Delhi police under central HM Amit Shah has a notorious of protecting the RSS goons who have openly called for butchering Muslims and political opponents during the anti-CAA movement, Delhi assembly elections, before Northeast Delhi riots and after the farmers denied permission to enter Delhi and present their demands to government started siege of the capital from 27th November. As a cover up for the sabotage planed by Amit Shah with top cops of Delhi and RSS goons to infiltrate and create violence including a raising of a religious flag at Red Fort, keeping its doors open and removing the military guards protecting it for a day, creating all the disturbances that happened by diverting a small fraction of the rally to this area by erecting barricades at strategic points, these criminals in Khaki, top bosses of Delhi cops have come out with a cock and bull story that it is a team of environmentalists in India, Disha Ravi, Nikita Jacob and Shantanu sharing a tool kit from Greta Thunberg who lead an environmental movement internationally, had conspired with Khalistanis to create disturbances and vandalize Delhi and its Red Fort on the rally day!
After creating all the disturbances that happened on 26th January killing a truck driver in police firing also using the RSS goons till afternoon, and then attacking the rallyists in its name, the Delhi police, which has the record of the horrific attacks on the Jamia and JNU students last year, and has not filed any FIR against anyone still, which had alleged the whole farmers movement as Khalistani led, and filed FIRs against all farm leaders for instigating all the criminal incidents on rally day, has now come out with this story and abducted Disha from her home and now searching for the other two who have sought bail from Mumbai High Court, to escape from Modi-Amit Shah teams’ fascistized police.
History teaches that, those who follow Hitler and Mussolini will definitely face the fate decided by the people. As it is the people who create history as they are already on the move in our vast country, no force on earth can save the fascists and their mercenaries from the fate going to be drafted by the great people of this country. Fascists always commit blunders which dig their own graves. Turning against the students and youth who are fighting for a new world, defeating the efforts of these fascists who are leading the earth to an ecological catastrophe, they have challenged all the students and youth of this country. Along with the struggling farmers and the working class who are also going to join the farmers soon, the new generation shall dig the graves for these enemies of humanity. We appeal to all compatriots to come out to oppose this fascist reign of terror; let us demand our voice against the witch hunt against the environmentalists; Let us demand immediate release of Disha Rawi!
CPI(ML) Red star
15th February 2021
This note is written on the eve of the historic tractor rally going to take place at the national capital, Delhi, as part of the assertion of people’s right to get the laws adopted by the party in power, if it goes against their basic interests. The Delhi police had barricaded Delhi heavily to prevent the farmers who were marching to the capital to participate in the Delhi Chalo call of the AIKSCC from entering the city. So, after reaching the borders they blocked all the six National Highways and went on strengthening the siege as even after rounds after rounds of discussions the Modi government refused to repeal the three Farm Acts.
As the farmers declared to organize the tractor rally to express their determination to get the Acts repealed, on the appeal of the Delhi police, the Supreme Court gave it the right to take decision on giving permission for it. Even when thousands of tractors started marching to Delhi from different states, till 23rd January afternoon police refused permission. Following this, when the Samyukta Sangharsh Morcha announced its decision to hold the rally even without permission, the police was forced to change its stand. It has now decided to remove the barricades and allow the tractor rally through the city streets. Probably, this is the first time after coming to power six years ago, Modi rule is compelled to change its decision. As the struggle is going to be intensified following the rally, and powerful solidarity actions by the fraternal organizations are increasing, the Modi rule will be compelled to repeal the 3 Farm Acts also sooner or later.
By successfully leading the struggle to stop corporatization of the agricultural sector through these Acts, the farmers as well as their supporters all over the country are greatly enthused. It is going to lead to more mobilization of the toiling masses for the victory of this struggle. Besides, all over the country the left masses along with the oppressed classes and sections have joined their movements in ever larger numbers, to resist and defeat the neo-liberal, corporatization moves by the neo-fascist forces. As a result, the objective conditions for developing the revolutionary advances as well as for preparing the subjective forces capable of taking this task forward have also become more favorable.
Presently, the Modi rule, guided by the neo-fascist RSS and representing the most reactionary section of the ruling class, serving as junior partner of imperialism, mainly US imperialism, is engaged In wiping out all parliamentary opposition for establishing a stable Hindutva vote-bank through its hate-politics and using the state machinery, judiciary and media in all of which the RSS has penetrated effectively. Grossly violating the Constitutional provisions, it has brought Ram temple and Jai Sri Ram as its manifesto and slogan. In continuation to lynching in the name of alleged beef eating to cow slaughter the hate politics and Islamophobia is intensified through campaign against the so-called Love Jihad.
At the same time, using saffronization intensified at maddening pace, and now Covid-19 as covers, a series of economic measures are taken starting with de-monetization, GST, liberalization-privatization of all remaining public sector units including Railways, etc, to reduction of all labor laws to 4 Labor Codes, imposition of the New Education Policy-2020 and the bull-dozing of the 3 Farm Acts are speeded up for the corporatization of all fields, taking the neoliberal raj to its zenith.
In its bid to weaken and terrorize the parliamentary opposition, it has succeeded to poach Congress MLAs in MP and replaced the Congress government in the state by its own govt, is engaged in de-stabilizing the Congress govt. in Rajasthan, managed to win a majority in recent Bihar elections, is engaged in bulldozing to power somehow or other in W. Bengal in the coming elections and using forceful collection of funds in the name of construction of Ram temple terrorizing the Muslim minority and al opposition led state governments. In this, it is utilizing all the central agencies including the CBI, NIA, ED, IB etc and the Constitutional institutions like the Supreme Court, Election Commission etc. As happened during the discussion on the 3 Farm Bills in the Rajya Sabha, even the parliament is reduced to serve its whims violating the well established procedures. The J&K is reduced to a colony under military boots. An atmosphere of terror and overwhelming domination of the RSS is created giving its parivar right to dominate everywhere and in everything and everyone opposed to it as anti-national. An impression was being created that RSS and its Modi rule have become omnipotent. The Godi media through lies and slanders is creating the impression that the Hindurashtra has come in to existence.
Following BJP led NDA’s big victory in the 2019 Lok Sabha elections riding on the saffron wave and chauvinist fervor created based on the Pulwama incident, in which 43 para-military forces were killed, and the Balakot surgical strike master-minded by the central agencies, horrifying details of whose planning and execution are slowly coming out now, the Modi-Shah team further intensified the fascist offensive. Article 370 ws struck down, J&K was reduced to 2 UTs, and even the whole leadership of opposition parties there were detained, terrorizing the people there. The Constitutional amendment to the Citizenship Law was passed, with the threat of preparing a new NPR, threatening millions from Muslim minority with the danger of losing the citizenship.
Though against this a powerful mass upsurge took place spear-headed by the Shahin Bagh movement, the outbreak of the Covid19 helped Modi to suppress it. The RSS openly provoked the communal rots in Northeast of Delhi, destroying the life and properties of Muslims terrorizing them. RSS parivar got further boost as the Supreme Court allotted the land where Babri Masjid stood for Ram temple construction, Modi launching the construction violating all secular principles, and BJP using Jai Sri Ramas its main election slogan. It is an all out offensive by the neo-fascist RSS forces.
In this situation, it is a welcome development that the parliamentary opposition has come out against the Modi government. But they have proved themselves incapable for organizing meaningful resistance against the corporate this fascist offensive of Modi government. Similarly, even after the privatization of all core sectors including the Navratnas, and severe attacks on the rights of the working class, except for occasional one day strikes in protest, the central trade unions have not launched any serious movement against these onslaughts on the working class and the people by the fascist forces in the interest of the corporate forces. Similarly, the parliamentary left, which was already decimated in W. Bengal and Tripura, is almost paralyzed in many states or uncertain to use al forms of struggle against RSS/BJP, primarily targeting it. Many of the Communist revolutionary forces who are sticking to their old concepts in spite of vast changes in the society, are left clueless, have become inactive or have gone behind the parliamentary left. In this grave situation, the question of resisting and beating back the RSS led offensive through Modi govt had become the most serious challenge before the revolutionary forces and the masses of the people.
It was in such an almost desperate situation, following the Delhi Chalo on 27th November call by the AIKSCC, the farmers started marching to Delhi, especially from Punjab, where they were protesting against the Ordinance issued in June for corporatization of agriculture using various forms of struggle including the railway bundh. As the Haryana police dug up the NHs and raised barricades on the roads from Punjab and Rahasthan, it looked like the farmers will not be able to advance towards Delhi. But, from 26th November, when the farmers threw away the barricades, overcame the lathi charge, water cannons and tear gas shells and reached the Delhi borders at Singhu and Tikri on 27th, the situation started changing.
As the Delhi police had raised very strong barricades and deployed large forces of police, CRP, BSF, Rapid Action Forces and Commandos on all border points, the famers’ organizations decided to start siege of the capital city by mobilizing more forces. Soon the farmers from UP, Rajasthan, Uttarakhand and all over the country started reaching the borders, and siege of Delhi from Gazipur Chilla and Palvel on UP border, and Shajahanpur on Rajasthan-Delhi road also started. Though 11 rounds of discussions took place between Kisan Sangharsh Morcha (KSM) and representatives of the government, they have failed as Modi govt is not prepared to accept the farmers’ demand for repeal of the 3 Farm Acts. So, the KSM is organizing a massive tractor rally in the city on 26th January as announced earlier and going to continue the siege till its demands are accepted.
In order to weaken and disintegrate the struggle the Modi govt as well as the BJP led state governments have resorted to all heinous moves, with the RSS parivar and ministers indulging in vicious propaganda, including dubbing the movement as led by Khalistanis, funded by China and Pakistan, tukda-tukda gang and even anti-national, when tens of thousands of ex-servicemen from Punjab and Haryana are also active in it. The PM, Modi, and top BJP leaders are repeatedly asserting that these farm laws shall benefit the farmers, consciously concealing the fact that they will not only harm the interests of the farmers immensely, but also destroy the food security and devastate the Public Distribution System. So, it is not only a struggle of the farmers, but of all toiling and oppressed masses.
Contrary to Godi media propaganda, the farmers’ movement has spread to all regions and more sections of people are coming forward in solidarity. Though the central trade unions could not mobilize the workers in large numbers in support of the struggle, all of them and other TU centers like TUCI, mass organizations of students, youth, women etc also have come forward to support the struggle. Though Modi tried to involve the Supreme Court to confuse the KSM leaders, he has failed. The only result was that the SC and the CJI got more exposed. As the movement is completing two months, already more than 150 comrades have become martyrs in the cold weather of Delhi. In spite of it, the farmers and their supporters are in fighting spirit. As thousands of tractors have started marching to Delhi from all states, the Delhi police came under great pressure and it has now permitted the tractor rally inside Delhi. As the farmers’ organizations have declared unanimously if is a victory for the farmers. As the historic movement is spreading to all corners of the country challenging the Modi government, it is coming under great pressure. Giving permission for the tractor rally is a reflection of this. The farmers’ organizations have declared that they will not lift the siege of Delhi until the 3 Farm Acts are repealed.
Without any doubt, it is the most powerful people’s upsurge in the history of our country: it challenges the neoliberal policies dictated by the IMF-World Bank-WTO trio to serve the interest of the imperialist powers. So, it is an anti-imperialist struggle, in essence. It is a positive thing that almost all the political parties, mass organizations and people’s movements, except those of the RSS parivar have come out in some form or other in support of the struggle. If the Anti-CAA/NPR movement had attracted large sections of people last year, the farmers’ struggle and the solidarity movement in support of it is many times more powerful and broad-based. It has exposed the advocates of pessimism who come out with many theories why such a broad based movements and revolutionary changes cannot take place in India, including many from the parliamentary left. On the contrary, the ongoing farmers’ upsurge shows that India is no exception; in this phase of neoliberal/corporate offensive of the global imperialist system, similar to the numerous people’s upsurges taking place against the ruling forces in both neo-colonially dependent and imperialist countries, there are increasing possibilities for the anti- CAA, anti-farm Acts like upsurges taking place repeatedly in India also. Experience during last 2-3 decades show that in the absence of a powerful revolutionary communist party to guide it to higher phases and even up to seizure of political power with a clear vision of people’s democracy and socialist transformation, either they are led to reformist channels, or their development on the revolutionary path suppressed.
A study of the political forces who are supporting this historic farmers’ movement will explain this question clearly. The activities of the Congress party, which introduced the neoliberal regime in India, carried forward the reforms linked with it and even tried to go for corporatization of agriculture in 2013, are only limited to getting back to power defeating BJP which is speeding up the reforms in fascistic ways and pursuing the hard Hindutva path of Hindurashtra. If it comes back to power along with its old UPA allies, it will go back to its former rightist path with the soft Hindutva line. The other regional or caste-based political parties, which are basically part of the ruling class spectrum, but support the farmers’ struggle and oppose the BJP, wherever they are in power, are pursuing the neoliberal policies in one form or other.
The parliamentary left, the CPI(M) led Left Front or LDF parties, are also doing the same as can be seen in Kerala. What about the organizations to the left of CPI(M)? Among them, all those who still consider Indian society as semi-feudal, in spite of the fast development of capitalist relations in the agricultural sector under land reforms from above, introduction of finance capital, new technology and market forces (Green Revolution), they do not organize the small, middle or big land owning sections of farmers where they have influence, because it goes against their theoretical positions. But, in Punjab and nearby areas they are working with one or another faction of BKU, focusing all their activities in the struggle for MSP and against corporatization of agriculture!
This is the same case with those who call themselves Maoists, though they do not accept anything less than armed squad actions in the forest regions for liberation of semi-colonial, semi-feudal India! At the same time those groups who consider India as a capitalist country in the stage of socialist revolution, while some of them oppose the farmers’ struggle as a reactionary struggle led by the rich farmer class, others support it, in spite of their theory that only the working class is capable of leading any anti-capitalist movement!
In such an extremely complex situation, when the countrywide upsurge created by the farmers’ movement, two important questions calls clear-cut explanations: what should be the approach of the Communist Partyto the agrarian question in India and to the intensifying farmers’ movement? What should be the role of the Communist Party in present situation in developing the anti-fascist movement, and at the same time building the party pursuing the path of independent communist assertion while participating actively in different forms of united fronts?
To address the first question, we have to start with a historical analysis of th revolutionary line of the communist movement. As Lenin explained in “Imperialism, the highest stage of capitalism”, by the end of 19th century, capitalism was transformed to monopoly capitalism, i.e., imperialism. By that time, the imperialist forces had divided the Asian, African, Latin American countries among themselves. Among them, including India, largest number of these countries had become colonies of one imperialist country or other, In China and few other countries imperialist forces were contending for hegemony and were in semi-colonial stage, and the Latin American countries were dependent countries under US imperialist domination.
While US introduced capitalist transformation in the dependent countries, in the colonial and semi-colonial countries, the imperialists used the pre-capitalist, feudal and semi-feudal relations/forces as their social base for domination. It was by analyzing this international situation, the Comintern in 1921 document called for socialist revolution in the imperialist countries, and anti-imperialist, anti-feudal democratic revolution in the countries under various phases of colonization as democratic revolution, both together constituting the World Proletarian Socialist Revolution.
But, during the Second World War, the hitherto dominant imperialist power, Britain, became weaker, and US came to the leadership of the imperialist camp. In 1943 it convened the Brettenwood Conference and initiated the IMF, World Bank and GATT agreements to guide the post-war re-organization of the relations with the countries under colonization, introducing de-colonization by transfer of power to its junior partners in these countries, introducing the neo-colonial phase of imperialist domination. Under this, direct rule by imperialist powers was replaced by indirect control through increasing penetration of finance capital, technology, and market forces, along with military alliances. As part of this, the land reforms from above was advised, along with land ceiling laws and introduction of capitalist transformation of production relations in the agricultural sector.
In India, it was Punjab where irrigation was available with the completion of Bhakra Nangal project and the implementation of land ceiling laws took place was selected for the beginning of the Green Revolution by the end of 1950s. Soon using new hybrid seeds developed by the Indian and imperialist research institutes, chemicals and fertilizers, cultivation of wheat, rice and other food grains was started. Soon came up the question of marketing the outputs for which large inputs were used with the help of loans from money lenders and banks. These were new questions for which new answers were required.
When the CPI and CPI(M)embraced Soviet revisionist path and degenerated to parliamentary path, the Kisan organizations led by them abandoned the agrarian revolution based on revolutionary land reforms. When the GR areas were expanding fast, as they failed to recognize the changes taking place in the agrarian sector, they could not address the demands of the lower middle, middle and rich farmers who were adopting the GR mode for Minimum Support Prices for agricultural products and subsidy for inputs. Though the CPI(ML) and other streams of CRs after Naxalbari uprising adopted the line of agrarian revolution and initiated land struggles in some areas, their analysis of India as semi-feudal, failed them also to recognize the changes in the mode of production taking place in Punjab and expanding to nearby areas. So, they also could not address the problems of the new classes of lower middle, middle and rich peasants.
After the parliamentary left, when the revolutionary left also failed to recognize the transformation of imperialist plunder from colonial to neocolonial phase, and the fast changes taking place in the agriculture with the entry of finance capital, new technology and market forces, many new groups emerged addressing these issues. With the merger of eleven of these groups in Chandigarh n 1972, the Punjab Khetibari Zemindari Union was formed, which was later called Punjab Khetibari Union (PKU).In 1978, following the launching of the struggle for MSP and increase of subsidies, the PKU was transformed into the Bharatiya Kisan Union (BKU) as a national forum for farmers with association to the Bharatiya Lok Dal of the Janata Party (Secular).
In 12 December 1980, an “All-India Kisan Sammelan” was organised which saw the unification of the Kisan Sangarsh Samiti (Haryana), Raytu Sangha (Karnataka) and Vyavasayigal Sangham (Tamil Nadu) under the ambit of the BKU. In 1982, the union faced a split under the designation of BKU (N) led by Narayanasamy Naidu and BKU (M) led by Bhupendra Singh Mann. It was however reunited by the intervention of SharadAnantrao Joshi under a federal structure with autonomous state units. Following the massive Delhi march, it was again re-organised in 17 October 1986 by Mahendra Singh Tikait with its headquarters in Sisauli in western Uttar Pradesh as a non-partisan organisation contrary to its previous association with the former Prime Minister, Charan Singh.
BKU continued without getting affiliated with any political parties. Later its federated units in all states faced many splits and some of them became inactive. In every state, especially in Punjab where it is the strongest aced faced the maximum splits, with all of them continuing as BKU groups. But in spite of all these splits, in Punjab and Haryana especially, all these groups fought for the Minimum Support Price for the agricultural products and succeeded to achieve the Agricultural Products Marketing Committees and numerous Mandis (markets) under it, ensuring the procurement of the 12 items at MSP and fast payment to the farmers. In spite of corruption and bureaucratic delays, it has ensured a better security for the farmers in Punjab and Haryana, with 50-55 % of them lower middle farmers owning less than 5 acres, 25-30 % of them middle owning 5 to 10 acres, and about 15 % of rich farmers owning more than 10 acres. It is because the three farm laws bull dozed by Modi rule will destroy the decades of security provided by the hard earned system, leading to their devastation under corporatization, that they are in the forefront of this do or die struggle.
The interesting feature is that whatever may be their organization’s ideological, political line about the changes taking place in the agriculture sector, not only the CPI, CPI(M), the RMPI, MCPI(U) like CPI(M) dissident groups, as well as most of the CPI(ML) or CR groups ranging from Liberation to ‘Maoists’ are active within some of the BKU groups or their peasant organizations are working with these BKU groups. At the same time, almost all of them have in the main abandoned the agrarian revolution addressing the problems of the landless and poor peasants and the agricultural workers. At Singhu and Tikri borders where almost all the farmers from Punjab and Haryana are camping, along with the BKU groups we can see the peasant organizations of all left parties/organizations, and left leaders who are active in most of the BKU groups, some of them in their leaderships. But at the same time, their units in other states keep away from the same task, fervently sticking to their semi-feudal analysis. One can only hope that the ongoing historic farmers’ struggle will compel them to abandon dogmatic approaches and force these organizations to make concrete analysis of the present situation and seek from truth.
Presently, the transformation in to capitalist mode of production is the dominant trend in the agriculture field and the question of marketing is the concern of the farmers who own even small holdings. So, the struggle to repeal the 3 Farm Laws imposed by the Modi government has become the concern of all cultivators. The Communist movement should recognize this reality and peasant organization focusing on it should be developed in all states make the members conscious about the negative aspects of corporatization.
Along with this, the organization of the agricultural workers and poor peasants should be developed with a program of revolutionary land reforms providing land to the tillers, developing co-operatives for development of agriculture in this land, better wages and continuity of work for the MNREGA workers, housing, healthcare, education like facilities etc. Organizations in these two fields should work together to develop the powerful peasant movement as part of the program for completing the tasks of the democratic revolution, immediately overcoming present ideological, political weaknesses.
The second task is to build th broadest possible anti-fascist united front to end the RSS led Modi rule as early as possible, and at the same time build the Communist movement always pursuing the path of independent communist assertion. This can be explained as follows:
Firstly, it has to be recognized that advent of neo-fascist RSS to power through the Modi government and its saffronization of all walks of life at maddening pace, while surrendering the country to neoliberal/corporate loot is the main danger confronting the people. So, we should work for the broadest understanding among all forces opposed to RSS/BJP to defeat it in all fields including parliamentary struggle. Any weakness in this approach will pave the way for further strengthening of the fascist forces, and should be exposed and defeated.
While doing so, it is imperative that the path of independent assertion of the revolutionary line should be pursued, without harming the united front. For example, in an election, while trying to unite all forces to vote out BJP, the party or the revolutionary left alliance led by it should put forward its Manifesto and campaign for it along with fielding its own candidates where it has sufficient strength among the masses. It amounts to building a Mass Political Platform to defeat the fascists.
Secondly, based on a Common Program evolved through mutual discussions according to concrete conditions, putting forward the vision of democratization of the society and an alternate path of development opposed to neoliberal paradigm, the left and democratic forces, oppressed classes and sections and people’s movements in the fields of ecological protection, secular-socio-cultural- fields and progressive intellectuals should be united to develop all forms of struggle including parliamentary struggle as part of the class struggle.
Thirdly, based on a self-critical analysis of the experience of hitherto communist movement and analysis of present situation, the theoretical offensive should be carried forward struggling against all alien trends for uniting all communist revolutionary forces and to develop mass fronts of youth and students and to recruit large number of cadres from them as part of building a powerful communist party capable of leading every people’s movement to higher phases and to mobilize the masses for a countrywide upsurge to seize political power. In the excellent objective situation and enthusiasm created by the ongoing historic farmers’ struggle let us carry forward the theoretical struggle and practical work in all fields with the outlook discussed above.
What happened on 26th January, the Republic Day proved our worst fears correct. As was apprehended, following the drama of 11 round of discussions, the intervention of Supreme Court, the last minute permission from Delhi Police to hold the Tractor Rally through agreed routes, Amit Shah and Delhi police worked with RSS goons to infiltrate the border areas where farmers were camping, especially at Gazhipur on UP border with a blue-print to create disturbances, with Delhi Police violating the agreement to open the barricaded road in the morning, erecting more barricades along the agreed routes or strengthening the existing barricades, thus provoking the farmers who were forced to stay for 61 days in bitter cold, with 155 of their comrades becoming martyrs, indulging in brutal attacks on selected spots provoking the farmers further, leading to the disturbances that happened on that day, with one farmer driving tractor killed and hundreds of farmers injured.
Right from 26th morning, the Godi media worked hard to spread false news to create confusion to create the image that the farmers are responsible for all disturbances, while it is thee Modi—Shah government and RSS- Police nexus as happened in Northeast Delhi pogrom, tis time ona mega scale. Soon the Godi media stepped in demanding action and now the movement is under fierce attack. All it leaders are booked, hundreds of farmers are arrested, and a vicious slander campaign using lies are resorted to. It is a grave situation.
But the AIKSCC and KSM are standing united and called for observing as a day of fast in protest, while postponing the parliament march. They have called for continuing the struggle mobilizing more forces. This is a critical time. This is the time for the Party along with all left forces and struggling sections to stand with the farmer movement. Let us try hrd to strengthen the movement at this critical juncture!
Delhi Police And Those Criminal Elements Who Infiltrated In The Rally Are Responsible For The Violence!
Do Not Allow Modi Government, RSS Parivar And Godi Media To Divert Attention From The Central Issue, Repeal Of Three Farm Acts, To Vandalism, For Which They Are Responsible!
Rally In Support Of Repeal Of The Three Farm Acts And The Farmers’ Struggle Till It Is Achieved!
CPI(ML) Red Star extends revolutionary greetings to the hundreds of thousands of farmers and supporters who organized a mighty rally along with thousands of tractors through the streets of Delhi reiterating their demand for repeal the 3 farm laws for corporatization of agriculture.
Earlier, after the Supreme Court asked the Delhi police to take decision on allowing the rally, the Delhi police and central home ministry under Amit Shaw were consciously creating confusion, repeating that permission will not be allowed either inside Delhi or through the outer ring road, forcing the Kisan Sangharsh Morcha to declare that whether permission is given or not they will organize the rally. It was at this stage, Delhi police came forward announcing permission for the rally and through mutual discussion three routes were agreed upon. The KSM and AIKSCC leaders made all arrangements accordingly.
But from 26th morning the police tried to create problems by not removing the barricades as agreed upon; instead they strengthened the barricades in the night and erected numerous other barricades on the way. Enraged by it the farmers who had endured all difficulties for last 61 days in the bitter cold conditions during which more than 150 of their comrades became martyrs, decided to break the barricades and march in to Delhi.
By 9.30 they broke the barricades at Singhu, Tikri and Gazipur borders and started the march with the farmers on foot in the front and tractors next. But the police and other security wings created provocations lathi charging and firing tear gas shells on the farmers near Azadpur by-pass and Nangloi, and killing a farmer in police firing near ITO. Along with this some criminal elements infiltrated the rally and tried to create disturbances allegedly with the knowledge of police and RSS parivar.
Because of these disturbances some of the farmers were provoked, forcing them to march up to ITO, Red Fort and some other spots in the city. Utilising these incidents the spoke persons of Modi government, RSS parivar and Godi media have started malicious propaganda that farmers resorted to vandalism, diverting attention from the fact that in spite of the participation of so many lakhs of people, vast majority of them maintained discipline as instructed by their leaders, and it was the provocation from the police and the acts of the criminal infiltrators responsible for whatever disturbances happened.
There is a conscious effort by these forces and Amit Shah to use these disturbances in order to divert attention from the central demand of the many lakhs of people who rallied in Delhi and the many more lakhs who rallied in Mumbai, Kolkata and other centers calling for repeal of the three farm laws for corporatization of agriculture.
We appeal to the working class, all oppressed classes and sections of people to reject this conspiracy of the corporate fascist Modi government to malign the farmers movement against corporatization and to firmly stand behind the demand of the farmers for the repeal of these farm laws with the slogans given above.
The Supreme Court which heard the case demanding the transfer of the disputed land to the very criminals who demolished it in a well-planned crime using the fig-leaf of a cover that it was constructed by demolishing an existing temple, is so much penetrated by the RSS men or terrorized by them that it did not face any difficulty to get it done. Similarly, the Special Court which heard the case against the RSS/BJP leaders who led the RSS hooligans to demolish the more than five century old Babri Masjid acquitted all of them claiming there are no witnesses for a crime committed in day light in front of more than a lakh military to local militia, more civilians of Ayodhya and tens of millions of people who saw it through TV channels. And, as per the Manusmrithi rules, the PM of India along with th RSS Pramukh conducted the Bhoomipuja for the Ram temple being constructed in the disputed land where the Babri Masjid stood, throwing out the secular principles enshrined in India’s Constitution.
All these happened within a year after Modi won the 2019 Lok Sabha elections with a bigger majority. All these horrific developments reminds all democratic forces and the affected people about the barbaric way the Babri Masjid was demolished in a well-planned conspiracy of RSS leaders at the culmination of a bloody campaign with a Rathyathra by L K Advani. If a large number of people died and the Muslim minority was subjected to all forms of suppression and lynching, presently it is open fascist offensive destroying all democratic values in the society. The CPI(ML) Red Star severely condemns the demolition of the Babri Masjid, and the intensifying saffronization of all walks of life subjecting the minority and oppressed dalits and Adivasis to all sorts of attacks, including public lynching and gang rapes and murder of dalit women. It also condemns the Supreme Court order handing over the disputed land entirely to the RSS and the Special Court’s order releasing all the criminal leaders responsible for the planned demolition of Babri Masjid. CPI(ML) Red Star calls for observing 6th December as Black Day, and for further intensifying the ongoing campaign against Manuvadi Hindutva, the theoretical base of RSS neo-fascism.
CPI(ML) Red Star.
Campaign Against Manuvadi Hindutva, Theoretical Base of RSS Neo-Fascism!
When the whole country faces virtually an economic collapse, the neo-fascist RSS representing the most reactionary section of the neo-liberal/corporate forces has launched a counter-revolutionary offensive, aggressively reviving its Manuvadi Brahmainical past through the 8th century AD Sankara model barbarous actions under Modi-Yogi rule. At this juncture the importance of the Campaign against Manuvadi Hindutva, its theoretical base by CPI(ML) Red Star and various mass organizations has increased manifold. The webinars we organized and all other programs organized by various party committees and Mass organizations are getting good response. Many revolutionary intellectuals along with progressive forces and dalit, Adivasi organizations who have recognized the importance of theoretically exposing the true neo-fascist colour of RSS, which is masquerade as a cultural organization, but indulge in most reactionary socio-political, economic activities through its Parivar, have come forward to support it. This has provided impetus to this movement.
When the capitalist imperialist global finance capital system is confronting its worst ever crisis, it is propping up the most reactionary sections of neo-liberal corporate forces to salvage it from total collapse. It is in a desperate effort for its survival. It props up a Trump in US, a Bolsanaro in Brazil, a Modi in India, dozens of neo-fascist rulers across the world as part of unleashing an ultra-right counter-revolutionary offensive, desperately using the religious fundamentalist forces and their decadent values as their theoretical base. One of its worst models is RSS, which is the biggest and most powerful fascist force in the world.
In 2013, when almost a contest for leadership in the BJP on the eve of the LS elections looked certain, Modi with his Gujarat model pogrom was selected and Advani had to step down, as the Ambani-Adani led corporate forces vehemently campaigned and as RSS agreed to elevate him. The RSS project was damn clear. Capture majority for NDA at any cost in the elections. Once in power move very fast to open the economy totally to native and multinational neo-liberal/corporate forces. At the same time, enlarge the Gujarat model pogroms at all India level to spread the politics of hatred and Islamophobia, revive the Manuvadi Brahmanical Hindutva wave to create a majoritarian support base, reviving the past glory when Manu Smriti was in practice, with the Aryan elite, the Savarnas, totally dominated the Un-Aryans, the Shudras and Ati-Shudras most savagely. The Manu Smriti dictates that they have no right to own property, or have education, but to serve the Savarnas all through their life so that they may get Punar-janma as Savarnas! The Brahmins demanded that even the first use of their women after their puberty, in order to sanitize the impure wombs of these impure patriarchal slaves. Based on Manu Smriti the Brahmin, Kshatriya elite made rules and customs in all regions of occupied Indian sub-continent accordingly. As this Hindurashtra of Aryans was challenged by Gautama Buddha, Charvakas and Lokayats, for almost millennia, they were weakened. In the 8thcentury AD, Sankara led Brahmanical goons along with the foot soldiers they had recruited from the lowest sections of society by threatening these enslaved souls with God’s curse if they do not obey, a revivalist murderous war attacking the thousands of Buddhist monasteries and centres of learning, was unleashed burning them down and massacring tens of thousands of Bhikkus.
Presently, what we are witnessing is a re-enactment of Adi-Snakara’s murderous revivalist war of aggression by RSS neo-fascist forces. As India faces economic collapse, RSS Neo-fascism revives the Manuvadi Brahmainical past through another Sankara model action through Modi-Yogi rule. They incite the Savarna goons to re-establish their old rights over the dalits and their women, or women in general, as they have no right to equality under patriarchy. What we see in Hathras and other places with RSS becoming the dominant neo-fascist power dominating all fields is a planned move to re-enact what happened in the 8th century using the same old weapons, the majoritarian Hindutva claims and Manu Smriti as the constitution of Hindurashtra. It is RSS in place of Sankara, using the same weapons, like neo-liberal/corporate economic policies in place of Chanakya’s arthasasthra.
The challenge before us is: should we surrender before this Brahmanical Manuvadi aggression, or resist with all our might uniting all toiling masses and oppressed classes and sections trampled underneath their feet by these revivalist forces. The first phase of the campaign we have launched saluting Bhagat Singh on his birthday, targeting the Manuvadi Hindutva, the theoretical base of RSS neo-fascism, is the new beginning of the struggle to end not just the neo-liberal/corporate rule of Modi, but the RSS neo-fascism in its entirety. Let us carry forward the campaign with revolutionary spirit and vision. n
Manu and His Law:
A Marxist Perspective
understanding Manusmriti today from Marxist perspective is to some extent difficult and at the same time necessary. It is not difficult to understand that why it is necessary. Since the beginning of the so-called independent India, Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh [RSS] has been continuously upholding Manusmriti as the true Indian constitution rejecting any other attempts to establish any kind of modern ideas. As a result they denied upholding Indian constitution which was moreover produced by a constituent assembly headed by their arch-rival B.R. Ambedkar. Although Ambedkar himself was not satisfied with the constitution, finally however, it has become a product of Ambedkar in the eyes of the dalit forces who consider him as their highest leader. But, why Ambedkar was not happy with the constitution? It was because he was compelled to produce it under strict guidance of the liberal bourgeoisie of the country and actually it reflected their will, against which Ambedkar fought a prolonged battle. However, it does not mean that the constitution has nothing progressive. In fact, in spite of a bitter struggle with Congress for a long time Ambedkar agreed to head the constituent assembly for taking a chance to infuse some of the rights of the oppressed. Apart from that many positive elements were introduced by the liberal bourgeoisie also, although it remains in the main as the class-will of the bourgeoisie.
Now, after seventy years of its inception the Indian constitution is facing a real danger of abandonment with the rise of RSS and its political wing BJP in the state power with a strong fascist background. For many times RSS leaders have declared that Manusmriti must be brought in action in place of the present Indian constitution. Like their “Hidurashtra” slogan it is also not an empty threat. However, most of the people of our country do not know what exactly Manusmriti is and why the democratic people must oppose every attempt to impose this kind of system of law on the modern life. Therefore, it has become necessary to understand and discuss Manu’s system.
A systematic study on Indian history was never taken up in hand by the Communist Party in India. The party was broken several times and new parties came up. However, no Communist Party did this extremely essential job so far. Therefore, it is to some extent difficult today to start the job afresh. Manu wrote a huge book with 2684 verses covering entire socio-political life. A thorough evaluation and a verse to verse critique is not possible at present stage of our research, however, a general understanding is absolutely necessary at this political juncture. Keeping this requirement in mind, the following brief submission is presented.
Manu and His Time
Manusmriti is ascribed to some Manu Swayambhu who according to Brahmanistic mythology was the son of Brahma and progenitor of humankind. Like many other ancient Indian personalities Manu is also a debated personality. Using same name for different persons at the different epochs of the history was a popular Brahmanistic trick to confuse the people. Side by side mixing history with mythology [itihasa and puranas] was also a known trick of them in order to impose a divine character on the personalities and occurrences. As a result it has become difficult to fathom the exact time of a particular literature and its writer. The historical background has also become blurred in this process. It is exactly the thing which is intended by the Brahmanistic scholars as they want to portray the personalities as timeless. An added problem which the ancient Indian texts have that in most of the cases massive interpolation took place from the latter writers and thus made it more problematic to understand the actual time. Facing all these difficulties the European scholars reached in this conclusion that the exact date of Manu was difficult to measure. However, it can be safely said that in between 200 BCE to 200 CE Manu appeared in the scene with his system of law.
Ambedkar did not agree with this conclusion. He was the man who made a thorough analysis of Manusmriti and tried to understand proper historical chronology from anti-brahmanistic perspective. He correctly said that the author of Manusmriti was not any Manu Swayambhu. In every pages of Manusmriti, the name “Bhrigu” is signed. However, Bhrigu is a family name. Citing Naradasmriti Ambedkar said that the actual name of the author of Manusmriti was Sumati Bhargava. He was contemporary of Pushyamitra Sunga.
Background of Emergence of Manusmriti
Introducing Manusmriti in Indian socio-political life was a clear indication of Brahmanistic upsurge. The ancient communist society in the early Vedic period was broken long ago. However, in India class division took a unique form which is called varna-caste division. The Aryan society was divided into four varnas, i.e., Brahmana, Kshatriya, Vaisya and Shudra. This division was introduced first time in the Rig Veda. However, it should be noted that like all other major Indian literature at pre-script Vedic time the Rig Veda also was composed through a long time. By this time, the society did not remain same; it changed. Thus in a single text these changes were duly reflected. The Rig Veda is a magnificent example of this peculiarity. Thus in the Rig Veda while we find a strong communist approach and the conception that all human are equal, in the same text we see how a division among the people was suggested. The scholars correctly pointed out that this proposal of division among the humans [Aryans] was later interpolation when the actual society was broken into classes according to the natural societal law.
If we consider the time of the beginning of later Vedic period as BCE 1000 and the time of Manu as BCE 200, then there was at least a time gap of eight hundred years. This timeframe of eight hundred years was a transitional period in Indian history. Crucial changes in technology, stiff and prolonged struggles between revolution and counter-revolution, starting of urbanization, introducing script in Vedic language and gradual consolidation of power by the Brahmanistic ruling classes in spite of a strong presence of its opposite marked this era. It is impossible for a person to realize the actual significance of the emergence of Manu and Manusmriti without understanding this remarkable and extremely important historical epoch.
The ancient communist society of early Vedic period stood on insufficiency of means of livelihood. As the production started to grow and surplus production appeared in place of scarcity, the communist society began to crumble. The Aryans were nomadic and pastoral people who did not have any knowledge of agriculture. However, gradually they learned the art from the vanquished non-Aryan people and started to settle in villages. Around the year of BCE 800 iron was discovered. This discovery introduced a huge transformation of agricultural technology which finally caused massive surplus production. As a result the class division in the society started to be stronger in every passing day. Urbanization was started. The centre of the ruling classes was shifted in the cities. The early political organizations of the Aryans like Sabha and Samiti were replaced by the state machine. State system emerged. However, in the initial years of state system there two kinds of states appeared. One type was called republic and another was monarchy. The republic system tried to maintain the legacy of early communistic society, and thus it was based on one kind of parliamentary system. Eminent Marxist historian Romila Thapar showed in the republics the members of the parliament were called ‘raja’. Therefore, in the republican system the post ‘raja’ was subject to election and it was no way similar to a monarch in the system of monarchy.
By the time of around BCE 500 the main political centre of Aryavatra was shifted further east and sixteen prominent states were formed which were called ‘sorasha mahajanapadas’ [sixteen great lands]. Magadha [at present Bihar] was the centre of these sixteen lands. Magadha was a Monarchy. There were eight mahajanapadas which had monarchical system and remaining eight were republics. The political conflict between republic and monarchy in sixteen mahajanapadas gave birth of an ideological and philosophical counter-movement against Brahmanism which was called Shramanic movement.
The word ‘Brahmanism’ did not come from Brahmin, rather the opposite was the case. The particular group of Aryans who composed the Vedas was known as Tritsyu-Bharata clan who used to call themselves as ‘Brahmanas’. In the Rig Veda many times this term was used in place of “Arya”, as these Veda-composers had to fight other Aryan groups apart from non-Aryans. Therefore, it should be noted that the Vedas were not the sacred text of all Aryan groups. Those were composed and upheld by a particular group of Aryans who became victorious in prolonged battle against other Aryan groups and non-Aryans in order to dominate the upper side of the country. This Aryan group called themselves as ‘Brahmanas’. Therefore, Vedic culture was Brahmanichal culture which faced a terrific opposition from a large section inside the Aryan people in the form of Shramanic movement.
By the time of sixteen mahajanapadas the Shramanic movement was concentrated in the republics while the Brahmanichal movement became stronger in the Monarchies. Since the varna-division was de facto the class division in ancient India, the system of four-varnas was strictly maintained in the Monarchies. On the other hand the four-varnas system was not at all maintained in the republics as the distinction among the varnas was not clear in the republics. Vaishali, one of the republics, was ruled by the Lichchavis or Vajjis who were not considered as ‘rajanyas’ or kshatriyas. Shakya was another republic which was dominated by the Kshatriyas, however, these Kshatriyas including their ‘rajas’ were engaged in agricultural work and economic activities which supposed to be performed by the Vaisyas. Therefore, it was extremely natural for republics to give birth of a movement like Shramanic movement. Gautama, the Buddha came from the Shakya clan and Buddhism eventually became the leader of Shramanic movement. The entire Aryavatra was divided between Brahmanic and Shramanic movements and witnessed a fierce prolonged battle.
B.R. Ambedkar identified the emergence of Buddhism as the greatest revolution in ancient India. He even compared this revolution with the great French revolution of modern era. Ambedkar’s observation cannot be taken as an exaggeration. In the republics surplus sharing among the people was much more equal and income disparity was much less due to the near absence of four-varnas system. On the other hand in the monarchies varna division, i.e., the class division was taking more and more sharp and consequently surplus sharing became extremely unequal. As a result the Shramanic movement started to be popular among the masses in the monarchies which finally compelled Bimbhisara, the King of Magadha, to become a disciple of Gautama, the Buddha. Soma, the daughter of the main priest of Bimbhisara became one of the greatest leaders in Buddhist samgha. Thus, the political centre of Aryavatra went out of Brahmanistic control. Very soon the Brahmanistic forces struck back. Bimbhisara was killed by his son Ajhathasatru and the throne of Magadha was re-captured by Brahmanist forces. However, the Brahmanistic control over Magadha did not last long as Ajhathastru finally surrendered to Gautama. Magadha became Shramanic. However, it does not mean Magadha became a republic. Monarchy continued but the dominance of Brahmanichal forces was significantly curtailed and more surplus wealth started to flow downwards through increasing public works and other services. The emergence of Mauryan Empire at BCE 323, few hundred years later of Buddha’s demise marked the heyday of Shramanism in Magadha.
Chandragupta Maurya, the founder of Mauryan Empire was a Jain. His grandson Ashoka Priyadarshi became a Buddhist after infamous Kalinga war. The Indian civilization before starting of the Common Era reached at its zenith at the time of Ashoka the Great. For many reasons Mauryan Empire must be considered as most modern rule in ancient India. The first instance of writing can be found at the time of Ashoka in his famous Rock Edicts. Script was introduced. For the first time a secular state was born, although the rulers were Sramanic. This was a unique character of Sramanism which was evident in Gautama’s advices to his disciples regarding ideal administration. Economic activities reached at the highest point as Shramanism was always in favour of “Shram”, i.e, labour and consequently Vaisyas and Shudras, the people of productive activities were the main support base of Shramanism. The dominance of the Brahmin-Kshatriya combine vanished. International and national trade reached at its peak in the time of Ashoka. Brahmanism was against economic activities from very beginning. War and plunder were main tools of Brahmanism to accumulate wealth. Therefore, when the fetter of Brahmanism was overthrown, prosperity began to be achieved through economic means which in return strengthened the control of the Vaisya-Shudra combine over the state power. Ashoka sent many religious delegations to the neighbouring countries which were followed by the traders. Almost whole ancient Bharata became united under Mauryan kingdom. The development in science, art, medicine and other fields was amazing. All the achievements of Mauryan rule were basically the achievements of Shramanism.
Mauryan rule was overthrown through a coup d’etat organized by the Brahmins.
Manu and His Counter-Revolution
The last Mauryan King Brihadratha was killed by his own commander-in-chief Pushyamitra Sunga in BCE 184 through a massive coup d’ etat. The Sungas were Brahmin. The name Sunga was of considerable antiquity which occurs in the Vamsa Brahmana, Asvalayana-srautasutra and in the grammar of Panini. The association of the Sungas in those Vedic literatures with ancient priestly families and most interestingly with the Bhrigues shows undoubtedly that they were not only Brahmins but also had a family connection with the Bhrigues. Manusmriti was also written by the Bhrigues and it is already said that Ambedkar cited Naradasmriti to prove that the name of the writer of Manusmriti was Suamati Bhargava.
While considering the emergence of Buddhism was the greatest revolution in ancient India, Ambedkar clearly declared the emergence of Manusmriti as the counter-revolution. And here again, his observation cannot be taken as an exaggeration.
Manu wrote a smriti-book which meant he wrote law. At that time many smriti-texts were produced. These smriti-books were basically Brahmanistic literature and most of them declared fullest conformity with the Vedas. The Vedas were called Shruti. The Vedas were sacred text but not law. However, at a certain point of time the Brahmanistic rulers felt the necessity of a new kind of literature which would provide the society a penal system. Thus the smriti-books started to appear in the scene and Manusmriti was most familiar and accepted out of them. This Shruti-Smriti combine was the spiritual weapon of Brahmanism in order to consolidate their rule over the people.
Mauryan Empire basically stood on the Kautilyan system. It should be noted that Kautilya did not compose any smriti-text. The name of his magnum opus is Arthasastra which clearly denotes that he wrote a “sastra”, a branch of knowledge. However, the Sunga dynasty for the first time in the Indian history stood on a smriti-book, Manusmriti. The relation between the Sungas and Manusmriti is a debatable issue as no direct evidence is available to either support or reject the theorem. However, the close connection the Bhrigues had with Manusmriti and the Sunga dynasty both, makes us believe that a relation between the Sungas and Manusmriti is far more logical. Ambedkar apprehended that Manusmriti was written under direct instruction of Pushyamitra Sunga though he could not give any evidence in favor of his apprehension.
Irrespective of the fact that Pushyamitra Sunga instructed to write Manusmriti or not this is an unalterable fact that the emergence of Manusmriti was basically a counter-revolution. Thus a new system was born.
Strict Implementation of Varna-Division
Although the Varna-division was introduced much before Manusmriti it remained mostly in theoretical plane and never implemented strictly in practical life. Moreover, according to some interpretations the varna-division was based on qualities of a person. However, Manusmriti unequivocally declared that since the Brahmins were originated from the mouth of the Purusha they were superior to all human beings. This was the first time a text on law code which was most accepted and renowned clearly declared the superiority of the Brahmins.
Whatever exists in the world is, the property of the Brahmana, on account of the excellence of his origin the Brahmin is, indeed, entitled to all. [Manu: 1.100]
Here it should be noted that Manu not only declared the superiority of the Brahmins but he also connected the assertion with the claim that the Brahmins were the real owners of everything in the world and thus the sole claimant of surplus value. Hereby Manu also rejected the Kshatriya’s claim of ownership over the land, Vaishya’s claim of ownership over his own wealth and Shudra’s claim of ownership over the fruits of his own labour.
Therefore, The Brahmana eats but his own food, wears but his own apparel, bestows but his own in alms; other mortals subsist through the benevolence of the Brahmana. [Manu: 1.101]
Thus, Manu subordinated everyone to the Brahmins and elevated them as the sole ruler of the state. Therefore, Manu rejected the idea that one of the important tasks of the Kshtriyas according to the previous interpretation was to rule the land. So Manu said:
The Kshtriya he commanded to protect the people, to bestow gifts, to offer sacrifices, to study [the Veda], and to abstain from attaching himself to sensual pleasures. [Manu: 1. 89]
Here, Manu had carefully chosen the word “protect” [rakhshanam], not “rule”.
Regarding the tasks of the Vaisyas Manu said: The Vaisya to tend cattle, to bestow gifts, to offer sacrifices, to study [the Veda], to trade, to lend money, and to cultivate land. [Manu: 1. 90]
The Vaisyas were to produce wealth, however, we have already seen that according to Manu they were not the owner of the wealth.
And for the Shudras: One occupation only the lord prescribed to the Sudra, to serve meekly even these three castes. [Manu: 1. 91]
Manu emphasized that the Shudras must serve the other three varnas without any complain. Therefore, he not only put them in subjugation, however, closed the avenue to even complain against it as well.
Manu’s dicta on the Shudras came in a stark contrast of the Mauryan Empire as the Mauryas came from the so called lower varnas, most probably Shudra. Although the Buddhist and Jain sources claim Chandragupta came from a Kshatriya family. However, we must note that from the time of Shishunaga dynasty to Mauryan dynasty all the rulers of Magadha came from so called lower varnas. Manu erected a great wall in front of the Shudras in order to prevent them having any kind of political power as well as economic independence.
Manu knew that the knowledge was one of the important sources of dominance. So he preserved the right to impart knowledge exclusively for the Brahmins.
To Brahmanas he assigned teaching and studying [the Veda], sacrificing for their own benefit and for others, giving and accepting [of alms]. [Manu: 1. 88]
Manu once again clearly said that it is only Brahmin’s task to teach others, not of other two twice-born varnas, i.e., Kshatriyas or Vaisyas in Chapter X.
Let the three twice-born castes [varna], discharging their [prescribed] duties, study [the Veda]; but among them the Brahmana [alone] shall teach it, not the other two; that is an established rule. [Manu 10.1]
And the Brahmins must not teach the Vedas, i.e., any kind of knowledge to the Shudras. He even must not recite the Vedas in front of a Shudra.
Let him no recite [the texts] indistinctly, nor in the presence of Sudras; nor let him, if in the latter part of the night he is tired with reciting the Veda, go again to sleep. [Manu: 4. 99]
Manu gave a list of the Brahmins who would not be allowed in any kind of religious matters including:
He who teaches for a stipulated fee and he who is taught on that condition, he who instructs Sudra pupils and he whose teacher is a Sudra, he who speaks rudely, the son of an adulteress, and the son of a widow,.. [Manu: 3.156]
According to Manusmriti the Brahmins only should teach and they must not teach the Shudras.
Surplus Accumulation and Power Consolidation
Thus the Shudras, the largest section of the people were deprived not only from their right to rule, but from the right of having education and property. It is already said that Manu declared that all properties in the world are basically owned by the Brahmins. If a non-Brahmin has property it should be understood that he owns it due to the benevolence of the Brahmins. However, this ‘benevolence of the Brahmins’ was not shown to the Shudras. Manu was ruthless in this issue.
No collection of wealth must be made by a Sudra, even though he be able [to do it]; for a Sudra who has acquired wealth, gives pain to Brahmanas. [Manu: 10.129]
Manu has advised the other two twice-born varnas to sacrifice their wealth and to give those to the Brahmins. However, the properties of a Shudra can be taken away forcefully.
A Brahmana may confidently seize the goods of [his] Sudra [slave]; for, as that [slave] can have no property, his master may take his possessions. [Manu: 8.417]
Manu’s logic is very clear. The Shudras are slave and a slave must not own any property. At Manu’s time there were slaves, but Manu said if a slave was a Shudra and if his master made him free, even then the slave was not free from servitude. Manu said:
A Sudra, though emancipated by his master, is not released from servitude; since that is innate in him, who can set him from it? [Manu: 8.414]
All Shudras are slaves to the Brahmins whether they are bought or not.
But a Sudra, whether bought or unbought, he may compel to do servile work; for he was created by the Self-existent [Svayambhu] to be the slave of a Brahmana. [Manu: 8.413]
Manu had totally closed the door for the Shudra to revolt or to even oppose the system peacefully. So Manu said:
A once-born man [a Sudra], who insults a twice-born man with gross invective, shall have his tongue cut out; for he is of low origin. [Manu: 8.270]
If he mentions the names and castes [gati] of the [twice-born] with contumely, an iron nail, ten fingers long, shall be thrust red-hot into his mouth. [Manu: 8.271]
If he arrogantly teaches Brahmanas their duty, the king shall cause hot oil to be poured into his mouth and into his ears. [Manu: 8.272]
These dicta of Manu once again came in a stark contrast with the preceding years when many major leaders in the Buddhist Samgha emerged from the so called backward varnas. Upali was one of the closest disciples of Buddha and a fantastic teacher who came from Shudra community. Gautama declared that the Samgha was like an ocean where waters from many rivers poured in, however, after reaching the ocean all waters became sea-water and likewise in the Samgha people from all the varnas came, however, after coming into the Samgha everyone became a monk; varna division was abolished.
Therefore, Ambedkar was absolutely correct when he said that Manusmriti was a counter-revolution against Buddhist revolution in our country. Manusmriti was a counter-revolution against all sorts of progresses and advancements of Indian society.
Who Were the Shudras?
The Shudras were the toiling masses of our country who were the producers of social surplus. Although initially the Vaisyas used to cultivate land, however, gradually they were confined into trade only and cultivation became the task of the Shudras. Ambedkar tried to find the answer that why Brahmanism so mercilessly oppressed the Shudras!
In his famous book “Who were the Shudras?”, Ambedkar went into many important discussions, however, he missed the main point. It was not unnatural for a non-Marxist like Ambedkar. The important thing was that in spite of being a non-Marxist he did a magnificent job in order to understand the Indian history.
What Ambedkar missed was that as the ruler of the country the Brahmin-Kshatriya combine had to oppress the surplus producers ruthlessly in order to snatch the surplus from their hands. Manusmriti was the law by which the Brahmanistic rulers used to extract the social surplus.
Manu for Endogamy
It is absolutely clear that without endogamy the varna-division cannot exist. Before Manu inter-varna marriage was not prohibited. Ambedkar cited examples of some leading characters in Brahmanistic literature who married their partners from other varnas. King Santanu was a Kshatriya but his wife Ganga was a Shudra. His second wife Satyavati was also a Shudra. Satyavati’s first marriage was with Parashara, a Brahmin and their son was famous K.D. Vyasa, according to mythology who composed the Mahabharata and re-arranged The Vedas into four distinct books. Jajati was another important king in Vedic mythology who was a Kshatriya but his first wife Devjani was a Brahmin and his second wife Sharmistha was an Asura, non-Aryan. Jagatkaru was an important sage in Vedic mythology who married Manasa, a Naga, non-Aryan.
However Manu said:
It is declared that a Sudra woman alone [can be] the wife of a Sudra…. [Manu: 3.13]
According to Atri and to [Gautama] the son of Utathya, he who weds a Sudra woman becomes an outcaste, according to Saunaka on the birth of a son, and according to Bhrigu ha who has [male] offspring from a [Sudra female, alone]. [Manu: 3.16]
A Brahmin who takes a Sudra wife to his bed, will [after death] sink into hell; if he begates a child by her, he will lose the rank of a Brahmana. [Manu: 3.17]
Manu on the Women
Manu knew very well that the women were very important social force who could jeopardize his entire plan and proposal of endogamy. So he became absolutely ruthless against them. He declared without hesitation:
It is the nature of women to seduce men in this [world]; for that reason the wise are never unguarded in [the company of] females. [Manu: 2.213]
For women are able to lead astray in [this] world not only a fool, but even a learned man, and [to make] him a slave of desire and anger. [Manu: 2.214]
Manu’s dicta on the women came in a sharp contrast with the preceding years when many major leaders in the Buddhist Samgha were women. We have already told about Soma who was the daughter of the main priest of king Bimbhisara. T.W. Rhys Davids furnished a magnificent example regarding the ideological position of Buddhism on women citing the psychological struggle between a right concept and a wrong concept in form of Soma’s struggle with Mara, the Evil One. One day when Soma was busy in meditation Mara arrived in her mind and said: “The vantage ground the sages may attain, is hard to reach with her two-finger test, woman cannot achieve those distant heights.” It was said that women cook rice for ages but she never understood whether it was boiled or not unless taking out some and press by two fingers. That was the level of women intellect. Soma replied in a verse: “How should our woman’s nature hinder us,/ Whose hearts are firmly set, whose feet mount up/ Unfaltering to those cool heights of Truth,/ In growing knowledge of the Arahat way?/ On every hand the love of pleasure yields,/ Borne down by knowledge and sense of Law,/ And the thick gloom of ignorance is rent/ In twain. Know this, O Evil One! And know/ Thyself, O Death! Found out and worsted!” [Buddhism: Its History and Literatue/ TW Rhys Davids]
Davids told about another lady teacher Sukka in Buddhist Samgha. “Born of a wealthy family in Rajagaha, she became an adherent of the Buddha’s, already in the first year of his public appearance as a teacher, and afterwards studying under another famous lady teacher [the DhammaDina], she was converted and became an Arahat. She then attained to such mastery in exegesis and extemporary exposition that, in her hermitage near Rajagaha, she gave lectures open to the public, and gained great influence for good among the residents in her native city.” [ibid]
People used to say about Sukka: “O child of light, Sukka, by Truth set free/ From cravings dire; firm, self-possessed, serene,/ Bear to the end this thy transient frame;/ For thou hast conquered Mara and his hosts!” [ibid]
The Brahmanistic counter-revolution launched heinous war against women. Manu said:
Women do not care for beauty, nor is their attention fixed on age; [thinking], ‘[It is enough that] he is a man’, they give themselves to the handsome and to the ugly. [Manu: 9.14]
Through their passion for men, through their mutable temper, through their natural heartlessness, they becomes disloyal towards their husbands, however carefully they may be guarded in this [world]. [Manu: 9.15]
[When creating them] Manu allotted to women [a love of their] bed, [of their] seat, and [of] ornament, impure desires, wrath, dishonesty, malice, and bad conduct. [Manu: 9.17]
Day and night woman must be kept in dependence by the males [of] their [families], and, if they attach themselves to sensual enjoyments, they must be kept under one’s control. [Manu: 9.2]
Her father protects [her] in childhood, her husband protects [her] in youth, and her sons protect [her] in old age; a woman is never fit for independence. [Manu: 9.3]
According to Manu’s law women had no right on property because she was never allowed to stay independently and uncontrolled. A wife can be beaten if she commits misconduct. They have no right to study as they are “impure as falsehood” according to Manu. Joining any anti-Vedic sects became forbidden for the women under Manu’s law.
Therefore, it can be seen that all progressiveness which the country achieved in Buddhist India became under huge attack by Brahmanism and the whole society started to be dragged into a dark age. Ambedkar aptly said that Manu’s emergence was a counter-revolution against Buddhist revolution as it was clearly evident that ideologically Manu’s law actually was Mara’s law.
Manusmriti in Modern Days?
Many people think that a law like Manu’s cannot be implemented in modern days. What many BJP leaders demand to replace present constitution by Manusmriti is an empty threat. Actually, belittling the danger of resurgent Brahmanism leads to this type of assurance. One may notice that with BJP coming to the central government in 2014, atrocities on the dalits have increased manifold. Everyday dalits are murdered, dalit women are being raped for. This is only because they belong to so called backward castes. For just sitting on a chair in front of a Thakur or a Brahmin caused murder of dalit man. Riding a horse in marriage ceremony invited the wrath of the upper caste people led to killings. The number of honour killing is increased. Actually Manusmriti is being implemented without naming it. At present demonization of the Muslims is a part of Brahmanist conspiracy to build a Hindurashtra with Manusmriti as its constitution. All hard-earned rights of the working masses are being snatched in the direction to convert the condition of the people as Shudra described in Manusmriti. All these steps are needed for Saffron Corporate Fascism to save the crisis ridden capitalism. Therefore, these steps are not separate from each other, rather parts of an integrated whole of Fascist rule with its own peculiar form in Indian socio-political climate. All revolutionary and democratic forces should join hands against this heinous conspiracy of Brahmanistic ruling force of the country. n
RSS Demands Promulgation of Laws of Manu in Place of Indian Constitution, What is Going to be the Fate of Dalits and Women?
how loyal the RSS is to the Constitution of India can be known by the following statement of Golwalkar which is being reproduced from Bunch of Thoughts which is not only selection of the writings of Golwalkar but also a Bible for the RSS cadres.
“Our Constitution too is just a cumbersome and heterogeneous piecing together of various articles from various Constitutions of Western countries. It has absolutely nothing which can be called our own. Is there a single word of reference in its guiding principles as to what our national mission is and what our keynote in life is?”
In fact, RSS wanted this Constitution to be replaced by Manusmriti or Manu Code or laws of Manu which is known for its derogatory and inhuman references to Sudras, Untouchables and women. The Constituent Assembly of India finalized the Constitution of India on November 26, 1949, RSS was not happy. Its organ, Organiser in an editorial on November 30, 1949, complained: “But in our Constitution there is no mention of the unique constitutional development in ancient Bharat. Manu’s Laws were written long before Lycurgus of Sparta or Solon of Persia. To this day his laws as enunciated in the Manusmriti excite the admiration of the world and elicit spontaneous obedience and conformity. But to our constitutional pundits that means nothing.”
By demanding promulgation of laws of Manu in an Independent India RSS was simply following its mentor, philosopher and guide VD Savarkar. According to him, “Manusmriti is that scripture which is most worship-able after Vedas for our Hindu Nation and which from ancient times has become the basis of our culture-customs, thought and practice. This book for centuries has codified the spiritual and divine march of our nation. Even today the rules which are followed by crores of Hindus in their lives and practice are based on Manusmriti. Today Manusmriti is Hindu Law”.
What kind of civilization the RSS and Hindutva camp want to build by enforcing the laws of Manu, can be known by having a glimpse of the laws prescribed by Manu for the lower castes/Untouchables and women. Some of these dehumanizing and degenerate laws, which are presented here, are self-explanatory.
Laws of Manu Concerning Dalits/ Untouchables
- For the sake of the prosperity of the worlds (the divine one) caused the Brahmana, the Kshatriya, the Vaisya, and the Sudra to proceed from his mouth, his arm, his thighs and his feet. (I/31)
- One occupation only the lord prescribed to the Sudras, to serve meekly even these (other) three castes. (I/91)
- Once-born man (a Sudra), who insults a twice-born man with gross invective, shall have his tongue cut out; for he is of low origin. (VIII/270)
- If he mentions the names and castes (jati) of the (twice-born) with contumely, an iron nail, ten fingers long, shall be thrust red-hot into his mouth. (VIII/271)
5- If he arrogantly teaches Brahmanas their duty, the king shall cause hot oil to be poured into his mouth and into his ears. (VIII/272)
- With whatever limb a man of a low caste does hurt to (a man of the three) highest (castes), even that limb shall be cut off; that is the teaching of Manu. (VIII/279)
- He who raises his hand or a stick, shall have his hand cut off; he who in anger kicks with his foot, shall have his foot cut off. (VIII/280)
- A low-caste man who tries to place himself on the same seat with a man of a high caste, shall be branded on his hip and be banished, or (the king) shall cause his buttock to be gashed. (VIII/281)
As per the Manu Code if Sudras are to be given most stringent punishments for even petty violations/actions, the same Code of Manu is very lenient towards Brahmins. Shloka 380 in Chapter VIII bestowing profound love on Brahmins decrees: “Let him never slay a Brahmana, though he have committed all (possible) crimes; let him banish such an (offender), leaving all his property (to him) and (his body) unhurt.”
For RSS Casteism is synonymous with Hindu Nation.
Faith of RSS brass in Manusmriti, naturally, leads them to believe in Casteism too. For RSS Casteism is the essence of Hindu Nationalism. Golwalkar did not mince words in declaring that Casteism was synonymous with the Hindu Nation. According to him, the Hindu people are none else but, “The Hindu People, they said, is the Virat Purusha, the Almighty manifesting Himself. Though they did not use the word ‘Hindu’, it is clear from the following description of the Almighty in Purusha Sukta wherein it is stated that the sun & the moon are His eyes, the stars and the skies are created from his nabhi [navel] and Brahmin is the head, Kshatriya the hands, Vaishya the thighs and Shudra the feet. [Italics as per the original text] This means that the people who have this fourfold arrangement, i.e., the Hindu People, is [sic] our God. This supreme vision of Godhead is the very core of our concept of ‘nation’ and has permeated our thinking and given rise to various unique concepts of our cultural heritage.”
Laws of Manu Concerning Women
- Day and night woman must be kept in dependence by the males (of) their (families), and, if they attach themselves to sensual enjoyments, they must be kept under one’s control. (IX/2)
- Her father protects (her) in childhood, her husband protects (her) in youth, and her sons protect (her) in old age; a woman is never fit for independence. (IX/3)
- Women must particularly be guarded against evil inclinations, however trifling (they may appear); for, if they are not guarded, they will bring sorrow on two families. (IX/5)
- Considering that the highest duty of all castes, even weak husbands (must) strive to guard their wives. (IX/6)
- No man can completely guard women by force; but they can be guarded by the employment of the (following) expedients:
- Let the (husband) employ his (wife) in the collection and expenditure of his wealth, in keeping (everything) clean, in (the fulfilment of) religious duties, in the preparation of his food, and in looking after the household utensils.
- Women, confined in the house under trustworthy and obedient servants, are not (well) guarded; but those who of their own accord keep guard over themselves, are well guarded. (IX/12)
- Women do not care for beauty, nor is their attention fixed on age; (thinking), ‘(It is enough that) he is a man,’ they give themselves to the handsome and to the ugly. (IX/14)
- Through their passion for men, through their mutable temper, through their natural heartlessness, they become disloyal towards their husbands, however carefully they may be guarded in this (world). (IX/15)
- (When creating them) Manu allotted to women (a love of their) bed, (of their) seat and (of) ornament, impure desires, wrath, dishonesty, malice, and bad conduct. (IX/17)
- For women no (sacramental) rite (is performed) with sacred texts, thus the law is settled; women (who are) destitute of strength and destitute of (the knowledge of) Vedic texts, (are as impure as) falsehood (itself), that is a fixed rule. (IX/18)
Reproduced parts of Manu Code above need no further elaboration and commentary. They are too glaringly venomous, fascist and degenerated against Untouchables who are referred to as Sudras by Manu. Perhaps this was the reason that the German philosopher, Friedrich Nietzsche who contributed immensely to the growth of totalitarian ideas in Europe in the 20th century, fell in love with this work.
With the rise of Hindutva politics in the Hindi heartland there is a flood of low-priced editions of Manusmriti. In one of such editions by one of the biggest publishers of pocket books in Hindi, the back cover has the following glorification of Manusmriti: “The Manusmriti is the oldest social system of the world which establishes constitution and justice. Largely the social and judicial systems of today’s India are modelled after this book. It is an essential book for each family, organization and society.”
Such publishers remain unconcerned about the poison and hatred, which Manusmriti contains and conveys against the Sudras/Untouchables and women. There seems to be an inherent relationship between the mass publication of such books (with increasing violence against the lower castes and women in the country) and the rise of the Hindu Right. It is high time that Nation realizes that the RSS and Hindu Right’s dream of recreating the golden past is fraught with terrible dangers. Whatever it may be saying about the Muslims and Christians posing dangers as minorities it may end up depriving the Hindu Dalits and all women of all their human rights. Their love for the scriptures like Manusmriti only underlines the fact that the real targets are the Dalits and women of the Hindu society.
The story does not end with Manusmriti. The RSS book stores stock and sale titles like How to lead a Household Life by Swami Ramsukhdas which openly preach violence. This title is part of low priced anti-woman literature published by Geeta Press. Here is a glimpse from this book which is in the question-answer form and available in English, Hindi and other regional Indian languages.
“Question: - What should the wife do if her husband beats her and troubles her?
Answer: - The wife should think that she is paying her debt of her previous life and thus her sins are being destroyed and she is becoming pure. When her parents come to know this, they can take her to their own house because they have not given their daughter training to face this sort of bad behaviour.
Question: - What should she do if her parents don’t take her to their own house?
Answer: - Under such circumstances what can the helpless wife do? She should reap the fruit of her past actions. She should patiently bear the beatings of her husband. By bearing them she will be freed from her sins and it is possible that her husband may start loving her.” There is blatant preaching in favour of the inhuman Sati as we will see in the following:
“Question: - Is ‘Sati Pratha’ (viz., the tradition of the wife being cremated with the dead body of the husband on the funeral pyre) proper or improper?
Answer: - A wife’s cremation with the dead body of her husband on the funeral pyre is not a tradition. She, in whose mind truth and enthusiasm come, burns even without fire and she does not suffer any pain while she burns. This is not a tradition that she should do so, but this is her truth, righteousness and faith in scriptural decorum.”
It is to be noted here that a copy of Manusmriti was burnt as a protest in the presence of Dr. BR Ambedkar during historic Mahad agitation in December, 1927. n
The Status Of Women As
Depicted By Manu
Hirday N Patwari
The Manusmriti also known as Manav Dharam Shastra, is the earliest metrical work on Brahminical Dharma in Hinduism. According to Hindu mythology, the Manusmriti is the word of Brahma, and it is classified as the most authoritative statement on Dharma .The scripture consists of 2690 verses, divided into 12 chapters. It is presumed that the actual human author of this compilation used the eponym ‘Manu’, which has led the text to be associated by Hindus with the first human being and the first king in the Indian tradition.
Although no details of this eponymous author’s life are known, it is likely that he belonged to a conservative Brahman class somewhere in Northern India. Hindu apologists consider the Manusmriti as the divine code of conduct and, accordingly, the status of women as depicted in the text has been interpreted as Hindu divine law. While defending Manusmriti as divine code of conduct for all including women, apologists often quote the verse: “yatrnaryastopojyantay, ramantaytatrdevta[3/56](where women are provided place of honor, gods are pleased and reside there in that household), but they deliberately forget all those verses that are full of prejudice, hatred and discrimination against women. Here are some of the ‘celebrated’ derogatory comments about women in the Manusmriti :
- “Swabhavevnarinam …” – 2/213. It is the nature of women to seduce men in this world; for that reason the wise are never unguarded in the company of females.
- “Avidvamsamlam…” – 2/214. Women, true to their class character, are capable of leading astray men in this world, not only a fool but even a learned and wise man. Both become slaves of desire.
- “Matra swastra …” – 2/215. Wise people should avoid sitting alone with one’s mother, daughter or sister. Since carnal desire is always strong, it can lead to temptation.
- “Naudwahay…” – 3/8. One should not marry women who has have reddish hair, redundant parts of body [such as 6 fingers], one who is often sick, one without hair or having excessive hair and one who has red eyes.
- “Nrakshvraksh …” – 3/9. One should not marry women whose names are similar to constellations, trees, rivers, those from a low caste, mountains, birds, snakes, slaves or those whose names inspires terror.
- “Yasto na bhavet …” – 3/10. Wise men should not marry women who do not have a brother and whose parents are not socially well known.
- “Uchayangh…” – 3/11. Wise men should marry only women who are free from bodily defects, with beautiful names, grace/gait like an elephant, moderate hair on the head and body, soft limbs and small teeth.
- “Shudr-aivbharya…” – 3/12.Brahman men can marry Brahman, Kshatriya, Vaish and even Shudra women but Shudra men can marry only Shudra women.
- “Na Brahman kshatriya..” – 3/14. Although Brahman, Kshatriya and Vaish men have been allowed inter-caste marriages, even in distress they should not marry Shudra women.
- “Heenjatistriyam…” – 3/15. When twice born [dwij=Brahman, Kshatriya and Vaish] men in their folly marry low caste Shudra women, they are responsible for the degradation of their whole family. Accordingly, their children adopt all the demerits of the Shudra caste.
- “Shudramshaynam…” – 3/17. A Brahman who marries a Shudra woman, degrades himself and his whole family ,becomes morally degenerated , loses Brahman status and his children too attain status of shudra.
- “Daivpitrya…” – 3/18. The offerings made by such a person at the time of established rituals are neither accepted by God nor by the departed soul; guests also refuse to have meals with him and he is bound to go to hell after death.
- “Chandalash …” – 3/240. Food offered and served to Brahman after Shradh ritual should not be seen by a chandal, a pig, a cock,a dog, and a menstruating women.
- “Na ashniyat…” – 4/43. A Brahman, true defender of his class, should not have his meals in the company of his wife and even avoid looking at her. Furthermore, he should not look towards her when she is having her meals or when she sneezes/yawns.
- “Na ajyanti…” – 4/44. A Brahman in order to preserve his energy and intellect, must not look at women who applies collyrium to her eyes, one who is massaging her nude body or one who is delivering a child.
- “Mrshyanti…” – 4/217. One should not accept meals from a woman who has extra marital relations; nor from a family exclusively dominated/managed by women or a family whose 10 days of impurity because of death have not passed.
- “Balyava…” – 5/150. A female child, young woman or old woman is not supposed to work independently even at her place of residence.
- “Balyepitorvashay…” – 5/151. Girls are supposed to be in the custody of their father when they are children, women must be under the custody of their husband when married and under the custody of her son as widows. In no circumstances is she allowed to assert herself independently.
- “Asheela kamvrto…” – 5/157. Men may be lacking virtue, be sexual perverts, immoral and devoid of any good qualities, and yet women must constantly worship and serve their husbands.
- “Na aststrinam…” – 5/158. Women have no divine right to perform any religious ritual, nor make vows or observe a fast. Her only duty is to obey and please her husband and she will for that reason alone be exalted in heaven.
- “Kamam to…” – 5/160. At her pleasure [after the death of her husband], let her emaciate her body by living only on pure flowers, roots of vegetables and fruits. She must not even mention the name of any other men after her husband has died.
- “Vyabhacharay…” – 5/167. Any women violating duty and code of conduct towards her husband, is disgraced and becomes a patient of leprosy. After death, she enters womb of Jackal.
- “Kanyambhajanti…” – 8/364. In case women enjoy sex with a man from a higher caste, the act is not punishable. But on the contrary, if women enjoy sex with lower caste men, she is to be punished and kept in isolation.
- “Utmamsevmansto…” – 8/365. In case a man from a lower caste enjoys sex with a woman from a higher caste, the person in question is to be awarded the death sentence. And if a person satisfies his carnal desire with women of his own caste, he should be asked to pay compensation to the women’s faith.
- “Ya to kanya…” – 8/369. In case a woman tears the membrane [hymen] of her Vagina, she shall instantly have her head shaved or two fingers cut off and made to ride on Donkey.
- “Bhartaram…” – 8/370. In case a women, proud of the greatness of her excellence or her relatives, violates her duty towards her husband, the King shall arrange to have her thrown before dogs at a public place.
- “Pita rakhshati…” – 9/3. Since women are not capable of living independently, she is to be kept under the custody of her father as child, under her husband as a woman and under her son as widow.
- “Imam hi sarw…” – 9/6. It is the duty of all husbands to exert total control over their wives. Even physically weak husbands must strive to control their wives.
- “Patibharyam …” – 9/8. The husband, after the conception of his wife, becomes the embryo and is born again of her. This explains why women are called Jaya.
- “Panamdurjan…” – 9/13. Consuming liquor, association with wicked persons, separation from her husband, rambling around, sleeping for unreasonable hours and dwelling -are six demerits of women.
- “Naitarupam…” – 9/14. Such women are not loyal and have extra marital relations with men without consideration for their age.
- “Poonshchalya…” 9/15. Because of their passion for men, immutable temper and natural heartlessness, they are not loyal to their husbands.
- “Na astistrinam…” – 9/18. While performing namkarm and jatkarm, Vedic mantras are not to be recited by women, because women are lacking in strength and knowledge of Vedic texts. Women are impure and represent falsehood.
- “Devra…sapinda…” – 9/58. On failure to produce offspring with her husband, she may obtain offspring by cohabitation with her brother-in-law [devar] or with some other relative [sapinda] on her in-law’s side.
- “Vidwayam…” – 9/60. He who is appointed to cohabit with a widow shall approach her at night, be anointed with clarified butter and silently beget one son, but by no means a second one.
- “Yathavidy…” – 9/70. In accordance with established law, the sister-in-law [bhabhi] must be clad in white garments; with pure intent her brother-in-law [devar] will cohabitate with her until she conceives.
- “Ati kramay…” – 9/77. Any women who disobey orders of her lethargic, alcoholic and diseased husband shall be deserted for three months and be deprived of her ornaments.
- “Vandyashtamay…” – 9/80. A barren wife may be superseded in the 8th year; she whose children die may be superseded in the 10th year and she who bears only daughters may be superseded in the 11th year; but she who is quarrelsome may be superseded without delay.
- “Trinsha…” – 9/93. In case of any problem in performing religious rites, males between the age of 24 and 30 should marry a female between the age of 8 and 12.
- “Yambrahmansto…” – 9/177. In case a Brahman man marries Shudra woman, their son will be called ‘Parshav’ or ‘Shudra’ because his social existence is like a dead body. n
Why Caste Persists,
And How to End It
Ambedkar’s understanding was the polar opposite to what the Hindutva ideologues are arguing today. Ambedkar was for the abolition of caste while Hindutva ideologues want to retain and perpetuate the caste system, shrewdly disguised in a new language as Samajik Samrasta (Social Harmony)
Why, nearly seven decades after Independence and adoption of Indian Constitution, the caste system and the injustices inherent in it, including inequality, marginalization and oppression, persist is something we need to ponder. Two points that need to be taken seriously are, one, the roots of caste system and two, the material base of caste system. This is what will help us to chalk out strategies to eradicate this system.
Caste System: Origins
According to Ambedkar, caste system arises from religion. He said, “Caste is the natural outcome of certain religious beliefs which have the sanction of the Shastras, which are believed to contain the command of divinely inspired sages who were endowed with a supernatural wisdom and whose commands, therefore, cannot be disobeyed without committing a sin.”
Therefore, he calls for divorcing of the Shastras from Hinduism. He said, “You must take the stand that Buddha took. You must take the stand which Guru Nanak took. You must not only discard the Shastras, you must deny their authority, as did Buddha and Nanak.” He further wrote, “I have, therefore, no hesitation in saying that such a religion must be destroyed, and I say there is nothing irreligious in working for the destruction of such a religion. Indeed I hold that it is your bounden duty to tear off the mask, to remove the misrepresentation that is caused by misnaming the Law as Religion. This is an essential step for you. Once you clear the minds of the people of this misconception, and enable them to realize that what you are told is Religious is not Religion, but that it is really Law, you will be in a position to urge its amendment or abolition.” This explains to us the deeper alliance of these scriptures and the dharm gurus (clergy) upholding them and perpetuating the system of social hierarchy that is part of the Indian feudal social structure.
Buddha responded to the caste system and his message spread far and wide. His teachings were later countered by the formulations around those of Manusmriti. Further evolution of feudal society and the division of labour put the seal on the system. There was ideological opposition to this structure from the Bhakti saints in medieval period. Saints opposed this inequality in the name of religion. However, Brahmanical Hinduism and its scriptures continued to be the bulwark for the perpetuation of caste system.
The process of significant change in the social system begins with the coming of British. Education and industrialization helped free people from the clutches of caste slavery. The social changes began, albeit slowly. Phule’s efforts to encourage Dalits to take to modern education and jobs in the cities proved significant in challenging the caste system. This social transition ran parallel to the freedom movement.
The issues of eradication of caste were linked to the abolition of landlordism and Brahmanism. Landlordism and Brahmanism go hand in hand. The colonial powers were not interested in abolishing landlordism; rather, they built on this exploitative system to fulfil their own plunder project. This is unlike many other countries where industrialization did away with feudal system.
During this period, many social movements picked up further. Inspired by the ideals of equality the “non-Brahman” movement took on the caste-based hierarchy and feudal-brahmanical forces in the 1920s, in the Nagpur region of today’s Maharashtra. In 1920, ordinary people were being encouraged to take part in the Non-Cooperation Movement. A section of the elite perceived these movements as a major threat to the prevailing social hierarchies, including the caste system. They began to view these changes as detrimental to their social interests and their hegemony. “Hinduism is in danger”, they would say. Faced with this twin opposition to the hegemony of the landlords and Brahmins, some elites of Hindu society formed Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh (RSS) in 1925.
The ideology propounded by RSS was the continuation of Savarkar’s Hindutva ideology aiming at a Hindu nation. Savarkar picked up on caste hierarchy in Aryan society and took it further. “Manusmriti is that scripture which is most worshippable after the Vedas for our Hindu Nation and which from ancient times has become the basis of our culture, customs, thought and practice. This book for centuries has codified the spiritual and divine march of our nation… Today Manusmriti is the Hindu law”. Just to remind you, it was the same book that Ambedkar burnt.
Hindutva and Ambedkar
Ambedkar’s understanding was the polar opposite to what the Hindutva ideologues are arguing today. Ambedkar was for the abolition of caste while Hindutva ideologues want to retain and perpetuate the caste system, shrewdly disguised in a new language, as Samajik Samrasta (Social Harmony). The process of social transformation that began in the 19th century picked up speed after Independence as the reach of industrialization and education in society became wider and deeper in society. Its results became obvious when Dalit-OBCs started leading social movements and they could be ignored no longer.
On the other hand, the polarization of the middle class (Brahmin, Bania) and rich peasants started taking place all over the country from around 1980. The trigger was the issue of reservations for the lower castes. This is what gave rise to caste violence directed against the lower castes. These anti-reservation agitations played a key role in consolidating the base of communal politics (Hindutva) involving the upper castes and upwardly mobile middle classes. The RSS and its affiliates (Sangh Parivar) led these upper-caste onslaughts.
Affirmative Action Versus Identity Politics
The issue of affirmative action became an irritant for the affluent upper castes. The upper castes struck back in the form of anti-reservation riots. In Gujarat, for example, the educated middle classes, mainly the Brahmans, Banias and Patidars, rose up against reservations. The clashes between savarnas and the Dalits in the industrial periphery of Ahmedabad gradually degenerated into a caste war that spread to the other towns and districts of Gujarat. In many villages in North and central Gujarat where land-owning Patidars were dominant, Dalit settlements were burnt.
Caste tension resurfaced in 1985 in the form of the second anti-reservation agitation. Later, in 1990, with V.P. Singh implementing Mandal Commission’s recommendations (1990), the resolve of Hindutva politics to oppose affirmative action took the form of Advani’s Rath yatra.
Hindutva, coordinated by the Sangh Parivar, came to occupy national politics. This has a base among certain sections of society that are opposed to equality among castes. “The Hindutva nationalist movement has always been known for upper-caste, Brahmanical character. The Hindutva ideology relies on an organic view of society, where the castes are seen as the harmonious limbs of the same body.” The strategy of the Sangh Parivar is to divert the attention from these caste issues by talking identity. This is a multipronged strategy. There has been political attempt at mass mobilization to divert attention from core social issues. At another level, the local branches of the RSS have focused on attracting Hindus who valued this ethos, either because they belong to the upper castes or because they want to emulate them. The technique of “conversion” of the lower-caste people to Hindutva relies on the same logic as what M.N.Srinivas called “Sanskritization”.
The leadership of the Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) leadership, initially drawn mainly from the upper castes, realized the need to expand its social base to achieve electoral success. The Sangh Parivar changed its strategy in the mid-Eighties. From attacking Dalit-OBCs, they went on to co-opting them socially and culturally. They even succeeded in making Dalits and Adivasis the foot soldiers of Hindutva in campaigns like the Babri Masjid demolition, Gujarat carnage and Kandhamal violence. Yatras, campaigns and religious symbols were used to rope them in. Advani’s Rath Yatra saw pitched battles between Dalits and Muslims.
Adivasis and Dalits
The process was replicated at different points in time. RSS “successfully” created a rift between the Hindus and the Christians among Adivasis. Because social reforms were not penetrative enough, modern institutions and values of Liberty, Equality and Fraternity remained weak and at places Hindutva, by default, provided the much-needed identity to the Dalit-OBCs. This became evident in the wake of the implementation of the Mandal commission’s recommendations. Atal Bihari Vajpayee succinctly captured Sangh Parivar’s response to the Mandal commission. He stated that they have brought up Kamandal (religion-based issues) in response to Mandal (symbolizing the aspirations of Dalit-OBCs).
Later, by using clever strategies, the Sangh Parivar was also able to provide upward mobility to a section of Dalits who were aspiring for a better place within Hindu society. Gradually, the ire against Dalits and OBCs was replaced by anger against Muslims and Christians. Anand Teltumde points out that Hindutva politics has dislodged untouchability, poverty, inequality and discrimination from among the central concerns of Dalits. “Along with this, Hindutva seeks to replace the concepts of rights and dignity enshrined in Indian Constitution with the notion of obligations inherent in Brahmanism. They don’t even remotely relate to the inhuman conditions in which the Dalits live or express an iota of remorse for the social oppression that they themselves caused.” Teltumde further points out that Dalits and Adivasis are brainwashed, “in the name of Hindu unity”, to becoming foot soldiers in enforcing the Hindutva agenda.
Challenges Ahead: Eradicating Caste
Today, the major obstacle to eradication of the caste system comes from a politics that is based on caste inequality. That is Hindutva, which is a politics based on Brahmanical Hinduism and which has dominated political discourse over the past three decades. The struggle against caste system and the struggle against Hindutva politics mean almost the same thing.
What we need to do is to fight against Brahmanism-based politics, led by the Sangh Parivar. The word “politics” here is not being used in the narrow sense of electoral politics; we have to see the totality of social movements. The erosion of rational thought, the undermining of scientific temper, the promotion of blind faith, narrow religiosity, the mushrooming of Godmen – all this feeds the rise of the Hindu right wing.
There is also a need to address anti-Dalit atrocities, as well as the rights of the weaker section of society – their right to employment, education, food and health. The widening gulf between the haves and have-nots has to be narrowed through socio-economic policies. A society free enough for one to choose one’s partner, leading to inter-caste marriages, is key to abolishing the caste system and the psychology that accompanies it.
The cultural and literary movements form the social foundation for political changes. Many writers and scholars are working towards strengthening these movements. This is what we need to value and uphold. Sectarianism pushes society backwards. That is what an alliance of progressive forces in the country needs to oppose. n
 Ambedkar, ‘Annihilation of Caste’, Writings and Speeches, Government of Maharashtra, 1987, Volume 1
 VD Savarkar, ‘Women in Manusmriti’, in Savarkar Samagra (A collection of Savarkar’s writings in Hindi), Prabhat, New Delhi, 2002,
 Christophe Jaffrelot, Hindu Nationalism, Penguin, Delhi, 1993,
 Srinivas, 1995:7 quoted in Jaffrelot, ‘The Rise of OBCs in North India’, OUP 2010, Delhi
 Teltumde, Ambedkar on Muslims: Myths and Facts, VAK Mumbai
Launch Campaign Against Manuvadi Hindutva, Theoretical Base of RSS Neo-Fascism!
Organize Campaign from 28th September, Shahid Bhagat Singh Birthday, to 25th December, When Manusmriti Was Burnt at Nagpur in 1927 by Women, Dalits, and Other Oppressed Sections Under the Leadership of Dr. Ambedkar!
Compatriots, friends and comrades!
Presently we are witnessing all round intensification of corporate loot using the cover of Covid-19 making tens of millions jobless and extremely pauperized. Along with this, the fascist offensive of RSS parivar is intensifying. Fascism has always emerged and developed as an outcome of the extreme intensification of the internal contradictions under the rule of finance capital. Presently, fascism has broken out as RSS fascism in our country on the Hindutva Manuvadi theoretical basis. When the contradictions in the capitalist imperialist countries as well as in all other countries ruled by their junior partners have sharpened and has led to a severe internal crisis which cannot be resolved through normal methods of surplus value extraction from both internal and external sources, the ruling corporate classes elevate the fascist forces to power.
What happened in India? As the hitherto main ruling class party, the Congress, could not resolve the crisis during its decade long UPA rule, the openly fascist RSS/BJP was elevated to power under the leadership of Modi in 2014. Following this the working class and all oppressed classes and sections have come under the consequences of the economic crisis intensified further by the Covid19 pandemic under the corporate fascist rule of Modi led by RSS fascism.
Already, the struggle against it has started emerging and developing in various forms in different areas. Spontaneous movements of youth and students have also started. It is the task of the revolutionary left forces to unite with all struggling forces, so that the Modi government can be increasingly challenged in the streets. At the same time, the Modi government led by RSS/BJP is using the increasing threat from the Covid19 pandemic, jingoism whipped up using India-China border standoff etc to divert the attention of the people from their immediate problems. It is also resorting to intensifying saffronization of all fields of life as well as the state machinery for it. The 5th August Bhoomi Puja for Ram temple, and the kar-seva by thousands of RSS men are also used to expand the majoritarian Hindutva aura around it. The soft Hindutva line of Congress and most of the opposition parties is in effect helping BJP in this.
Though these opposition parties and the Left Front parties led by CPI(M) are politically campaigning against the suppression of all political dissent and transferring all burden of the economic crisis and the pandemic crisis over the masses, they do not attack the Hindutva theoretical base of the RSS. Only a small section of revolutionary intellectuals and revolutionary left forces are attacking the Hindutva Manuvadi fascist line of RSS/BJP. So, if the RSS is not weakened and defeated by attacking its theoretical base, consistently through uninterrupted campaigns, through ideological, cultural attacks on its Brahmanical, Manuvadi Hindutva line, along with the struggles in other fields, this theoretical root of the corporate fascist rule cannot be destroyed.
So, the CC calls for mobilizing a powerful all round campaign, taking lessons from the experience of the renaissance movement, and the hitherto theoretical struggle against the RSS and its ideology, and in continuation to these. As a new beginning, the Central Committee has called for an All India campaign from 28th September, the birth day of Shahid Bhagat Singh, to 25th December, the 93rd anniversary of burning of Manusmriti in 1927 before a large mobilization of women, dalits and other oppressed sections, under the leadership of Dr. Ambedkar, soon after the formation of RSS in 1925 with Manusmriti as its theoretical base. Its anniversary is observed as the Women’s Liberation Day every year. While the Party is launching such a campaign of great significance uniting with the mass organizations active among women, youth, students, and cultural field, and the Caste Annihilation Movement, the CC calls for active efforts to bring organizations of dalits, Adivasis and other oppressed peoples also in this platform. This theoretical offensive against RSS should target Manusmriti, Bunch of Thoughts, Savarkar’s writings, and all basic documents of RSS. To make this campaign successful, all out efforts should be made to ensure participation of the revolutionary intellectuals who have made significant contribution in exposing the theoretical base of RSS through their articles and campaigns already.
Presently, not only Congress and other ruling class parties, but BSP like organizations which had campaigned against Manusmriti once, are also compromising with the ruling ideas of ruling RSS/BJP. While the liberal bourgeois intellectuals have more or less become the supporters of RSS parivar, the CPI(M) intellectuals are also writing about ‘positive things’ in Ramayana, Gita, Manusmriti, Anand Math etc. Many so-called left intellectuals are even compromising with saffron forces. So, launching a theoretical offensive against the fascist ideology of RSS will help to expose these opportunist positions; It will help to launch an uncompromising ideological struggle against the ideology of RSS based on Marxist-Leninist positions; and it shall inspire the new generation of youth and students to study more about RSS ideology, and the Marxist theory which paves the way for launching class struggle in all fields, including the fields of theory and revolutionary practice, with an all-embracing, comprehensive perspective, and advancing to the social change which shall herald the creation of a casteless, genuinely secular democratic and egalitarian society.
The Central Committee of the CPI(ML) Red Star appeals to all progressive, democratic, struggling forces who aspire for the overthrow of all forces of reaction, and creation of a new society with the annihilation all inequalities based on gender, race, caste etc and with socialist orientation to actively participate in this campaign.
Read the booklet in PDF: CAMPAIGN AGAINST MANUVADI HINDUTVA, THEORETICAL BASE OF RSS NEO-FASCISM!