionary struggles for seizure of political power with mighty efforts to fight and defeat the pre-capitalist, petit-bourgeois and bourgeois mode of thinking and culture prevalent in society, and which were and are trying to gain domination in newer and newer forms. It is in this context Lenin had called on all Communist Parties to wage continuous struggle against religion, superstitions and private property etc. as part of party education.

11.3 Presently with the degeneration of a major part of the erstwhile Communist movement in India to capitalist path, emergence of 'New Left' and other pseudo-left ideologies aiding alien tendencies and increasing influence of imperialist promoted ideologies like post-modernism, identity politics, empowerment theories, NGO-ism etc., the progressive and revolutionary values influencing society are seriously eroded. The growth of RSS-Parivar has led to all religious fundamentalists and communal forces gaining dominance in fields of education, culture etc. Progressive ideas like "annihilation of caste" are replaced by caste-based vote-bank politics. Imperialist culture including consumerism, alcoholism, criminalization etc. is dominating. Social consciousness is violently replaced with individualism, selfishness and male chauvinism in more vulgar forms. Commodification and commercialization of everything have become the order of the day. Without challenging these retrogressive, fundamentalist, imperialist and reformist trends, without unleashing uncompromising struggles against them, conditions for growth of progressive values and revolutionary movement cannot be created. International corporations have hegemony over most of the broad based cultural movements. They finance and control most of the cultural activities in the bigger cities.

11.4 Though Naxalbari uprising triggered a new earthquake in the cultural field also, it was short-lived. Soon, similar to what happened in the economic and political fields, in the art, literature and cultural fields also the neo-colonial, imperialist onslaught intensified in newer forms. The table of these reactionary trends is very long including new imports in art, literature and cultural fields, commercialization of education and all welfare sectors, neo-colonial projects in the field of research, cultural projects of World Bank and many other new incarnations of religious fundamentalism, advocacy of caste system and racism in new forms, attacks on women's liberation, black acts to curb art and literature etc. They are obstructing people's upsurges in all fields. What is required is an all-out offensive to reverse this situation.

11.5 Though many efforts are made to take up revolutionary cultural activities opposing the counterrevolutionary trends, they are localized, not widespread or protracted. They remain superficial or confined to immediate slogans, do not go to basic ideological issues involved. There are many among the revolutionary ranks who do not recognize the significance of a revolutionary cultural offensive; of transforming human thoughts and culture as a continuous process, as a basic task to be taken up right from the beginning. So while developing revolutionary activities the emphasis to be given to the work in the cultural field should be underlined. The content of cultural movement should be seriously debated and developed. Forms of organizations to be built in the cultural field also should be developed. While this task should be taken up at state level and regional level providing all the emphasis it needs, vigorous efforts are called for to build an all India cultural movement taking up its theoretical and practical aspects seriously. The steps taken to launch the cultural offensive at all India level have led to the formation of an All India Coordination of cultural activists with this perspective. Both at state and central level the offensive should be carried forward to serve the revolutionary transformation of society.

12. Separating Religion from Politics

12.1 The ascendance to power of the BJP government is distinctly different from the NDA coming to power in 1998. Then also the dominant BJP forces in the NDA government had initiated the implementation of the program of the RSS Parivar to communalize all walks of life and to create conditions for turning India into a Hindu Rashtra, as is done by the BJP-led state governments wherever they are in power. But with the clear majority obtained through a communal campaign spearheaded by the full strength of the RSS, the Modi government has already launched vigorous moves to implement the RSS agenda. The dangers involved in this extreme rightist turn of Indian politics should be seen in the present international scenario when the US-led imperialists have succeeded to replace class struggle and national liberation movements against imperialist domination with 'clash of civilizations' in vast regions, promoting religious fundamentalism of all hues, and even Sunni-Shia conflicts in West Asia.

12.2 Though the Constitution calls India a secular republic, from the beginning Congress has pursued appeasement of all religious forces under 'sarva dharma samabhav'. Soon the Congress, and emulating it other ruling class parties also, started promoting communal vote banks. Jan Sangh and Muslim League like communal parties got registration also. From this time onwards, majority fundamentalism and fundamentalism of minority religions started gaining strength colluding, while combating, with each other. The Rajiv Gandhi government promoted the majority fundamentalists by allowing Shilanyas at Babri Masjid while promoting the Islamic fundamentalists by enacting laws in favour of Shariaat. Utilizing this situation, the RSS Parivar launched an all India offensive from the end of 1980s against the Mandal Commission Report, soon expanding it to a campaign which went on to demolish the Babri Masjid in 1992 with the connivance of the Congress government. The Modi government has come to power at the culmination of the communalization process promoted by all the communal as well as communal appeasement parties.

12.3 This situation calls for uncompromising struggle against both majority and minority fundamentalism and the communalization promoted by all of them. Secularism means separating religion from politics. But today while many communal parties are vying with each other, all other mainstream parties are promoting communal vote banks as proved in the 16th Lok Sabha elections. The communal organizations from RSS Parivar to all others have increasing influence in various fields like education, health and real estates. They control many TV channels and publication centres openly interfering in the political scene. With the advent of Modi government, the RSS is intensifying the saffronization process to create conditions for transforming India into a Hindu Rshatra. The party and class/ mass organizations should launch uncompromising struggle against this growing danger. Many of the religious functions/programs are financed by corporations and the manpower consists of RSS cadres. Movements have to be launched to compel the state institutions to de-recognize such organizations.

13. The Caste Question

13.1 The Party Program states: "Continue campaigns and democratic movements for the abolition of the caste system fully and of all other social inequalities. As part of it, stop all caste-based oppression, caste discrimination, untouchabiltiy and Khap panchayat-like reactionary institutions. Implement reservation like democratic rights till all social inequalities are abolished. Ensure land to the dalits based on the slogan 'land to the tiller'." In spite of the efforts from the period of social renaissance movements for the annihilation of this social plague, in newer and newer forms it still persists, making life miserable for the oppressed castes. The mechanical understanding that once revolution takes place caste question will get weakened and disappear still dominate many of the so-called left forces. It may weaken, but will come back in new forms more fiercely. Fighting caste based oppression and campaigning for caste annihilation should be made an integral part of the agenda. Caste annihilation has to be taken up as part of class struggle.

13.2 The caste system has strengthened in new forms during the last six decades. It is incorporated in the ruling system through caste based parties serving ruling class interests, and through the creation of caste based vote banks. Along with these, identity politics and tribalism like reactionary ideologies are promoted by imperialist centres to channelize the struggles against oppression based on caste, tribal system etc. to harmless paths, to keep these downtrodden sections away from the revolutionary path. The weakness of the communist movement so far in developing uncompromising struggle against caste system also helped these efforts to institutionalize caste system and tribal oppression through various means by the imperialists and the ruling classes. In India casteist oppression was intensified by keeping dalits away from land ownership, reducing them to tillers without land and doing all menial jobs for upper caste sections. So backbone of the caste system can be broken through agrarian revolution which ensures land to the tillers. Campaigns should be taken up against various forms of caste based oppression on dalits and adivasis and other backward sections including untouchabiltiy which is still prevalent in various forms. While fighting all caste based discrimination against the dalits inter-caste marriages should be promoted. The reservation based on caste should be defended and struggle against diluting it should be waged, as a democratic right of the socially backward and oppressed classes.

13.3 It is with this perspective the Party took the initiative along with other progressive forces to launch the Caste Annihilation Movement with a Program. The enthusiastic response it has received during the last two and half years shows the necessity to carry it forward vigorously.

14. Developing People's Movements on Questions like Ecology, Displacement and Slums

14.1 The neo-colonization speeded up by neo-liberal policies and the so-called 'development' paradigm pursued by the central and state governments have given rise to new issues like ecological destruction leading to global warming, energy policy including the question of anti- nuclear movement, displacement of tens of millions from their habitats for loot of the natural resources and corporate projects, protection of the rights of many millions in the slum areas etc. These are new issues which have surfaced during the post-Second World War period, and are intensifying day by day affecting large number of people. So, while chalking out the Path of Revolution, serious attention should be given to the question of mobilizing the people affected by these and for leading their struggles.

14.2 The ecological destruction and consequent 'global warming' is leading to many catastrophes like the one witnessed in Uttarakhand in 2013 and similar calamities in many other areas. The ever increasing manner in which the ecologically fragile Himalayan Ranges are opened for devastating neo-liberal development schemes is threatening the vast Himalayan and Terai regions of India, Nepal and Bhutan and the water availability for Bangladesh. Similarly the Western Ghats and Eastern Ghats regions in South India are also confronting ecological destruction by corporate, mining mafias, real estate barons etc. The Party has taken initiative for studies on Himalayan, Terai regions as well as to work actively inSave Western Ghats Movement. Similarly at state level also studies are undertaken to advance struggles for environmental protection.

14.3 The movement against nuclear arms and against the existing and proposed nuclear plants is also taken up joining hands with scientists and environmentalists. The struggle against nuclear arms and nuclear power has to be intensified based on the Bhopal Call issued by the Conference of the All India Initiative against Nuclear Power.

14.4 As the migration to the urban areas is increasing day by day and there is mushrooming growth of slums in all urban areas, based on the experience obtained in leading the slum movement in Bhubaneswar, initiative has been taken in other cities and towns to coordinate the slum movements based on the Charter of Demands issued. Mobilizing and leading the millions of people in the slums is going to be an important part of the urban struggles in coming days.

14.5 In the name of neo-liberal projects, for looting the natural resources, for Narmada-like big dams, for real estate clusters, and for many infrastructural projects, millions of families are displaced from all over the country. Already many people's resistance movements have broken out against them, in many cases successfully blocking them. Some of these struggles like the movement against Kalinga Nagar and POSCO projects have turned into people's upsurges. Active steps are needed to coordinate these movements as part of launching countrywide movements in coming days.

15. The Nationality Question

15.1 On the resolution of the nationality question, the Party Program states: "Ensure right of self-determination for all nationalities up to secession. The People's Republic shall strive to unite people of various nationalities not by force, but by their voluntary consent. Settle the Jammu and Kashmir and Northeast questions by withdrawing army from there forthwith and through political means ensuring the right of self-determination." India is a multi-national country, where even for the reorganization of the provinces which were constituted under British rule and by the princely states on linguistic basis bloody struggles had to be waged by the people in the 1950s. During the last five decades consecutive central governments have taken away many of the Constitutional rights of the states, propagating chauvinistic slogans like ''national integration' or Akhandvad.

15.2 British colonialists who had forcefully 'united' the princely states into a colony for facilitating their plunder had pursued 'divide and rule' policy utilizing religious, caste, racist ideologies and the feudal forces. The unity achieved during the anti-colonial struggles are now subverted by the ruling classes after transfer of power. Against this the Communist Party should struggle for unity of all nationalities based on their right of self-determination.

15.3 With the development of capitalist mode of production, especially after imposition of imperialist globalization which speeded up the entry of FDIs, FIIs, MNCs etc. and strengthened the capital- market raj, uneven development, pushing up or pushing down various regions in the ladder of 'development' is becoming a stark reality. Instead of opposing the imperialist dictated 'development' policies implemented by the central and state governments responsible for it, different ruling class parties as well as comprador and petit-bourgeois classes are raising demands for statehood to these backward regions. In spite of the negative experience of these already formed small states where living conditions of the vast masses have not undergone any positive changes, demands for new states are continuously raised.

15.4 As Marxism teaches, the nationality question and the various movements emerging directly or indirectly linked with it are bourgeois questions. As many of the demands for new states are raised to divert people from the cardinal issues confronting them, the Communist Party should seriously guard against becoming a tail of these movements, At the same time, an approach of unity and struggle should be pursued, in order to win over the masses of people influenced by these struggles, with the perspective that along with demand for new states the basic issues of the people also must be raised.

16. Utilizing Parliamentary Forms of Struggle

16.1 Elections to provincial and central legislative assemblies were introduced from the colonial days in India. After the transfer of power, under the Constitution adopted in 1950, the parliamentary system was adopted at all levels. Today, elections to Lok Sabha to Panchayat level and even to co-operative societies and various other institutions are held regularly, drawing an ever increasing number of people. Even in pre-revolutionary Russia, experience in participation in the elections was partial and limited. In China and other countries where revolution took place, there were no experiences of utilizing parliamentary system as a form of struggle to develop class struggle. Still drawing from the experience of Second International and of the Communist parties in West European countries, Lenin had pointed out the need to struggle against parliamentary cretinism on the one hand and politics of boycotting elections on the other.

16.2 There is a revolutionary way and a reformist way of participating in elections. The CPI and the CPIM have over long decades demonstrated the latter. They have not utilised their governments to advance the class struggle but rather to impose reactionary, ruling class policies on the people. Revolutionary transformation of society has long ceased to be part of their election agenda. Taking a wrong lesson from this, the CPI(ML) adopted 'boycott of election' as a strategic line after its formation and, later, though many sections of the communist revolutionaries abandoned this line, the Maoist trend continues to practise it. If the CPI-CPIM's reformist way of participating in elections has exposed its ideological bankruptcy and entrenched it in right opportunist positions, the boycott experience, on the other extreme, has proved totally negative. Even after giving the boycott call, the CPI (Maoist) has adopted opportunist tactics like supporting some of the ruling party candidates clandestinely, or openly, as of late. In very few places has it succeeded to 'enforce' its call for boycott. The methods it resorts to to enforce boycott only alienate it further from the masses. In recent years the polling percentage in almost all parts of the country has been quite high. In the concrete situation in our country parliamentary struggle is one of the important forms of struggle. Giving primary importance to extra-parliamentary struggles, we must take up parliamentary struggle with due importance. For the development of extra-parliamentary struggles it is extremely important to properly use the platforms of parliament and assemblies.

16.3 Struggling against both right opportunist parliamentary cretinism and dogmatic boycott line, our party has tried to utilize the elections as a form of struggle to propagate party line among the masses since the 1999 Lok Sabha elections. It is a fact that the ruling class parties resort to manipulation of elections utilizing money and muscle power on the one hand, and creating communal, casteist, racist, parochial vote banks on the other, utilizing the state machinery and monopoly media. Still participation of the people in the elections is continuously increasing. The experience of our party, however limited it may be, shows that they can be utilized, combined with continuous development of workers and peasant struggles to mobilize the people for advancing class struggle, putting forward a people's alternative against the ruling class and by campaigning for it.

16.4 Though people are getting disillusioned with the bourgeois parliamentary institutions, they have no other option other than supporting one or the other among the ruling class parties. In theory and practice the CPI(M)-led LF in spite of coming to power in three states for many terms failed to put forward any alternative and got alienated from the people, defaming the communist movement. Overcoming this negative experience, only when the Communist Party succeeds to develop country-wide movements to focus on people's issues, to mobilize the masses in their millions against the ruling system and to put forward a people's alternative against the ruling class alternatives, along with building the party from grass root onwards, it can once again get support from the people in the elections. After the degeneration of erstwhile socialist countries, how to replace the bourgeois parliamentary system with more developed system of proletarian democracy which can lead to socialist transformation is a major challenge before the ICM. Debate on the parliamentary system should be developed with this perspective.

16.5 India is a country of more than 130 crores of people with the bourgeois parliamentary system well entrenched in every nook and corner for many decades at all levels. The Communist Party should utilize the bourgeois parliamentary system along with all other forms of struggle to develop class struggle in all fields, to unleash mighty people's upsurges so that it can advance towards the revolutionary seizure of political power and put into practice people's democracy.

17. On Building Tactical to Strategic United Fronts

17.1 The Party should continuously develop its united front tactics to serve revolution. In order to take up the numerous issues confronting the people, issue based joint activities have to be taken up uniting like-minded forces. These joint activities are possible in the working class field, in the agrarian front and in all mass movements uniting with other trade unions or TU centres to struggle for workers' problems, in the agrarian front uniting with other like-minded forces. A broad-based, democratic approach should be developed to take up issues through these joint fronts or forums. Though these are based on issues and may continue only for a brief period, they help to highlight various people's issues. Such joint activities will help the Party and class/mass organizations to spread out their activities to more areas also.

17.2 Experience shows that under slightest provocation the state machinery imposes black laws and uses terror tactics against the people. Democratic rights are taken away. Even peaceful mass movements are brutally suppressed. Functioning of party and class and mass organizations are obstructed. Against such day to day developments united democratic and civil right movements should be developed according to concrete conditions.

17.3 Advancing a step forward from these issue-based joint activities, as these struggles and the strength of the class/mass organizations further increase, possibilities for formation of platforms or united fronts at state or country levels, lasting for a longer period, to take up more basic issues can be developed. Possibilities shall emerge to build intermediate level fronts, which shall help the development of class struggle. Every such possibility should be fully utilized.

17.4 In the present situation as the Modi government is intensifying the imposition of neo-liberal policies, communalization and fascist acts it is an urgent task to develop the Democratic People's Forum or reorganize it as a broader forum of struggling left and democratic forces to take up state level and all India level movements mobilizing the masses. The party will have to take immediate initiative for it at state and all India levels.

17.5 For overthrowing the Indian state of the comprador bureaucratic bourgeois-landlord classes serving imperialism and to create conditions for establishing people's democratic power, protracted efforts should be made according to concrete situation and level of development of people's struggles by the Party to build up the strategic united front based on worker-peasant alliance and uniting with all genuine anti-imperialist, patriotic, democratic classes and sections.

18. Agrarian Question and Agrarian Revolutionary Program

18.1 When the transfer of power took place, India was a vast agrarian county with 80% of the people dependent on agriculture. The historic Telangana struggle, Tebhaga movement and other revolutionary agrarian movements against the dominating feudal, semi-feudal relations were sweeping across the country under the leadership of the Communist Party. It compelled the government to enact land ceiling laws with the declared objective of abolishing the Zamindari system. The Congress government was utilizing a two-pronged drive to crush these struggles: promoting reformist Bhoodan movement of Vinobha Bhave, and launching brutal attacks on them. Soon under neo-colonial domination, faced with pressure from below and on the basis of advice of US imperialist experts, land reform was introduced, initiating the replacement of the feudal landlords with a new generation of landlords who were ready to embrace the Green Revolution launched under imperialist guidance. Conditions were created for the entry of capital, along with fertilizers, chemicals, new seeds and other inputs into the agrarian sector. Under colonialism, imperialism had used feudalism as its social base. But under neo-colonial domination capitalist relations are being promoted in the agrarian sector giving rise to a new class of capitalist landlords. In this way imperialism is tightening its grip over the entire agricultural sector.

18.2 The land reforms introduced were not revolutionary land reforms from below based on "land to the tiller" but were imposed from above creating a new class of landlords. The land ceiling proposed was flouted in practice through various methods allowing the landlords to own huge land holdings far above the ceiling. The real tillers including the adivasis, dalits and other oppressed sections continued to remain landless or own only small housing plots.

18.3 The 'green revolution' set in the following tendencies: firstly, it created conditions for the entry of modern inputs and capital to agrarian sector; secondly, it increased the area under cash crops; thirdly, it introduced and intensified capitalist mode of production; and fourthly, it paved the way for furthering overall land concentration with about 60% land held by the landlords who constitute 5-10% of the population linked to agriculture. Overall impact was further integration of the agrarian sector in the imperialist capital-market system. With the introduction of neo-liberal policies, increasing number of poor, marginal and middle peasants are displaced from their land for major projects, number of farms and plantations have increased, concentration of lands with landlords and corporate has increased, agrarian sector is brought under increasing corporatization and capitalist relations have grown very fast.

18.4 The significance of the Naxalbari struggle was that it brought back the agrarian revolutionary struggle abandoned by the CPI leadership in the early 1950s to the agenda. After the disintegration of the movement under left adventurist line, though a rectification was initiated by sections of CPI (ML), and significant mobilization of the poor and landless peasants and agricultural workers took place in Bihar and AP in the land struggles, there were no efforts to take up the study of the vast changes taking place in the agricultural sector under neo-colonization or to develop the agrarian struggles according to the concrete conditions.

18.5 Agrarian revolution means wiping out landlordism, including still surviving remnants of feudal and pre-capitalist land relations, and making revolutionary changes in the land relations based on land to the tiller slogan and establishing the collective ownership of the plantations and farms, and developing the co-operativization and social control of agriculture. Launching of agrarian revolutionary struggle should be done with the propagation of agrarian revolutionary programme to make revolutionary changes in land relations along with mobilising them for immediate slogans and struggles to realise them. Then develop the movement to campaign for the urgent distribution of land declared surplus under ceiling laws, government land lying vacant, forest land lying fallow, land used for bio-fuel cultivation and farm lands whose lease period is over, land illegally occupied by plantations and farm owners and land mafia, etc. to the poor and landless farmers and agricultural workers.

18.6 How much time will be taken to advance from campaigning to land occupation in different areas will depend upon the concrete conditions in each area and on the extent of subjective preparations including the strength of the land struggle committees. By taking this line of agrarian revolutionary movement to the most oppressed dalits, adivasis, and other oppressed sections, campaigning for distribution of above mentioned government and forest lands to the landless, and proceeding to the capture of land, a revolutionary atmosphere can be created among the masses to proceed towards the second phase.

18.7 The next phase starts with putting forward the agrarian programme to make revolutionary changes in land relations, that is, implementation of land to the tiller, confiscation of land of the landlords and distribution of those lands primarily among agricultural workers, and landless and poor peasants. This can happen only when peasants can overthrow the authority of the landlord classes and establish the authority of the peasantry and rural masses. This can happen only when rural masses are able to overthrow the existing power structure and establish political power of the overwhelming rural masses.

18.8 The state committees under the guidance of the CC should select areas where our party and mass organization is fairly strong to initiate the land struggle. Social and political condition of the area, class divisions, state of class contradictions etc. should be studied and the first and second phases should be planned and the slogans for the campaign should be formulated after discussion in the party committees and in the committees of peasant organizations.

18.9 The experience of the great land struggles of the past show that whether starting from partial demands or land issue, all of them ultimately lead to the fundamental question of land, to the question of throwing out all pre-capitalist relations and making revolutionary changes in the land relations based on land to the tiller slogan. It develops to contradictions with big bourgeois-big landlord state and with the imperialists behind it. So the Party should lead the agrarian struggle, in whichever form it may have started, to the fundamental question of land and vigorously try to expand it to more and more areas, to more and more states according to concrete conditions there, firmly upholding revolutionary mass line, uncompromisingly struggling against reformist and sectarian tendencies which shall be trying to dominate the movement always. Utilize all forms of struggles and organizations, always be prepared to be flexible enough to change from one form of struggle to another according to concrete conditions, and try to maintain initiative in the struggle.

18.10 Developing the revolutionary agrarian movement in such a vast country like India with so much diversity and unevenness is an unprecedentedly difficult task. This great size and its vast population themselves can be turned into great advantages for revolution once they are correctly understood and scientifically utilized, always relying on revolutionary mass line. In the past and present when any Path of Revolution has been drafted by different forces, it has always been seen that all of them agree on the basic differences between the concrete conditions of China and India not only during 1920-1940 period, but also, in a more profound way, between present India and pre-revolutionary China. But after starting discussion on developing the agrarian movement all of them hastily go on to assert that despite all dissimilarities, the path of Indian revolution should be path of protracted people's war. As a result, none of them give any importance to utilize the concrete conditions in this vast country by expanding the party all over the country, by launching the countrywide struggles of the working class including their massive struggles including raising of barricades, as in the past, and launching agrarian struggles in all regions according to concrete conditions and by depending upon the vast masses as the greatest shield against the enemy. Once the agrarian revolutionary movement among the 60-70 crores of adivasis, dalits and oppressed sections, the agricultural workers and middle, landless and poor, peasants is consistently expanded, and once the leadership of the 15-20 crores of the working class on the agrarian revolution is increasingly established, consistently following the revolutionary mass line, no force on this earth can stop the onward march of Indian revolution. Discussion on developing volunteer squads, self- defense squads or any other forms of squads, unarmed or armed, should be taken up in the context of development of the agrarian revolutionary movement to more and more areas, in the context of utilizing all forms of struggle, and after studying how the contradiction between the agricultural workers, landless, poor and middle peasants, and the powerful working class, the leading class of Indian revolution, on the one hand, and the ruling classes on the other is going to sharpen in coming days.

19. The Path of Indian Revolution

19.1 India is a very vast country of 1.3 billion people. It has extreme diversities and unevenness. The objective conditions of the country are becoming more and more favourable for social change, for a social revolution to overthrow the reactionary Indian State.

19.2 Putting forward the revolutionary path for India today is a much more complex and difficult task to be taken up compared to taking up such a job in the 1920s or 1930s when the Communist movement was in its infant stage in the country and when there was the Communist International with experience of Russian Revolution to guide it, or in the post-1947 years when the country was going through a revolutionary ferment, or in 1967 after Naxalbari uprising when once again a revolutionary wave was witnessed in many areas. Today, in spite of almost five decades of intensive struggles, the CPI(M)-led LF, though decimated in the latest LS elections, still continues to defame the communist movement through its social democratic practice helped by the corporate media. Though the influence of the anarchist trend represented by CPI(Maoist) is confined to some pockets in four or five states, the Indian State and the corporate media give extensive coverage to them to use it as a bogey to attack the communist movement. Besides, there are a good number of right opportunist or sectarian trends, posing as Marxist-Leninists in different states. Even the groups advocating post-modernism, identity politics, empowerment theories, NGO-ism, etc. are harming the revolutionary movement. The communist movement in India today is more splintered than it was in Tsarist Russia. It is an extremely difficult task to wage ideological struggles against all these numerous trends and to establish the revolutionary Marxist-Leninist positions in present day conditions.

19.3 The communist movement has weakened so much during the last few decades that even if the difficult but obligatory task of uniting all the Marxist-Leninist forces who advocate mass line and who have apparent identity of views on many issues are united, the Marxist-Leninist Party will not be strong enough to take up the gigantic task of completing PDR in a vast country like India. There is almost the same condition all over the world. These challenges have to be boldly faced and the subjective forces of revolution have to be strengthened, in which building up a powerful Bolshevik model party with all India influence is the most cardinal task. The Party has to build up a revolutionary people's alternative challenging the ruling class alternatives, which are basically united in serving the existing ruling system. The Party has to utilize all forms of struggle effectively, with the perspective of seizure of political power, to complete the tasks of the People's Democratic Revolution.

19.4 Evaluating the general orientation of the Path of Revolution, the Party Program states:

"(1) The Indian state is the organ of class rule, that is the dictatorship of the comprador bureaucratic bourgeois-big landlord classes serving imperialism, over the working class, the peasantry and all sections of exploited and oppressed masses. This reactionary state can be overthrown and be replaced by the People's Democratic State only by mobilizing the working class as the leader of the revolution, forging its alliance with the peasantry and building the People's Democratic Front based on this worker-peasant alliance, uniting the middle classes and all patriotic sections including the national bourgeoisie, which is a vacillating ally.

(2) The character of the Indian revolution is bourgeois democratic in nature, not socialist. However, it is a new kind of democratic revolution which on the one hand will pave the way of capitalist development by uprooting imperialism, comprador bureaucratic capitalism and landlordism, and will pave the way of socialist revolution on the other. The inevitable culmination of this revolution will be the socialist revolution. The Indian revolution will establish the democratic dictatorship of the Indian people under the leadership of the working class by overthrowing imperialism, comprador-bureaucratic capitalism and landlordism. The People's Democratic Revolution of India is a part of World Proletarian Socialist Revolution. The CPI (ML) upholds Marxism-Leninism-Mao Tsetung Thought as its guiding ideology, applying it to the concrete conditions of the country and integrating it with the concrete practice of revolution. It is committed to complete the People's Democratic Revolution and to advance towards socialist revolution.

(3) The path of Indian revolution will be determined by the concrete condition, the present socio-economic situation in India. The lessons of Russian and Chinese revolutions are obviously very much important for our revolution. However, in the concrete condition of our country, the working class will play a direct role while the Indian peasantry will also play its role. One of the important tasks of the Indian revolution is to overthrow imperialism and Indian monopoly capitalism and at the same time another important task is to overthrow all pre-capitalist relations in agriculture and distribute the land seized from the landlords to the agricultural labourers as well as to the landless and poor peasants on the basis of "land to the tiller". Rejecting parliamentary cretinism and the line of sectarianism and individual terrorism, upholding path of revolutionary mass line, it resolves to utilize all forms of struggle and organizations to mobilize the working class and all revolutionary classes and sections for a massive countrywide people's uprising to overthrow the Indian state and to seize political power."

19.5 The great Telangana Struggle of 1946-51, in continuation to other anti-feudal struggles in different parts of the country, the naval revolt and Punappra-Vayalar uprising and numerous working class struggles of these years were the largest and most advanced revolutionary upsurges in the country. Telangana struggle taught how revolutionary agrarian struggles focusing on land to the tiller slogan led by the Communist Party and with the landless, poor peasants and agricultural workers at the helm, along with middle peasants and other sections of the peasantry, can lead toward the formation of village committees, organization of volunteer squads, development of resistance to landlords-police-goonda violence, and to the beginning of armed struggle against the reactionary state. The great Naxalbari uprising led to revolutionary uprising of landless, poor peasants and agricultural workers, including adivasis, dalits and other oppressed sections, in Midnapore, Mushahari, Lakhimpur-Kheri and Srikakulam,. Though these struggles spread to the plains of AP and Bihar later, due to the domination of the sectarian line the movement could not be carried forward. The cardinal problem before the revolutionary movement was, and is, that while assimilating the revolutionary experience of all these struggles, how to develop a Path of Revolution conforming to the present conditions when it is under neo-colonial domination.

19.6 The ICM has the glorious history of the victory of October Revolution in Russia, the victories of revolutions in East European countries during 1944-45 with the defeat of fascist forces, the victory of the great Chinese Revolution in 1949 and later victories of national liberation and democratic revolutions in Korea, Vietnam, Laos, Kampuchea and Cuba. The Marxist-Leninist forces should take appropriate lessons from these revolutions as well as from their setbacks. But taking their experiences does not mean mechanically copying the experience of any of them or pursuing an eclectic mixture of their experiences. Taking experience from them means studying their experience, taking lessons from them and applying them according to the conditions in our country. The history of the ICM shows that in all these countries where revolution took place, there was no mechanical application of the path of other revolutions, and each revolution took its own course according to conditions of each country. The theory and practice of Indian revolution should be developed entirely based on the present conditions of India, assimilating whatever experiences can be taken from all hitherto revolutions.

19.7 Presently, though Indian revolution is in the People's Democratic stage, what happened in the post-revolutionary situation in the erstwhile socialist countries, especially in Soviet Union and China, has to be evaluated and its lessons taken. For example, the experience in areas like party building, in developing the concept of democratic centralism, in developing appropriate methods for inner-party struggle, in guarding against emergence of bureaucratic tendencies, in organically developing concepts of building mass line and class/mass organizations, in avoiding the mistakes of mechanically de-linking the class struggle in economic base from that in the superstructure, in avoiding, for example in India's context, the de-linking of anti-caste like movements from class struggle, in correctly dealing with the contradictions among the people, and in drawing appropriate lessons from the Cultural Revolution.etc have to be given cognizance.

19.8 The path of Indian revolution calls for rejecting all shades of parliamentarianism and reformism and pursuing the path of revolutionary seizure of political power. It means combining the countrywide struggles of working class with the revolutionary agrarian struggles, combining all other forms of struggles with it and organizing countrywide mass uprising for seizure of power and developing the tactics of united front in all phases of struggle according to the demands of the concrete situation.

19.9 India is a very vast country of 1.3 billion people with extreme diversities and unevenness, a country under neo-colonial domination where neo-colonial plunder is taking ever-intensifying forms under the neo-liberal policies, where the principal contradiction is between the alliance of imperialism, comprador bureaucratic bourgeoisie and landlordism on the one hand and vast masses of the people on the other. The task of revolution is to overthrow the rule of comprador bureaucratic bourgeois-landlord classes serving imperialism, completing the People's Democratic Revolution, and advancing towards socialist revolution. It involves the tasks of mobilizing the people, and launching and developing the countrywide class struggle in all spheres leading to mass upsurges, mass insurrections including armed uprisings interspersed with other forms of struggles wherever necessary, leading to the capture of political power.

20. Conclusion

20.1 The Path of Indian Revolution is put forward by our Party when the objective situation at the international level is once again becoming favourable for advancement of the revolutionary forces and anti-imperialist resistance struggles are taking place around the world. In India, a very vast country with extreme diversities and unevenness, in spite of nine decades of Communist activities with a history of many historic struggles involving tens of millions of people, presently the strength of our Party is still not considerable. The challenge posed by right opportunist and anarchist trends is still very serious. Though Naxalbari uprising once again brought back PDR to the forefront of the people's agenda, the Marxist-Leninist movement during the last four decades has not made any significant advances in this direction yet.

20.2 Fighting against all alien trends, the CPI (ML) Red Star is putting forward the Path of Indian Revolution according to present conditions. It stresses the great significance of building a communist party based on the Bolshevik model, surrounded by class/mass organizations at all India level, utilization of all forms of struggle to develop class struggle, and an advance towards the capture of political power starting from mass upsurges to mass uprisings and countrywide insurrections. Victory of the PDR is possible by developing the path of Indian revolution according to the different conditions of the neo-colonial phase of imperialist onslaught, assimilating the experience of all hitherto revolutionary struggles at the international level and in our country.

20.3 This Path of Revolution is not charted as an A to Z of Indian revolution. It gives emphasis on building the Party uniting all like-minded forces, on building class and mass organizations with countrywide influence, on developing countrywide campaigns, struggles, movements, putting forward a revolutionary people's alternative against the ruling class alternatives, on mobilizing and politicizing the working class as the leader of revolution, on developing agrarian revolutionary movement according to present conditions arousing the revolutionary section of the peasantry and on preliminary steps to build people's resistance including armed resistance wherever possible against state oppression as part of creating conditions for countrywide uprising of the people leading to seizure of political power. It also emphasizes developing the understanding on utilizing all forms of struggle. In its present form it is a guide for consolidating the existing forces and for developing people upsurges in the present phase of revolution. As and when the situation undergoes changes, based on these guidelines the path can be further developed and the struggle can be explained accordingly. CPI (ML) Red Star places this Path of Indian Revolution before the Communist Revolutionaries and the left masses for a serious discussion on it, and calls on them to join the efforts to pursue the Path charted in it so as to learn more from practice and to lead the People's Democratic Revolution forward.


Read Path of Revolution in PDF

We are publishing below the draft Political Resolution for wide discussion among the readers of Red Star. Its Hindi translation is already published in the July issue of Hindi Red Star. Both are available in our website: also. Before it is discussed and finalized in the 11th Party Congress held at Bengaluru from 27th November to 1st December, the Central Committee is inviting your critic/suggestions/amendments up to 31st October. All of them also shall be taken in to consideration while finalizing the draft. We expect active response from all comrades and friends – Red Star

THE political tasks before us today need to be assessed in the context of the objective international and national situation especially since the 10th Congress of our Party in 2015.

International Situation

1.i The Political Resolution adopted by the 10th Congress had evaluated the international situation as crisis-prone and of growing multi-polarity. In the last three years, those trends have developed further leading to an aggravation in the economic and political crisis of world imperialism today.

Crisis-ridden Neoliberal Imperialism

1.ii The systemic crisis of world imperialism even as internationalization of monopoly finance capital reaching new levels continues unabated. Most optimistic projections of the UN and Bretton Woods institutions are unable to cover up the continuing risk from the bubble-induced inflation and recession haunting the world. Last several years’ incessant pumping of trillions of dollars of cheap money from government treasury and banks in to the coffers of corporate financiers, rather than facilitating any recovery, has only worsened the situation. The chronic over-accumulation of finance capital as was exemplified in the speculative bubble that led to the ‘global meltdown’ of 2007-08 is strengthening. Consequently, the financial bubble measured in global stock market capitalization alone further rose from $ 63 trillion on the eve of the ‘sub-prime crisis’ in 2007 to more than $ 80 trillion by mid 2017, again resulting in the biggest-ever short-term collapse in capitalist history on February 6, 2018 eroding more than $ 4 trillion from US stock exchanges in a single day due to this ‘flash crash’! Thus the situation is ripe for another round of prolonged bubble burst. In that sense, the decade-long current phase of the imperialist crisis has turned out to be more prolonged and severe than that of the 1970s.

1.iii As a manifestation of this crisis in both imperialist and neocolonially dependent countries, fresh capital investment in employment oriented productive spheres is alarmingly collapsing. Corporate financiers everywhere are mainly interested in ballooning money-spinning speculative businesses. Growth in GDP indices arising from this is used by ruling classes to cover up the acute de-industrialization and joblessness today experienced by common people. Corporatization of agriculture and devastation inflicted on local and rural communities everywhere are resulting in de-peasantization, displacement, migration and refugee crisis. The decline in the consuming power of the vast majority of people, gruesome levels of poverty and inequality coupled with more intrusions on nature threatening the very existence of humankind have become unbearable. All over the world, neoliberal budget cuts in health, education and social welfare have worsened the suffering of the masses along with double exploitation of the mass of women in particular.

1.iv Imperialist globalization has been associated with liberalization of labour laws, tax systems and environmental regulations which are more severe in neocolonially dependent and oppressed countries. Internationalization of production and new trends in global division of labour such as outsourcing have led to the super-exploitation of working class and oppressed people especially in backward countries. The mad rush for profit has also resulted in the transplantation of polluting industries to neocolonially dependent countries and dumping of industrial waste in them. To facilitate the unprecedented levels of exploitation of people and plunder of nature by corporate capital, all democratic rights of workers and broad masses are curtailed in one form or another.

1.v Global inequalities have reached record levels. According to latest report by Oxfam, 83 percent of the wealth created in 2017 has gone to the top one percent of the global superrich. Country-level inequalities are also steeply going up. Even as the world economy is experiencing a slump, the number of billionaires and the share of wealth with them are having a steady upward trend. While employment situation in imperialist countries is stagnant, real wages and living conditions of the workers and toiling people are continuously declining. Casualization and frequent hire-and fire have led to deterioration in working conditions. Even as labour productivity is steadily rising due to the application of new technologies, wages are maintained at the subsistence level while profit rates are going up. The consequence is a decline in the purchasing power of the broad masses of common people that prompts capitalists to bring about a relative curtailment in the production of mass consumption goods.

1.vii Even as the world is on the brink of an environmental catastrophe, the mad rush for profit is inflicting further damage on ecology. In continuation of consistent US violations of various international environmental treaties and protocols, Trump has unilaterally withdrawn from the Paris Accord thereby once again repudiating all “legally binding” international environmental regulations and mandated reductions in green house gas emissions. Thus the struggle for a reversal of the adverse environmental damage caused by mainstream development paradigm and years of global warming has again come to a standstill.

1.viii Across the world, this has led to a favourable objective condition for the emergence of class and mass struggles. Workers, peasants, women, youth and students are rising up in imperialist as well as in dependent countries in one form or another. People’s movements for protecting habitats and for a sustainable environment, for democratic rights and against various forms of oppression are also springing up across the world. Against the imperialist and ruling class offensives, workers and oppressed people’s struggles are developing in several Latin American, African and Asian countries. Workers and youth are rising up in the US and in many countries of Europe. Across Asia, workers, peasants, women, youth and students are leading struggles against neoliberal policies, fascism and reaction. In particular, mass movements for freedom and democracy during the last three years have challenged ruling regimes in Egypt, Tunisia, Greece, Turkey, Bahrain, Iran, etc. Neoliberal budget cuts and austerity policies aimed at shifting the burden of crisis to the shoulders of workers and peasants have led to the eruption of large scale struggles in Brazil, Argentina, Uruguay, Colombia, South Africa, Bangladesh, India, etc. Big global movements have developed against neocolonial-neoliberal agencies like IMF, World Bank, WTO and against various trade and military agreements. However, in spite of the prevalence of many left forces in the forefront of these struggles, those capable of concretely analyzing the situation with a correct ideological perspective and politically leading the people towards a revolutionary alternative is lacking.

Rightward Shift in Ruling Class Politics

1.ix To deal with the emerging people’s struggles and divert them away from developing into a revolutionary situation, almost everywhere ultra-rightwing, neo-fascist, racist, xenophobic, reactionary and religious fundamentalist forces are propped up by neoliberal imperialism. Strengthening of the repressive state apparatus along with the tendency to fascistization have become the general trend in both imperialist and dependent countries.

1.x In continuation of our analysis in the Political Resolution adopted in the 10th Congress, the following period has witnessed a clear-cut neo-fascist shift in politics at a global level. The ascendancy of Trump in the US, Brexit and further rightward political shift in Britain, victory of the right of centre forces in France, further strengthening of neo-Nazi Alternative for Germany, rise to dominance of the far right Freedom Party in Austria, fascist trends in Spain and so on are instances of this general trend. Similar right wing political trends are visible in Latin America. As a result, many progressive governments with a nationalistic and anti-imperialist orientation that have come to power in several countries in Latin America in the first decade of the 21st century have faced reverses in the context of the general rightward shift in global politics. Trump administration is openly engaged in destabilizing governments in Bolivia, Venezuela Ecuador, Honduras and Nicaragua which are not ready to toe the US line. The US and EU are in the pursuit of large scale military investments in North Africa, West Asia, East Asia and more recently in East Europe in the context of growing conflict with Russia. Superimposition of neoliberal policies coupled with postmodern identity politics that prop up new interpretations of tribalism and religious fundamentalism as new-found means of emancipation are sowing the seeds of disunity among the oppressed. Its outcome is an acute political and economic destabilization in many African countries like, Tunisia, Morocco, Nigeria and so on. Identical trends are visible in Asia too. The corporate-saffron Modi regime in India is a typical example of this ultra-rightist trend.

Geopolitical Trends and Sharpening Inter-imperialist Contradictions

1.xi This international situation in which scope of surplus capital investment as well as avenues of increased global market share shrink particularly due to collapse of the purchasing power of the broad masses has prompted imperialists to intensify their struggle for re-division and domination of world market and spheres of influence. Consequent inter-monopoly competition and scramble for political and strategic influence in various parts of the world have led to mounting global political instability, growing multi-polarity and sharpening of inter-imperialist contradictions in manifold ways. Bourgeois diplomatic deception is giving way to open external reaction and violence in international affairs even in the absence of a direct confrontation between the imperialists.

1.xii US imperialism, still the leading superpower and chief war monger, sponsor of terrorism and main threat to world peace led by its arch-reactionary president Trump today pursues an extremely diehard ‘ protectionism’ at home along with an aggressive militarism abroad. Its policy towards Afghanistan, Libya, Syria, Ukraine, etc., has become more ruthless. Even in gross disregard of the views of his NATO allies, by unilaterally terminating the 2015 Nuclear Agreement, Trump has taken an aggressive posture directed against Iran. The Trump administration is characterizing those countries that are reluctant to submit to the will of US imperialism as “rogue states”. Though North Korea is one among them and even bracketed as a “sponsor of terrorism” till now, a bilateral discussion is scheduled with it during the second week of June in Singapore.

1.xiii Today, the inter-imperialist rivalry for world hegemony is most acutely manifested in imperialist China’s efforts to challenge US imperialism at both economic and political levels. Emerging as a rival centre of global production and market and as the second largest economy in the world, China has established its military base not only in Africa but even in far-flung Latin America. With its domination over global trade and finance, China has surpassed US in many spheres of production. For the uninterrupted continuation of such imperialist interests, both at home and abroad, recently the ruling Chinese regime has brought about a constitutional amendment of even abolishing the presidential term limit for putting the present incumbent Xi Jinping in the throne as the life-long head of the state. In view of such initiatives as Shanghai Cooperation Organization along with Russia, Belt and Road Initiative that in terms of its extent and scope is characterized as bigger than America’s postwar Marshall Plan, Asian Infrastructure Investment Bank in which China’s currency Yuan is expected to play the crucial role, BRICS and especially Shanghai based BRICS bank, etc., led by China, the US economic position is waning both at regional and global levels. To counter this, while Trump is pursuing extreme protectionist policies as manifested in the repudiation of Trans-Pacific Partnership (TPP), disenchantment with WTO, withdrawal from Paris Climate Accord and so on, China has become the ardent champion of “globalization” and open market policies today. US imperialism is trying to overcome the consequent relative deterioration in its economic position through more aggressive militarization everywhere.

1.xiv The non-viability of the postwar geopolitical arrangement in Europe including the internal crisis of NATO has been another manifestation of the unfolding inter-imperialist rivalry. The recent Brussels meeting of the EU member states with the exception of four smaller states of Denmark, Ireland, Malta and Portugal and the decision to revive the idea of ‘Schengen military zone’ based on a common defense policy comprising the development and accumulation of weapons and joint military interventions is a challenge to the coherence of NATO in the context of the emerging contradictions between the EU and US on many international questions. This resurgence of European militarism independent of the transatlantic NATO alliance has been driven by German and French imperialists whose initiative at the creation of a European army is to be evaluated in the context of the relative weakness of US imperialism. Trump’s extreme protectionist “America First” policy that has sharpened the tensions between the United States and Europe and the Brexit that eroded the clout of US’ closest ally Britain in EU affairs have prepared the background for this. Trump’s sanctions on North Stream Pipeline to Germany have eliminated a cheap source of fuel from Russia to EU as a whole. All these developments have already weakened the erstwhile coherence in NATO between the US and EU. In general, European imperialism led by Berlin and Paris has begun openly resisting the US policy particularly in West Asia as exemplified by its open defiance of US approach towards the “Qatar crisis”, recognition of Jerusalem as Israel’s capital, withdrawal from ‘two-state solution’ on Palestine and on the latest US withdrawal from Nuclear Agreement with Iran. Acute differences have emerged within the G8 and today cooperation between EU and US is more or less confined to the tactical use of NATO against Russia, their common enemy. In coming days, the materialization of an independent EU military is definitely going to sharpen inter-imperialist rivalries both in Europe and elsewhere in newer ways. At the same time, the large cuts in social spending necessitated by increased military outlays will aggravate the class contradictions in Europe and the unleashing of all reactionary, chauvinistic, anti-immigrant and neo-fascist elements on the one hand, and increasing intimidation of the revolutionary and democratic forces on the other.

1.xv Meanwhile, Trump administration has revamped the concept of the “Quadrilateral” (Quad) in alliance with its key regional partners, viz., Japan, Australia and India to further develop the so called “Indo-Pacific” bloc targeted against China in continuation Obama’s ‘pivot to Asia’ policy. As a result, the Asia-Pacific region has become a hot spot of growing inter-imperialist rivalries especially between the US and China. Quad’s earlier assertion to address the nuclear and missile programs of North Korea also displays US intention to isolate China in dealing with the former. At the same time, Quad’s main thrust will be on challenging Chinese territorial and maritime claims in the South China Sea. Meanwhile, the US has also intensified its “interventions” in Philippines, Indonesia and other countries of the region under the guise of “countering terrorism.”

1.xvi Growing multi-polarity and rapid shift in geopolitics leading to disintegration and redrawing of the postwar international relations have other manifestations too. Imperialist globalization and unhindered cross border capital flows and integration of economies have enabled corporate monopolies from neocolonially dependent countries to enter into mergers, acquisitions and joint ventures with MNCs from imperialist countries. Regional powers like India in South Asia, Saudi Arabia in West Asia, Brazil in Latin America, South Africa in Africa, etc. which are acting under the economic, political and military umbrella erected by imperialism but incapable of accomplishing self-expanding capitalist path of development on account of their class character, are also playing their respective role as dictated by the imperialist rules of the game. India’s big-brother role in south Asia and its strategic military alliance with US imperialism as the latter’s junior partner is an example.

1.xvii These geopolitical trends give rise to new tensions and deep contradictions within imperialism which are moving toward further global instabilities as manifested in large-scale trade wars and regional military conflicts in different parts of the world. The worsening situation in West Asia, Afghanistan and mass killing in Syria arise directly from US interventions there. Russia’s intervention in Syria in the guise of supporting the elected Assad regime is also motivated by the latter’s strategic interests. The ongoing US sponsored Saudi slaughter and blockade in Yemen, Zionist attacks on the people of Palestine and the latest assault on Gaza, atrocities committed on the democratic and revolutionary forces in Rojava and so on, though short of a full scale war, are wiping out the people of the region and have become threatening to the international community. Coordinated efforts are urgently required to kick out the imperialists, especially the US-Israel axis from West Asia for the maintenance of peace there. Along with West Asia, the Asia Pacific is also transformed as dangerous “flash points”. Imperialist intervention in West Asia and North Africa has led to the biggest-ever exodus of refugees whose number has already crossed 65 million. The Rohingyas in Asia have become one among the most persecuted refugees today.

1.xviii As a result, all the major contradictions at the global level, the contradiction between imperialism and the oppressed peoples and nations, the contradiction between capital and labor, the contradiction between capital and nature, the contradiction between the imperialist system and the socialist forces and the contradiction among the imperialist countries and monopoly groups have sharpened further. However, in the present phase of internationalization of monopoly finance capital, rather than moving towards an open military confrontation among the major powers, in conformity with imperialism’s geopolitical interests, through local wars, threat of wars and trade and currency wars, imperialists are expanding the markets for weapons and commodities, ensuring conditions for cross-border capital flows and sharpening the scramble for sources of raw materials and putting heavier burdens on workers and oppressed masses by intensifying neoliberal policies and resorting to fascistisation.

Our Tasks at the International Level

1.xix This international situation calls for cooperation and coordinated action among Marxist-Leninist parties and revolutionary organizations against imperialism from the perspective of proletarian internationalism. Such efforts based on a concrete understanding of the international relations should at the same time be interlinked with the specific strategy and tactics of revolution in each country.

1.xx The founding of ICOR in 2010 in which CPI(ML) Red Star played a major role and the practical cooperation in international issues together with the ideological-political exchange developing among its constituents since then leading to the successful completion of the Third World Conference of ICOR are welcome initiatives in this regard. While dealing with the new developments taking place in imperialism through various seminars and debates upholding the spirit of internationalism, positive experience has gathered through several successful international conferences on workers, peasants, women and youth as well as the initiatives for the protection of environment under the auspices of ICOR. The ICOR campaign on the occasion of the 100 Years of October Revolution has brought forward more unity of revolutionary forces against imperialist reaction and fascist repression. Along with the strengthening of these initiatives, it is also our task to carry forward the ongoing debate over the understanding on imperialism and major world contradictions today within ICOR .

1.xxi The concrete international situation demands broad-based campaign against imperialism and for world peace. It necessitates the need for coordinated work to establish fraternal relations with all like-minded forces. The success of such coordinated initiatives is already evident from the experience in organizing the October Revolution Centenary Rally in St Petersburg initiated by ICOR as well as in joint anti-nuclear and environmental campaigns. In the coming days there is ample scope for such issue-based coordination among those forces having an anti-imperialist orientation.

1.xxii However, when the objective situation for a revolutionary transformation is developing everywhere, the subjective factor essential for social change is still weak on account of historical, ideological and political reasons. This is manifested in the relative absence of Marxist-Leninist parties and revolutionary organizations deeply rooted among the working class and oppressed masses capable of leading such struggles within the country and at the same time supporting and coordinating them internationally. As the reactionary essence of imperialism is becoming more and more catastrophic, a worldwide anti-imperialist movement based on a revolutionary ideological-political orientation that can effectively challenge the threat of aggression, resist corporatization and fascistization and all forms of reaction and moving towards democracy and socialism has become an urgent necessity. This is possible only by the time-bound fulfillment of our international tasks.

National Situation

2.i More than four years of Modi regime has brought India to frightening disruption of its socio-economic and political fabric. In a situation of RSS led extreme divisive policies, instigation of mutual hatred among people, and in an atmosphere of increasing feeling of insecurity among dalits and minorities, BJP government has brought every aspect of social life under the firm grip of corporate capital. Strengthening India’s position as the junior partner of US imperialism and entering in to strategic alliance with it, Modi has destroyed the erstwhile non-aligned position that India had in international relations. All institutions of parliamentary democracy are degraded so as to facilitate the corporate, saffron fascist offensive.

2.ii The Political Resolution adopted by our 10th Congress in 2015 when Modi completed just eight months of his tenure had recorded thus: “2.9 Modi’s ascendancy to power has been followed by a ruthless acceleration of Manmohanomics as is manifested in the extrapolation of his ‘Gujarat model’ to the whole of India with the corporate-friendly catchwords such as ‘minimum government,’ ‘good governance’, development, etc. The ‘road map’ for Modi regime’s economic policy in the coming years containing transparent policy environment for business including reforms to enhance “ease of doing business”, liberal tax regime, full liberalization of FDI regime in strategic sectors such as defense and railways, construction of freight and industrial corridors including the creation of what is called a Diamond Quadrilateral project of high speed trains, specialized Agro-Rail networks, promotion of air connectivity to smaller towns and development of airports, connecting ports with hinterland through road and rail, outsourcing of public sector banking operations to MNCs and corporate giants such as Reliance, building up of 100 cities equipped with world class amenities, etc. based on PPP, a euphemism for privatization, attracting private investment in coal sector, completion of nuclear power projects and operationalization of international nuclear agreements, modernization and corporatization of agriculture, time-bound forest and environmental clearance for projects, and so on are fully in conformity with the diktats and requirements of crisis-ridden international finance capital.”

2.iii Since then, the drive towards neoliberal corporatization unleashed by Modi has led the country to a frightening disruption in productive and employment-oriented sectors. Thus, even according to usually doctored official data, economic contraction in India today is the worst since the fiscal year of 2008-09 when the country was confronting the global meltdown under the Congress led UPA government. The crucial reason for this socio-economic disruption has been the sudden deterioration in the purchasing power of the vast majority of Indian people on account of deindustrialization and de-peasantizaton coupled with the super-imposition of demonetization and neoliberal policies like anti-federal GST, the biggest-ever loot through corporate price-fixing of petroleum etc., that have transferred the reins of the economy to the firm grip of corporate capital.

2.iv Ultra-rightist and pro-corporate shift in economic policies including massive subsidization and transfer of wealth to the financial elite and superrich through several corporate tax exemptions along with a steep budgetary cut in all kinds of social welfare spending have resulted in a forcible extraction from even the bare minimum means of people’s subsistence. As a consequence, India has become one of the most unequal countries globally. According to a Credit Suisse analysis, the richest one percent owned 53 percent of the country’s wealth in 2016 compared to 36.8 percent in 2000. As per a latest report by Oxfam, the top 1 percent in India has gained 73 percent of the additional wealth generated in India in 2017.

2.v Though the share of agriculture in national income is around 15 percent, almost half of the Indian people still depends on it for their sustenance. Unlike in the colonial days, the present trends in agriculture should be visualized in the context of the fast penetration of corporate capital in to it along with usury and still prevailing pre-capitalist relations in certain regions. The drive towards corporate agriculture is resulting in land concentration in agri-business companies, corporate farms and new landlord classes on the one hand, and increasing landlessness, displacement and destitution of the peasantry on the other. With no avenues to subsist, large sections of the displaced landless peasants and agricultural workers are forced to migrate to urban centres only to join the ranks of informal working class and slum dwellers. On the other hand, the share-croppers, marginal peasants and even middle peasants who have no other option but to cling on to agriculture become the worst victims of neoliberal and WTO-enforced agricultural policies. Rise in input costs and decline in the prices of agricultural outputs in the absence of price support programs together with lack of peasant-friendly credit policies and mounting debt burden are pushing peasants to mass suicides. Industrial sector including core and strategic industries remains sluggish. To ensure ‘ease of doing business’ for FDI and corporate capital, even the namesake pro-worker laws are amended and workers are deprived of their hard-earned democratic rights. Privatization of existing infrastructural facilities, extension of PPP model for all new infrastructure projects, disinvestment of PSUs, etc. have already destroyed large number of employment opportunities in the organized sector. While casualization and contractualization in the organized sector are the general trend, more and more workers are forced to depend on the informal and unorganized sectors which have been the worst hit on account of demonetization and GST. Allocation on the much publicized MNREGA in real terms has gone down in successive budgets. While coming to power, Modi had promised new employment generation of 2 crores per annum; but the actual labour-participation rate is going down due to all round economic slowdown.

2.vii The condition of all oppressed including women, dalits, adivasis and minorities has become more devastating. Crisis in the unorganised sector has reduced women workers’ participation in employment. All forms of sexual violence both in home and at workplace against women especially emanating from religious codes and caste-based violence against dalit women have increased in manifold ways. Archaic and feudal values are imposed on women, who are subjected to moral policing by free-wheeling saffron goons. The BJP leadership maintains total silence on women’s reservation in parliament and legislatures, even as it reaps maximum communal mileage from the Triple Talaq issue.

2.viii Privatization and disinvestment of PSUs and machinations against caste-based reservation have become threatening to dalits. Worst form of caste discrimination and humiliation and caste-based daily oppression together with forcible displacement from land and habitats and consequent increased marginalization have accelerated their discontent and resentment. Increasing dalit fury and resistance have been steadily growing beginning with the movements against Rohit Vemula’s murder and attacks on dalits in UP and Maharashtra. The Una flogging of dalits by saffron goons, attacks on dalits attending the Bhima-Koregaon anniversary and similar developments in various parts of the country are also the contexts for rapid politicization among the oppressed and for militant dalit assertion and resistance against brahmanical offensive.

2.ix While budgetary allocations to adivasis are either curtailed or withheld on the one hand, various RSS-affiliated NGO organizations are actively engaged in dragging the tribal people in to the Hindutva fold. Penetration of corporate capital and forest mafia in violation of Forest Rights Act in different ways, hand in glove with politician-bureaucrat nexus, is threatening adivasis’s livelihood and right to forest produce. Like the dalits, tribal people are also subjected to massive displacement from their habitats and migration to urban slums. Malnourishment and hunger deaths have become frequent among tribal communities. The corporate- saffron regime is ruthless in suppressing adivasi struggles for land and livelihood as in the case of the struggles of other oppressed sections.

2.x Corruption which is inherent under capitalism has assumed new dimensions as an inalienable concomitant of neoliberal corporatization under the Modi regime. Corporate loot of public sector banks and creation of huge volume of NPAs under official patronage is just one glaring example. Most corrupt corporate leaders and CEOs accompanying Modi in his frequent foreign tours has become regular feature. Demonetization itself was an ingenious move for the corporate black money holders to whiten their huge unaccounted wealth through the legal route. Unlike in the past, the biggest corruption scandals of recent period including the latest Rafale deal are directly traceable to Modi with his ‘larger-than-life stature’ even as corporate media keeps a studied silence on them. India has become a flourishing example of ‘crony capitalism’ emanating from corporate-politician-bureaucrat nexus in the policy decision-making process such that, as pointed out by various international studies, during the last two year period, even surpassing Pakistan, Myanmar, Thailand and Vietnam, India has become the most corrupt country in Asia.

2.xi Islamofobia is systematically built up; Muslim Youth are targeted as antinational and terrorist and are often charged under UAPA and anti-Sedition laws. Muslims are frequently attacked and lynched by Hindutva goons masked as cow vigilantes or Gau Rakshaks, with the connivance of the BJP government. The rightwing communal offensive has created a climate of fear and insecurity amongst the Muslim minorities. The lynching of innocent Muslim men and boys and the palpable bias of the state administration in dealing with such incidents in BJP-ruled states has heightened their insecurity. Security and livelihood of minorities are in peril in BJP ruled states like Uttar Pradesh. All these also prepare the ground fertile for the growth of extremist Muslim outfits adding further justification for fascistization and intensified repression on minorities.

2.xii All environmental regulations including mandatory EIA studies for infrastructure projects are being taken away. In the name of development, corporate financiers are given unfettered freedom for natural resource explorations in gross violation of laws pertaining to workplace, land conservation, food agriculture, forest, wildlife and coastal zones, with highly detrimental impacts on the sustenance of workers especially women workforce, dalits, tribals, fishers and so on.

2.xiii Meanwhile, prices of all items of mass consumption and essential services like healthcare and education fuelled especially by soaring petroleum prices are galloping. PDS is systematically dismantled even as large sections of poor people are deprived of all kinds of subsidized services through Aadhar that has become a data base available for online monopolies. Corporatization and commercialization of healthcare and education have become the general trend.

2.xiv Concerted efforts are in full swing to bring the entire cultural and educational spheres of the country under saffron tutelage. Obscurantism and religious bigotry are superimposed on science and historical studies. Dissenters are branded as ‘anti-Hindu’ and are subjected to fascist attacks. Intellectuals and activists like Pansare, Dabholkar, Kalburgi and Gauri Lankesh are killed and many more are intimidated. Democratic rights activists are branded as ‘terrorists’ and ‘Maoists’ and targeted. The charging of UAPA against the leaders of the Bhima-Koregaon struggle is the latest example. People are denied their choice of food and are accused as cow-slaughterers and beef eaters and are brutally beaten up and killed by freewheeling saffron gangs under the umbrella of the central regime.

2.xv For the first time in India, Modi government’s sinister effort to manipulate the judiciary has compelled even the senior judges of the apex court to come out openly, exposing the crisis confronting the judicial system. Loya case has unfolded as a typical instance of the dangerous situation in which even the security of judges hearing ‘sensitive’ cases is in jeopardy. On the one hand, while Modi government is interfering in the appointment of judges to the highest court violating all precedents, on the other, it is resorting to illegal means to keep out judgments against BJP and Saffron leaders.

2.xvi Manipulation of judiciary is part of the broader theme of communalization of all constitutional offices, civil and military services so as to toe the saffron line. All key policy-making and implementation bodies, councils, and committees of the central government are packed with RSS-affiliated NGO leaders, voluntary activists, academics, intellectuals, spiritual leaders and even Hindu godmen. The extra-ordinary move to nominate corporate-sanghis to government administration as senior bureaucrats superseding the Indian Civil Service is the latest in this series. Right from the post of the President to governors of states and vice-chancellors of universities are filled with RSS leaders or hard-core Hindutva adherents. Those who question the impropriety of such moves are branded as anti-nationals.

2.xvii Even as major sections of the media have fallen in line with the corporate-saffron agenda, media persons and journalists taking independent positions are eliminated and intimidated often through false charges. To avoid reports and news which expose the true colour of the regime, reporters and editors are threatened and even removed from their posts using pliable managements.

2.xviii Modi regime’s insistence on digitization of citizen’s identity through such means as Aadhar or Unique Identification Number(UID) disregarding larger privacy concerns associated with the collection of biometric data and personal information has become a serious threat to people. India still not having specific laws to guarantee privacy, the government forcing citizens to share their biometric details under threat of denying essential services is a breach of the fundamental right to privacy. In view of renewed efforts by Europe and other countries to make their privacy laws more stringent in the context of the information of the kind of data scraping resorted by Cambridge Analytica, concerted efforts are required here to ensure people’s freedom from both state and corporate surveillance and guarantee of fundamental democratic rights.

2.xix Urgent attention is called for a major restructuring of the entire election process in the country. The BJP which till 2014 had been vociferously condemning the EVM on account of its vulnerability to fraud and tampering has now become its ardent champion as it can effectively utilize the same in its favour. The possibility of insertion of malicious software in to EVMs and manipulation of voting preferences being already proved, several countries of the world have abandoned EVMs and are pursuing the ballots. While raising this issue together with all like-minded forces, a concerted campaign is also required for replacing the ‘first pass the post system’ with proportional representation in elections and introduction of people’s right to recall the elected representatives. Similarly, provisions should be incorporated for totally keeping communal forces away from interfering in election in any manner. In brief, our Party should unite in campaign with all democratic and progressive forces for a thorough democratization of the election process.

2.xx In accordance with its saffron agenda, the BJP government has made the J&K question at its worst. Totally rejecting the need of an independent referendum which is the only feasible political solution for Kashmir question, Modi regime’s militarization of the entire region by unleashing armed forces and state police has completely alienated Kashmiri people. RSS elements are constantly communalizing the situation there by repeatedly demanding repeal of Article 370. The Kathuva-like incidents have aggravated it further.

2.xxi The entire north-east is militarized and the situation in Manipur, Nagaland, Mizoram and Assam has further aggravated due to the wanton use of black laws such as AFSPA along with state’s own militarization with the backing of open communalization led by RSS. The attempt to amend the Citizenship Act in favour of Hindu immigrants and specifically targeted against Muslims and the efforts to tinker with the National Register of Citizens in Assam in conformity with this have created a communally surcharged and polarized situation there. The state of the Gurkha people’s ethnic question has further worsened due to the manner it is handled by the TMC government along with interference by the BJP. As a whole, the federal structure of the country is facing the biggest threat under Modi regime.

2.xxii Together with these political moves, the superimposition of GST depriving the states of their constitutional rights to have own sources of resource mobilization has undermined the federal structure of India. As a whole, various administrative steps such as abolition of the Planning Commission, alteration in the terms of reference of Finance Commission, changes in the priorities of central fund devolution to the states, etc., arbitrarily imposed by the Modi government has done immense damage to the federal nature of the constitution and in strangling the democratic aspirations of various nationalities in the country.

2.xxiii Relations with all neighbouring countries have worsened. SAARC has become defunct, mainly on account of the pursuit of totally antagonistic policies and cutting down all channels for bilateral talks with Pakistan. In the protracted Doklam stalemate from which India had to ignominiously retreat, Bhutan refused to come out in support of Indian military deployment. On the contrary, it has started leaning more to China. The Indian regime led by Modi had tried its level best to thwart the advent of a secular government in Nepal. However, the political unification in Nepal between CPN (UML) and CPN (Maoist) in to a single party following government formation and its move for closer ties with China have been a slap on the face of the Modi government. Modi’s communal handling of the Rohingya refugees has even alienated Bangladesh also giving scope for anti-India campaign there.

2.xxiv Similar is the case with Sri Lanka and Maldives. Even after the civil war, the Buddhist fundamentalists in Sri Lanka continue their antagonism towards Tamil people and Muslims without any let up and the promise of autonomy to Tamil majority area has become an eyewash. Modi government’s US-backed ‘expansionist’ designs have prompted the Sri Lankan regime to move closer to China. Similarly, in the recent political crisis in the Maldives, a SAARC member, arising from contradiction between judiciary and executive, the latter has openly displayed its distrust of the Indian regime. Thus the big-brother bullying attitude of Modi regime has unprecedentedly worsened the relations with all neighbours. On the other hand, it is satisfied with its strategic alliance with US imperialism and being used as a launching pad for the latter’s anti-China machinations.

2.xxv Against this corporate-saffron offensive unleashed by the Modi regime, different sections of the toiling and oppressed are steadily coming up all over India. Militant struggles of the peasants who form one of the major chunks of the most devastated, are rising up especially from BJP-NDA ruled states such as Maharashtra, Madhya Pradesh, Rajasthan, Jharkhand etc. The Maruti workers struggle has got widespread attention. The heroic resistance of the people of Tamil Nadu that led to the massacre of 13 people in police firing has forced the government to cancel Vedanta’s Sterlite Copper Smelter Plant project in Tutucorin. During this period, the capital city of Delhi itself has witnessed many prolonged struggles by workers, peasants, students and cultural activists. Against the atrocities including subtle forms of untouchability and caste-discrimination being practiced in campuses, and against the increasing Hindutva academic and ideological offensive in higher education, student resistances have emerged in the renowned central universities and research institutes of India. Rallies and protests by dalits, tribals and minorities uniting with struggling democratic forces against the saffron fascistic onslaughts have become regular all over India. Even leading writers, intellectuals and artists have come out in the streets protesting against the killings of Kalburgi and Gauri Lankesh after returning their prestigious awards.

Immediate Task of Resisting BJP’s Corporate Saffron Fascistization

3.i The disastrous situation brought out by BJP regime and the mounting all round social contradictions have brought India to a critical situation. In this context, the debate whether India has become a fascist state or not, or attempt at differentiating between fascism and authoritarianism is not the relevant issue now; rather, the immediate task today is to resist and resolutely defeat the intensifying trend towards corporate saffron fascistization, the concrete manifestations of which are self-evident before the people. The situation today is a qualitatively distinct one with a well-defined ultra-rightwing shift in policies coupled with the BJP call towards an ‘opposition-free’ saffron fascist sate.

3.ii While drawing out the basic contours of the essential task of isolating and defeating corporate saffron forces, a clear perception regarding the positions of the political parties and formations in the country is also important. Obviously, it was by effectively utilizing the people’s resentment against the neoliberal policies of the Congress-led UPA rule on the one hand, and cleverly appropriating the soft-Hindutva pursued by it on the other, that the RSS led BJP ascended to power in 2014. Today, while the BJP has grown as the leading Indian ruling class party merging itself with corporate-big bourgeois interests, the class character of the Congress though in opposition continues to be the same. Similar is the case with the regional and state-level parties, many of whom having communal and caste orientation and eager to seek opportunist alliances with both Congress and BJP. And like the BJP and Congress, these parties are also adherents of neoliberal policies.

3.iii It is a fact that the documents of the Left Front led by the CPI (M) including other left parties speak at length against the neoliberal policies and saffronisation inflicted by BJP on the one hand, and expose the class character of the Congress on the other. However, its appeal for left assertion is confusing. Its approach towards an anti-BJP alliance lacks clarity as it implies an understanding with the reactionary Congress. In practice, its anti-communal stance against fascistization is separated from its link with neoliberalism such that wherever the Left Front comes to power it also faithfully implements the very same pro-corporate neo-liberal policies. For instance, the CPI (M) led Kerala government was among the first that came forward wholeheartedly supporting the Modi government’s anti-federal and pro-corporate GST. And, the left sectarian sections at the other end of the political spectrum are reluctant to concretely approach the national and international realities. They also have no alternative to the grave danger the country is confronting today.

3.iv It is in this context that the urgency of concretely putting forward the idea of independent left assertion with that of building up a people’s alternative as two inseparable components becomes imperative. At the realm of parliamentary politics, defeating the BJP in the forthcoming general election has become the central question today. While acknowledging that task, as revolutionary left, the task of overthrowing the saffron fascist challenge should not in any way dilute our perspective of an alternative people’s development paradigm against neoliberal policies initiated and strengthened by the ten-year successive UPA rule which is now speeded up by the BJP regime. That is, while welcoming the defeat of Modi regime, our stand is not for an acknowledgement of the pro-corporate policies led by another combination of ruling class parties. Therefore, under the banner of a grand alliance against BJP, the indispensable political struggle against neoliberalism and all its manifestations should not be obliterated. At a time when world imperialism and ruling classes everywhere are engaged in their anti-communist offensive in diverse forms and are denigrating all socialist ideals, the perspective of a people’s alternative with all-round democratization for paving the way towards socialism assumes paramount importance in our political struggle.

3.v Therefore, the uncompromising struggle against saffron fascist forces needs to be carried forward uniting with all the genuine secular, democratic and left forces having a principled stand against neoliberal policies. As opposed to the opportunist ruling class alliances, this alternative capable of bringing about a political and class polarization led by working class, peasantry and all the oppressed will strengthen itself and can more effectively and vigorously lead the struggle against corporate saffron fascistization. Raising high the banner of this principled and class-oriented political initiative is thus the need of the hour. If such an initiative is not forthcoming at this juncture, when the communist revolutionary forces are not strong enough to lead a nation-wide struggle against neoliberalism and saffron fascist onslaught, as hitherto experience has time and again proved, it will only marginalize and further weaken the Left both politically and organizationally. As such, this line of independent self assertion with clear-cut revolutionary political orientation is indispensable for enthusing the broad masses of struggling people in the country and for overcoming the depoliticizing situation propped up by the ruling system. In resisting and defeating corporate saffron offensive, the effectiveness of our electoral interventions as communists is inevitably rooted in the ideological and political basis developed through Left’s independent self assertion. This is to be achieved through sustained people’s resistance struggles and movements for an alternative people’s development paradigm against the neoliberal pro-corporate policies espoused by the ruling classes and their apologists. In building up such a broad movement, the working class, peasantry, women, dalits, adivasis, minorities and all oppressed and toiling sections should be rallied against corporate onslaughts, displacement, caste and communal oppression, violation of democratic rights, environmental degradation, etc. Unity in such struggles shall also provide the context for a healthy ideological-political debate among the revolutionary-progressive sections for building up a left-democratic people’s alternative to defeat corporate saffron fascism and neoliberalism.

3.vii In this political task of welding together both parliamentary and non-parliamentary forms of struggles, the Bhangar resistance movement in West Bengal developing under the political initiative of CPI(ML) Red Star and supported by other likeminded forces offers valuable insights. This movement against power grid has yielded a political atmosphere there enabling all forces fighting the anti-people and repressive policies of both the central and state governments to join together. Backed by this people’s movement, the Committee that stood for the local body election could make an impressive victory in those seats where it could contest. Together with this, the movement has also become a model of resisting the reign of terror unleashed over the people by Mamta regime and its fascist goons. The Bhangar people’s resistance movement unfolds itself the correctness of the political orientation as elucidated in the Program and Path of Revolution of CPI (ML) Red Star. At the state level, the Bhangar has inspired the West Bengal State Committee to draw out a Mass Political Platform for combating the local body elections based on a People’ Manifesto with emphasis on people’s political power and a sustainable people’s development paradigm.

3.viii The Bhangar experience pinpoints towards the possibility of building up similar people’s movements through appropriate revolutionary intervention according to the concrete conditions of different states in the country. It is a political line combining both electoral and non-parliamentary struggles that we should boldly uphold before the left, democratic and struggling forces in our country. People organized and politicized through various resistance movements against all forms of corporatization and fascistization can be brought together and linked with the concept of the Mass Political Platform having a common manifesto at appropriate levels. Interactions with all revolutionary, left, democratic and struggling forces are to be carried forward and developed further for evolving a national coordination based on a common manifesto to resist the corporate saffron fascistization at the all India level.

3.ix With this comprehensive understanding, as outlined in Part 3 of the Political Resolution adopted by the 10th Congress of CPI (ML) Red Star, we have to urgently engage in building up Party, strengthening class/mass organizations and peoples movements and developing class struggle. Together with this, using all available means we should go for a resolute ideological-political campaign against imperialism and the ruling system, against corporate-saffron fascism, on the ideological-political questions facing the communist movement today and on the need of developing Marxism-Leninism according to the concrete conditions of our country. In this background, our Party should actively strive for discussions with all revolutionary, left and democratic forces along with other struggling forces for a national coordination seeking the possibility of drafting a common manifesto to resist and defeat the corporate-communal fascist threat. To facilitate this, all state committees of the Party should take up the task of building up struggle-based Mass Political Platforms as per the objective situation prevailing at the state level and inspire and enthuse the struggling masses so that these efforts can develop to a Political Alternative at the national level by the time of the 2019 General Election.

3.x In the coming days, this political line of our Party resisting corporate -saffron fascist forces from the perspective of independent left assertion based on a people’s alternative will strengthen the Marxist-Leninist forces on the one hand, and shall impart a powerful boost for all the anti-fascist progressive, democratic and secular forces engaged in the challenging task of defeating the Modi regime on the other.

 Defeat Corporate- Saffron Fascist Raj!

 Build up Independent Left Assertion Based on People’ Alternative!

 March towards People’s Democracy and Socialism!

 Make 11th Party Congress a Great Success!

 Long Live CPI (ML) Red Star! 
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The Communist movement in India has a history of almost a century after the salvos of October Revolution in Russia brought Marxism-Leninism to the people of India who were engaged in the national liberation struggle against the British colonialists. It is a complex and chequered history.