On Reorganizing the Communist Revolutionary Movement in India and an Overview of CPI(ML) Red Star
1. The CPI(ML) Red Star successfully convened its Tenth Party Congress at Lucknow from 25th February to 2nd March, 2015, with delegates from 16 states, fraternal delegates from abroad and India and observers participating in it. Its development to an all India organization playing an active role in the ICOR at international level, surrounded by class/ mass organizations and various important movements like Caste Annihilation Movement, Movement against environmental destruction and anti-nuclear movement, slum/ housing movement etc leading continuous campaigns and struggles at state and all India level, which is in the process of uniting the communist revolutionaries for building a powerful unified revolutionary communist party on the one hand, and to build a platform of struggling left and democratic forces against all ruling class alternatives was a strenuous long march from the time the CPI(ML) and other CR organizations splintered in early 1970s. What is given below is a brief overview of this long march of more than four decades in the context of the more than nine decades of the communist movement in India.
2. The Communist movement in India has a history of more than nine decades starting from the days of formation of communist groups inside and outside the country from early 1920s inspired by the Bolshevik revolution in Russia. The Communist International (Comintern) formed in 1919 under the guidance of Lenin in its initial congresses had evaluated that the bourgeoisie that had emerged in the colonial, semi-colonial, dependent countries under colonization was incapable of leading the democratic revolution to its completion because it was collaborating with imperialism and was comprador in character. So Comintern pointed out that this task should be completed by the working class uniting other revolutionary classes under its leadership. This bourgeois democratic revolution under the leadership of the working class was called People's Democratic Revolution. The Communist Party of India (CPI) could organize the party in many areas in the vast colony, British India, could organize different class and mass organizations and lead many anti-imperialist and anti-feudal movements. But unlike the experience of the communist party in China, it could not establish the leadership of the working class and the Party over the independence movement which was gaining strength then. So the British could divide the country communally and transfer power to Congress in India and to Muslim League in Pakistan, which were in the main representing the interests of the comprador bureaucratic bourgeois-big landlord classes under the 'de-colonization' then taking place as part of neo-colonization.
3. When the transfer of power took place in 1947, momentous developments were taking place at the international level. In place of the weakened British imperialism, the US imperialism had emerged as the leader of the imperialist camp. The imperialist camp was facing the challenge from a powerful socialist camp that had emerged under the leadership of Soviet Union and from the national liberation movements, at many places under the leadership of the communist parties. In order to face these challenges, from the time of the Second World War itself the US imperialism was continuing its planning at various levels. In the post-War situation, the US led imperialist camp transformed the hitherto colonial domination to neo-colonial forms of plunder, in line with the policies the US was pursuing in the Latin American countries which were under its domination for many decades. Under it, as was done in India, power was transferred to comprador bureaucratic bourgeois-big landlord classes through 'de-colonization' It was an attempt to overcome the challenges from socialist forces utilizing new forms of exploitation. But the socialist forces and the international communist movement failed to make a concrete analysis of these changes and to develop its strategy and tactics accordingly. This weakness not only weakened the socialist camp but also influenced the CPI like communist parties in these countries which came under neo-colonization. In this situation, though the second Congress of the CPI in 1948 rejected the rightist line pursued so far, it soon deviated to a left adventurist line, and the Party suffered severe set backs.
4. Following a period of uncertainty, in its all India Conference in 1951 it could adopt a Party Program and tactical line under the advice of the CPSU leadership. They called for intensifying the struggle for the PDR utilizing all forms of struggle. But the Party leadership failed to implement this line and soon started deviating to the rightist line. Once again the inner-party struggle against the Dangeist leadership in the undivided CPI against its efforts to turn the Party into an appendage of the Congress Party, the main political representative of big bourgeois-big landlord classes serving imperialism, in line with the class collaborationist Krushchovite clique, which had usurped the leadership of the Party and the state in the Soviet Union, intensified. It led to the split in 1964 and to the formation of the CPI (M). Though the Seventh Congress of the CPI(M) in November 1964 adopted a Party Program based on the programmatic approach and the policy statement put forward in 1951, it refused to recognize the collaboration of the big bourgeoisie with imperialism, which was its main character, or to uphold the basic positions of the Proposal Concerning the General Line of ICM put forward by the CPC in 1963 against the revisionist line of "peaceful co-existence and peaceful competition with imperialism and peaceful transition to socialism" put forward by the revisionist Soviet party leadership, or to put forward a proletarian revolutionary line for advancing the People's Democratic Revolution in the country. The CPI (M) leadership did not try to settle accounts with the rightist tendencies including trade unionism, parliamentarism and reformist positions which were gaining strength in spite of the split with the Dangesit line. As a result, by degenerating to neo-revisionist positions, in 1967 general elections it formed united fronts with the renegade CPI and reactionary and communal forces in the name of defeating the Congress. Following the elections, it formed ministries in West Bengal and Kerala leading these forces, deviating to the line of parliamentarism and class collaboration. These CPI(M)-led governments in West Bengal and Kerala refused to implement even the land reforms called for by the All India Kisan Sabha under its leadership.
5. The Communist Revolutionaries (CRs) within the CPI(M) had started an inner-party struggle against the neo-revisionist line of the leadership immediately after the Seventh Congress, focusing on the theory and practice of the People's Democratic Revolution in the concrete conditions of India and upholding the Proposal Concerning the General Line of the ICM put forward by the CPC. The formation of the opportunist united front in 1967 elections followed by the coalition ministries confirmed their criticism that the leadership is deviating to right opportunist line. The inner-party struggle intensified based on the approach to be taken towards agrarian revolution based on the land to the tiller slogan and other vital issues. Demanding confiscation and distribution of the surplus lands based on ceiling laws, demanding revolutionary land reforms with the land to the tiller approach, the CRs within the CPI(M) led the historic Naxalbari uprising in North Bengal in May 1967, which was brutally suppressed by the CPI(M)-led government with the help of the Congress government at centre.
6. After the Telengana movement from 1940s to early 1950s, the Naxalbari uprising and Srikakulam movement in the 1960s provided an excellent opportunity to break free from the chains of revisionism and neo-revisionism which dominated the communist movement and to move forward to build a genuine party of the proletariat guided by Marxism-Leninism-Mao Tsetung Thought. The CRs within the CPI(M) first organized the Naxalbari Krishak Sangram Sahayak Committee, soon followed by the All India Coordination Committee of CRs within the CPI(M). When the 1968 Burdwan Plenum of the CPI(M) exposed the neo-revisionist line of its leadership, the CRs revolted against the leadership, came out of the CPI(M), and formed the All India Coordination Committee of Communist Revolutionaries (AICCCR).
Towards Formati0on of CPI (ML)
7. Following the call of the AICCCR to create Naxalbaris all over the country, revolutionary agrarian movements started developing in Srikakulam in AP, Debra-Gobiballabhpur in West Bengal, Mushahari in Bihar, Terai region of UP and elsewhere. Millions of youth and students were inspired and joined the revolutionary upheaval. But the leadership of the AICCCR failed to make a scientific analysis of the concrete conditions and class relations in India, two decades after the transfer of power, and to apply Marxist-Leninist theory according to these conditions, when the imperialist camp led by US imperialism had resorted to neo-colonial forms of plunder in the decades following World War II. Though it uncompromisingly opposed Soviet revisionism, denounced the transformation of socialist Soviet Union into a social imperialist power, upheld the Proposal Concerning the General Line of the ICM put forward by the CPC, propagated the theory and practice of the Cultural Revolution in China and resorted to intensification of ideological struggle against revisionist CPI and neo-revisionist CPI(M), due to the weakness in analyzing the objective conditions in India and due to the influence of the sectarian line dominating the 1969 Ninth Congress of the CPC, which was upheld as the international authority, soon it deviated to sectarian positions. It scuttled the possibilities for developing the AICCCR as the platform of all the Communist Revolutionaries coming from different parts of the country based on which a powerful revolutionary party could be built.
8. In spite of this limitation, the formation of the CPI (ML) based on Marxism-Leninism-Mao Tsetung Thought as the vanguard of the Indian proletariat on 22nd April 1969 was a timely and bold step. It gave great enthusiasm to the CR forces for leading the people's struggles surging forward in different parts of the country. But as the 'left' sectarian line soon manifested through the adoption of the line of annihilation of class enemies against mass line and people's revolutionary struggles, and in adopting the guerrilla struggle as the only form of struggle, rejecting class/mass organizations and other forms of struggles, the enthusiasm created by the formation of the party started waning fast. As a result of this and due to the intensifying attack by the state machinery and comprador forces, by 1971-72 the revolutionary movement suffered severe setbacks. The CPI(ML) splintered in to a number of different groups. Though the CR forces who were not part of the CPI(ML) had also got organized in to different groups and were opposing the 'left' sectarian line of the CPI(ML), as they also came under the sway of the sectarian line dominating the CPC, they also failed to make a concrete analysis of Indian situation and to develop the strategic approach and tactical line for Indian revolution different from CPI(ML). As a result, they also soon got weakened and splintered.
Marxist-Leninist Movement after Setback
9. By 1973 the CPI(ML) had splintered mainly into three trends. Firstly, those sections who had rejected the line of annihilation and opted for mass line. But in spite of rejecting the sectarian line they could not analyze the reasons for its emergence and domination, they could not overcome the weakness in analyzing the objective conditions in the country and in developing the revolutionary mass line to carry forward the democratic revolution. Incapable of any creative initiative, these sections were deviating to diverse positions. Secondly, those sections, who rejected the 10th Congress positions of the CPC and were openly upholding the Lin Biaoist positions which had already done immense damage to the communist movement both, in China and internationally. Thirdly, those sections who were still upholding 'com. Charu Majumdar's revolutionary line', who had taken up rectification as pointed out in the last article of CM written in 1972: "People's Interest is Party's Interest". By 1974-75 when the bourgeois democratic movement erupted under the leadership of Jayaprakash Narayan against Indira Gandhi government's autocratic rule and later when the internal emergency was declared by her government, though some of the CPI(ML) groups played an active role in the struggle against autocratic Indira regime and succeeded in mobilizing the masses, under sectarian influence others either followed the annihilation line or remained inactive, .
Problems of re-organization of CPI(ML)
10. In 1977 elections the Congress government led by Indira Gandhi was defeated. Emergency was withdrawn. Large number of the CR forces, incarcerated for long, were released. Meanwhile, in 1976 Mao Tsetung had passed away. Immediately afterwards the capitalist roaders in the CPC usurped leadership of the Party and of the state and put forward the 'Theory of Three Worlds' (TWT) as the General Line of the International Proletariat. Evaluation of the new political developments in India, and the developments in the ICM was a new challenge before the CR forces. According to the way they responded to these developments, the old polarization gave way to the new polarizations. But whatever way the polarization took place, most of them were still adhering to the 'Chinese path' mechanically, analyzing India as a semi-colonial, semi-feudal country and protracted people's war as the path of revolution. Many of them mechanically upheld the Dengists who had usurped power and the TWT. They refused to grasp the changes taking place in the agrarian sector following the land reforms including the ceiling laws imposed from above and the green revolution. They failed to recognize that it was the agricultural bourgeois - rich peasant classes who were leading the agrarian struggles coming up during the post-emergency years and the neo-colonial forms of plunder intensifying in the country. Though by 1982 many of these groups had denounced the Dengist revisionists, they were still upholding Three World Theory. At the same time, some of these groups like CPI (ML) People's War, CPI (ML) Party Unity and MCC were pursuing the line of annihilation and guerrilla struggle as the only form of struggle with some technical improvements. The Lin Biaoists, after another short outburst in mid-1980s, almost vanished.
11. The 1970s was a crucial period both internationally and nationally. Internationally the imperialist camp led by US imperialism was facing yet another upswing of its general crisis. To overcome this, abandoning the Keynesian policies adopted during post-World War II years, it adopted the neo-liberal policies. On the other hand, the international communist movement suffered further reverses and setbacks, with the degeneration of China and Albania also to capitalist path and almost all communist parties formed during Communist International period to social democratic line. Within the country the comprador ruling system was in a severe economic crisis creating upheavals in the socio-political spheres. While the CPI, CPI (M) like forces had degenerated to social democratic positions, the CR forces were also facing serious challenges with some groups deviating to rightist path and some others to sectarian, anarchist line.
CRC, CPI(ML) Adopts Neo-colonial Approach
12. It was at this time, in continuation of its denunciation of the capitalist roaders who usurped power in China, the metaphysical line of the Albanian revisionists and the class collaborationist 'Three World Theory' on the one hand, and upholding the Proposal Concerning the General Line of the ICM put forward by the CPC in 1963, the Nine Comments published as part of the Great Debate, and initiating an analysis of the concrete conditions in the country during the post-World War II decades, especially following the 1947 transfer of power under the 'de-colonization' initiated by the imperialist camp led by US as part of its neo-colonial offensive on the other, the Kerala committee of CPI(ML) working independently, merged with a group led by S.A.Rawoof of Andhra Pradesh and formed the CRC, CPI(ML) in 1979. In its First All India Conference in 1982 it put forward the understanding about the replacement of colonial form of occupation and plunder by neo-colonial forms of exploitation during the post- World War II decades by the imperialist camp led by US. In continuation to this, through concrete studies of the Indian situation it pointed out that while feudal remnants were continuing to exist in some regions, under imperialist promoted ceiling laws and green revolution the feudal landlords were being replaced by the agricultural bourgeoisie and rich peasants, a kulak class. It was this class who were mainly leading the agrarian struggles for remunerative prices of agricultural outputs and for subsidies for inputs. In the main it manifested the contradiction among the ruling classes, contrary to the views of some of the CR groups who were mechanically supporting them.
13. This neo-colonial understanding put forward by the CRC, CPI (ML) was a major breakthrough in taking up concrete analysis of contemporary Indian conditions. This approach tried to rectify the positions taken by the CR forces internationally and in India during 1960s and 1970s. Based on this understanding it tried to analyze the reasons for the setbacks suffered by the ICM from 1950s and became part of the initiative taken to bring the Marxist-Leninist forces at international level on a common platform for mobilizing the struggle against imperialism and world reaction. Though these were significant steps, as a result of the emergence of a petti-bourgeois, chauvinist line within the leading committee, the efforts to carry forward this line was seriously affected for some time. The CRC, CPI(ML) faced a serious inner party struggle during 1984- 87 period, in the course of which this alien trend led by K.Venu was defeated and isolated. As its secretary, he dissolved the CRC by 1969 and joined ruling class political positions.
Towards Formation of CPI(ML) Red Flag
14. Very soon in a special conference attended by delegates representing vast majority of the members, the CRC, CPI(ML) was reorganized as CPI(ML) Red Flag and the efforts to re-organize the Marxist-Leninist movement in the country were carried forward with a new vigour. In continuation to the neo-colonial understanding, in 1983 itself the line of individual annihilation, the line of guerrilla struggle as the only form of struggle and the Concept of Charu Majumdar's Revolutionary Line were rejected, and a political organizational resolution was adopted to reorganize the party on Bolshevik lines surrounded by class/mass organizations. The Second All India Conference of the CPI (ML) Red Flag in 1991 and the All India Plenum of 1993 further developed this ideological, political and organizational understanding. The Third All India Conference in 1994 put forward the stand that while intensifying the efforts to develop the ideological-political line based on the neo-colonial understanding and to develop the Party, efforts should be made to build a platform of Marxist-Leninist organizations at all India level to wage country-wide struggles on common issues against the ruling system. Based on this understanding country-wide movements against imperialist globalization imposed by the Congress government in 1991, against signing of the GATT Treaty in 1994 and against joining the WTO in 1995 were organized. In continuation to these, the joint forum of six organizations, CPI(ML) New Democracy, CPI(ML) Liberation, MCPI, COI(ML) and CPI(ML) Unity Initiative along with CPI(ML) Red Flag was formed in 1995 which took up many country-wide campaigns.
15. The Fourth All India Conference in 1997, developing the neo-colonial understanding further, adopted the international document: "On International Developments and Tasks of the Marxist-Leninist Forces". Based on this, the party joined hands with like minded forces at international level to carry forward the task of building a platform of the Marxist-Leninist forces. In the Fifth All India Conference in 2000, the Party adopted a new Party Program analyzing India as a neo-colonial country. The task of developing the Path of Revolution document based on the Program was also taken up.
Inner-party Struggle in CPI(ML) Red Flag
16. In the course of these developments a serious struggle had to be waged against the sectarian line pursued by com. S.A. Rawoof. In spite of agreeing to implement the party line, he insisted on pursuing annihilation line in AP, and indulged in anti-party activities. So after a prolonged inner party struggle his line was exposed and he was expelled in 1998. In 1999 the Enlarged Meeting of the Central Committee decided to utilize the parliamentary forms of struggle as part of utilizing all forms of struggles to develop class struggle. Following the Fifth All India Conference in 2000, a serious right deviation came out in the open involving the leadership and majority of the state committee members in Kerala. It was a right opportunist and liquidationist line which called for supporting the CPI(M) leadership in essence, though it tried to cover its real intensions by opposing agrarian revolutionary movement and unity efforts with the CR forces in the name of a broad left unity. This line of liquidation was defeated in the course of an uncompromising struggle mobilizing vast majority of the party members in the state behind the Central Committee. The Sixth All India Conference in December 2003 marked the successful culmination of this struggle.
17. The victory over the sectarian line followed by the defeat of the liquidationist line led to all round development of activities in different fields following the Sixth All India Conference. Attacking the World Social Forum meet at Mumbai in January 2004 as an international carnival of the NGOs, the party organized an international conference of Marxist-Leninist parties with the slogan: Against Imperialism, Socialism is the Only Alternative condemning the WSF slogan: There are Many Alternatives. It was a major ideological struggle against the NGOs and their counter-revolutionary positions. The position paper put forward by the Central Committee calling on the state committees to make analysis of the concrete situation and launch land struggles with land to the tiller slogan created enthusiasm in the organization. Land struggles and campaigns with land to the tiller slogan were organized in a number of states.
Emergence of the 'unified CPI(ML)'.
18. During this time taking the unity talks continuing with the CPI (ML) Unity Initiative and COI (ML) a Co-ordination Committee of the three organizations was formed. A joint campaign for the 2004 Lok Sabha elections was organized. Even an attempt was made to form a joint forum of like minded organizations to contest the elections on common agreed slogans. The Co-ordination Committee successfully completed the drafting of four documents: Outline Party Program, Party Constitution, Political Resolution and Unity Resolution. While drafting these documents, even after compromises made by the both sides in the interest of unity, it was found that the differences on: the analysis of the character of the Indian state, the Principal Contradiction, the Path of Revolution and on evaluating the Party history between 1967 and 1972 still existed. It was unanimously decided that in the present situation when the unity of the CR organizations was becoming an almost difficult task and when most of the unity efforts made so far have failed, it is better to make the bold experiment of uniting with differences and trying to resolve them through the process of unity and struggle in a single organization. The experience of the untied organization for four years from January 2005 Vijayawada Unity Conference proved that this unity did create enthusiasm among the CR forces and the united organization could make significant development during this period.
19. What was the condition of the various forces, which were called left in the country at the time of Vijayawada Unity Conference? On the one hand the CPI (M)-led Left Front was propping up the Congress-led UPA government which was intensifying the neo-liberal economic policies and signing agreements strengthening strategic subservience to US imperialism, exposing its total degeneration to ruling class policies under left façade. The CPI (ML) Liberation was deviating fast to more right opportunist positions. The groups who had interpreted the 'de-colonization' policies of imperialism led by US after World War II as completion of democratic revolution in these countries, went on to and analyze India as a capitalist country and the stage of revolution as socialist. Organizations like CPI(ML) New Democracy advocating protracted people's war based on 'resistance line' were finding it difficult to develop neither the 'resistance struggle' nor the mass line. On the other hand, the formation of CPI (Maoist) uniting CPI (ML) People's War with CPI(ML) Party Unity and then with the MCC had further reduced it to mere squad actions using sophisticated weapons, strengthening its anarchist line. None of these organizations were in a position to launch any countrywide mass movements and upsurges against the central and state governments representing the comprador bureaucratic bourgeois-landlord classes serving imperialism, especially US imperialism. In this context the Vijayawada Unity Conference leading to the formation of the unified CPI (ML) was a significant step forward.
20. The Political Resolution and the Unity Resolution adopted by the Vijayawada Unity Conference had put forward concrete proposals to carry forward the unity process to bring together all genuine Marxist-Leninist forces within the CPI(ML), to develop fraternal relations with Marxist-Leninist parties at international level, to develop party organization and to take up political campaigns and mass movements at state level and all India level, to unite all the trade union centers/trade unions under the leadership of the merged organization into a single centre to lead countrywide working class struggles, to unite the agricultural workers-poor and landless peasant organizations to intensify the agrarian revolutionary movement based on land to the tiller slogan, to unite the women, youth and student organizations at all India level etc. The Political Resolution had called for intensifying the ideological-political campaign uncompromisingly against right opportunist and sectarian/ anarchist tendencies.
21. Following the Vijayawada Unity Conference the Delhi Party Centre was further activated, the central organs of the party were regularly published. Through uncompromising ideological-political struggles many cadres of CPI, CPI (M), CPI(ML) Liberation, the Maoist trend etc. were won over, strengthening and expanding the party to new areas. The working class struggles and land struggles with land to the tiller slogan were intensified in many states. The youth, student, women organizations were developed in more areas. A parliament march was organized in November 2007 against the anti-people and anti-national policies of the UPA government. At a time when the CPI(M)-led LF was propping up the rightist central government and the state governments led by it were pursuing the very same neo-liberal policies resulting in Singur and Nandigram like people's struggles, when the anarchist actions of CPI(Maoist) were isolating it from the general masses, and when most of the other CR organizations were getting weakened, the Vijayawada Unity Conference and the activities under the leadership of the unified CPI(ML) had created a positive atmosphere.
22. The CPI (ML) could have done a great lot more than this. But immediately after the Unity Conference the ideological-political-organizational differences between former CPI (ML) Red Flag and the former CPI(ML) Kanu Sanyal started coming to the forefront as the latter refused to carry forward the activities based on the letter and spirit of the Political Resolution and Unity Resolution. For example when the question of pursuing unity talks with other CR organizations was taken up, CCMs of CPI(ML) (KS) started looking upon all initiatives taken in this respect with suspicion and blocked them. When the question of developing fraternal relations with the Marxist-Leninist parties at international level, attending international conferences and the Party Congresses of fraternal parties came up, they were blocked by the leading comrades of former CPI(ML) KS.
23. At the time of unity, leading comrades of CPI (ML) Red Flag were working in TUCI as the TU centre whose activities had spread to a number of states. Trade unions under the leadership of former state committees of CPI(ML) KS were existing in few states. When the question of uniting them in to a single centre or federation was taken up, it was opposed. Though the leadership of former CPI (ML) KS was claiming to support the land to the tiller slogan, they did not put it into practice. After the unity they blocked the formation of a revolutionary peasant organization at all India level as well as created obstacles to develop the land struggle going on in a number of states. Similarly, they blocked all efforts to form all India organizations of youth, students and women also.
24. It was repeatedly proved that the leadership of former CPI(ML) KS in spite of their animosity to Charu Majumdar, was sticking mechanically to the 'Chinese path' of 'protracted people's war' and 'area-wise seizure of political power', products of the 'semi-colonial, semi-feudal' approach. In spite of all their talks about vast differences between pre-revolutionary China and present India, they opposed a path of revolution based on a concrete analysis of the Indian situation. In spite of agreeing to utilizing all forms of struggles and linking open and secret and legal and illegal forms, they had no vision of either mass line of a party surrounded by class/mass organizations.
25. In spite of all these problems creating acute difficulties for taking up the responsibilities of leading the organization forward utilizing the favorable objective conditions, the former CPI (ML) Red Flag comrades put up with them in a healthy manner shouldering the additional burdens to lead the party organizationally and to lead numerous struggles. It was an approach of principled compromise in order to win over the other section to the path of revolutionary struggle. When the Plenum was organized in June 2007 to resolve the differences on analyzing the Party History during 1967 to 1972.It should not have been a very difficult task as both sections had basic unity on the point that the CR movement suffered severe setbacks by 1972 due the sectarian line pursued under the leadership of com. Charu Majumdar, including the 'line of individual annihilation'. But grave difficulties were faced to arrive at a common approach paper on this question as the leadership of former CPI (ML) KS refused to accept the role of the sectarian influence dominating the CPC then, which was upheld by all sections of the CRs in India as the international authority, for the sectarian deviation in the CPI(ML) and put the whole blame on CM for it, even calling him a terrorist. Besides, the organizational principles were violated, trying to dominate the whole Plenum process to impose their dogmatic views.
26. After the Plenum, conditions were created so that the All India Conference to reach a common stand and to develop struggles in all fields will not be allowed to happen. Instead of developing struggles to advance the PDR, leading comrades former KS group were interested only to stick to their former positions. As they persisted in their frozen positions, they were afraid that an all India conference to arrive at a unified line shall go against their sectarian positions. So they resorted to all methods to obstruct the holding of the conference and precipitated conditions for a separation in January, 2009. This unity and separation was explained in detail to show that it is not the interest of revolution, but individual positions which is valued by those under sectarian influence, causing great harm to the movement.
March forward towards communist resurgence
27. Though the separation has taken place, quite contrary to the sectarian approach of the leaders of CPI (ML) KS, the CCMs of former CPI(ML) Red Flag always called for maintaining a healthy relationship and atmosphere. When the separation became inevitable, they called for going back to the co-ordination committee stage. It did not materialize due to the sectarian stand of the KS group. But still the CPI (ML) Red Star is taking initiative to launch a platform of struggling left and democratic forces at all India and state level, and it has invited, among other organizations, the CPI(ML) Class Struggle also to join this effort. When evaluating the negative and positive aspects of this five year long unity process, it can be seen that while the negative aspects are negligible, the positive gains are overwhelming.
28. The positive approach taken by the former CPI(ML) Red Flag has led to the deepening of the ideological-political offensive based on the neo-colonial approach concretely analyzing the present Indian situation, to winning over a number of cadres from CPI, CPI(M), CPI(ML) Liberation and the Maoist trend, besides a large number of new forces, to transform the former CPI(ML) Red Flag into present CPI(ML) Red Star with effective organizational presence in Kerala, Karnataka, Tamil Nadu, AP, Telengana, Maharashtra, Chhattisgarh, Orissa, Jharkhand, Bengal, MP, UP, Delhi, Punjab and Gujarat with possibilities for forming committees in other states soon. It has become the Party with an advanced ideological-political understanding, with good international relations, with increasing organizational spread, making it a significant organization at all India level pursuing the mass line with a Bolshevik approach. It has opened the way for immediate all India campaigns and struggles under its leadership, for strengthening the Party and class/mass organizations at all India level.
29. The All India Special Conference was held in November at Bhopal which evaluated the post Vijayawada experience. This Conference deepened the ideological line of the party, adopting the International Document, Resolution on Principal Contradiction, document on Character of Indian State and Path of Revolution. Three years later the Ninth Congress of the Party was successfully held in November 2011. The founding of the ICOR in 2010, initiating the formation of all class and mass organizations at all India level, and the many campaigns and struggles waged during this period showed that the CPI (ML) Red Star had achieved all round expansion in all fields. Convening the Ninth Party Congress 41 years after the 1970 Eighth Congress was a significant step forward.
30. The Tenth Congress was held in February-March 2015 when the decade long Congress led UPA rule is replaced by ultra rightist BJP rule which is intensifying the neo-liberal policies to a feverish pitch and indulging in saffronization of all fields to divide the masses communally and to weaken their resistance. The decision to convene it at Lucknow was significant when Modi government is engaged in transforming UP in to another Gujarat. The Congress was successfully held. It developed the Party Program and Party Constitution, adopted the updated Path of Revolution, the Political Resolution and the Resolution on Theoretical Offensive along with the Political Organizational Report, an evaluation of the last three years of achievements. It is a fact that during the last three years the CPI(ML) Red Star has made important developments in all fields. But considering the strengthening of the forces of right reaction on the one hand and the weakening of the left forces in general, whatever gains achieved by the party is insignificant. To overcome this situation and to develop a powerful struggling left and democratic alternative is the challenge to be taken up. Fighting against reformism and anarchism, a unified revolutionary party at all India level has to be built up to give leadership to the revolutionary alternative as the present situation demands. Let us carry forward the multifarious responsibilities with full vigour so that conditions for the communist resurgence can be created.