Path of Indian Revolution
PATH OF INDIAN REVOLUTION
We are publishing the Path of Indian Revolution updated and concretized by the Tenth Congress held from 25th February to 2nd March, 2015. It was initially adopted by the All India Special Conference held in November, 2009, and updated by the Ninth Congress held in November, 2011.
2. International Situation
3. National Situation
4. Class Analysis of Indian Society
5. Building Party as Vanguard of Indian Proletariat
6. Mobilizing Working Class as Leader of PDR
7. Building Revolutionary Peasant Movement
8. Mobilizing Women for Liberation
9. Mobilizing Youth for Revolution
10. Organizing Students' Movement
11. Tasks in the Cultural Front
12. Separating Religion from Politics
13. The Caste Question
14. Developing People's Movements on Questions like Ecology,
Displacement and Slums
15. The Nationality Question
16. On Utilizing Parliamentary Forms of Struggle
17. On Building Tactical to Strategic United Fronts
18. Agrarian Question and Agrarian Revolutionary Program
19. The Path of Indian Revolution
1.1 As the Party Program states: "India is one of the biggest countries in the world inhabited by more than 1.3 billion people, a multi-national, multi-ethnic, multi-lingual and multi-religious country with vast diversities and complex character." When the Path of Revolution in such a country is put forward, the momentous changes that have taken place in the international and national situation during the last five decades or more compared to pre-Second World War days have to be taken into consideration. During this period the socialist countries have degenerated to capitalist countries and the international communist movement (ICM) has suffered severe setbacks. It was in such a situation, that the party succeeded in developing the ideological-political line and in putting forward the Party Program by the time of the Ninth Congress held in 2011by considering these changes in the concrete situation. But drafting the Path of Revolution in a country like India in the first half of the 21st century, compared to the days when the Communist International (Comintern) formed in1919 under the leadership of Lenin had put forward the strategic line of the ICM and the tasks of the Communist Parties in the capitalist countries as well as in the countries under imperialist domination for advancing the World Proletarian Socialist Revolution, is fraught with difficult and challenging problems. Mechanical repetition of old concepts or experience of revolutionary struggles in Russia, China or elsewhere is not sufficient. Similarly, after the setbacks suffered by the ICM and the communist movement in our country there are also no 'authorities' to seek guidance from.
1.2 The task before Communist Parties around the world is to evaluate hitherto international and national experience and develop their Path of Revolution based on the concrete analysis of the concrete conditions of today. They should dare to throw out all shades of dogmatism and opportunism, and go forward with historical and dialectical materialist perspective, developing theoretical line and practice based on Marxism-Leninism-Mao Tsetung Thought and proletarian internationalism. The Path of Revolution document was drafted and adopted by the Special Conference of the Party in 2009 with this understanding. Retaining all its basic features, the Tenth Congress has concretized and abridged it based on the last six years' experience.
2. International Situation
2.1 The post- Second World War situation has undergone qualitative changes, with the colonial plunder of the world replaced by neo-colonial forms of plunder and domination. The territorial control of the erstwhile colonies has been replaced in the main by control through finance capital, market forces and technology, with numerous international agencies and MNCs along with military agreements on the one hand, and UN and its various subordinate wings on the other, to enforce financial, trade, political, military and cultural hegemony, which also prepares the ground for military aggression when it is required. If colonial forces used pre-capitalist relations in the colonies or promoted them as the social base for their control, under neo-colonization capitalist relations are developed very fast integrating the economies of the countries under neo-colonial domination with the international finance system. That is, the previous feudal, semi-feudal system is being largely replaced, albeit in an uneven manner, by infiltration of finance capital and comprador bureaucratic capitalism under imperialist hegemony. Though the native corporate forces have become fabulously rich, their comprador character has not decreased. Along with this, under banners like Second Green Revolution, the corporatization of agriculture is promoted in countries under neo-colonial dependence.
2.2 All these developments have posed many complex problems to be resolved. They include: how to analyze the present situation and develop strategy and tactics to capture political power, how to develop all forms of struggle without becoming victims of reformism and parliamentary cretinism, how to build a Bolshevik style party in the new situation, how to develop class and mass organizations mobilizing millions of members, how to develop the concept of democratic centralism, that is, centralism always based on democracy, how to develop proletarian democratic concepts transcending bourgeois democracy, how to combat degeneration of socialist countries under proletarian dictatorship to bureaucratic state capitalism, how to develop the concept of Cultural Revolution rejecting decadent values and creating conditions for emergence of socialist values; how to put proletarian internationalism in command while leading revolutionary struggles in different countries etc. It is not possible to resolve all these complex problems as a pre-condition for launching revolutionary struggles. But these and many more such issues shall continuously come up during pre- and post- revolutionary periods. It was at such a time the Communist International was dissolved in 1943. The ICM disintegrated and subsequent steps to reorganise an international platform of Communist parties proved to be inadequate. The significance of the formation of the International Coordination of the Revolutionary Parties and Organizations (ICOR) and its development in which the CPI(ML) Red Star is playing an important rule should be seen in this context'. All these problems have to be addressed while developing the approach towards the Path of Revolution.
3. National Situation
3.1 The crushing defeat inflicted on the fascist forces during World War II under the leadership of the Soviet Union, weakening of British and other colonial powers, and the upsurge of national liberation movements all over the world including mass revolutionary upsurge in the post-War years in India, compelled the colonial powers to replace the direct colonial rule with neo-colonial forms of plunder, and to transfer political power to subservient local classes. The British colonial rulers, in continuation to their 'divide and rule' policy, communally divided the country provoking violent fratricidal killings and bloodshed and transferred power to the comprador classes represented by Congress and Muslim League. Thus this country was transformed from a colony of British imperialism to a country under neo-colonial domination by various imperialist powers, especially US imperialism, with limited political independence.
3.2 In the post-1947 years, while pursuing a policy of ruthless suppression of Telengana and other struggles led by the Communists in particular, and all people's movements for various demands in general, the Congress government pursued reformist policies like abolition of Zamindari Act and introduction of land ceiling acts on the one hand, and implemented various welfare policies in the context of the Keynesian policies introduced by US-led imperialist camp to confront the challenge posed by the socialist camp, on the other. The Indian state, beleaguered by the Food Movement and other mass movements, introduced the Green Revolution under US dictates and utilized the land ceiling acts to replace the feudal landlords with a new class of landlords ready to utilize the modern inputs, to promote capitalist mode of production in the agrarian sector and to speed up the integration of the Indian economy with the global imperialist system. Implementing the directives of the Bombay Plan and in the context of the existence of a powerful socialist camp, industries, infrastructure building and service sector were developed on a major scale in the public sector. Later when socialist Soviet Union degenerated to a social imperialist superpower and the inter-imperialist contradictions between US and Soviet Union started intensifying, this contradiction was reflected in the Indian ruling classes also. In the main this inter-imperialist contradiction was utilized by the Indian State for manoeuvring for its benefits, and to pursue an expansionist policy in South Asia.
3.3 These policies of the Indian state, the state of the comprador bureaucratic bourgeois-landlord classes, led by the big bourgeoisie collaborating with imperialism went on intensifying its contradictions with the Indian people, which got manifested in various ways. The land reforms from above did not give land to the tiller, but only created a new landlord class. The economic policies followed by central and state governments went on increasing the burden on the people like price-rise, unemployment and pauperization of growing sections. It also increased the uneven development sharply. When the great Naxalbari Uprising once again brought agrarian revolution back to people's agenda, when peoples of Kashmir and Northeast intensified struggles for right of self-determination, and when workers, peasantry and other sections went on waging numerous struggles for their rights, the Congress government pursued a policy of ruthless suppression, often resorting to black laws and deployment of army. As people's upsurge and the contradictions among the ruling classes went on intensifying, the internal emergency was clamped down during 1975-77. This led to further contradictions among the ruling classes and among the political parties representing them coming to the fore, and led to the end of Congress monopoly of power at the centre and in the states. The 1980s witnessed economic crisis as reflected in the acute balance of payments problems on the one hand, and intensification of communal, caste based divisions on the other. India, which was mortgaged to imperialist powers under neo-colonization, came under acute turmoil. Imposition of imperialist globalization on the one hand, and demolition of Babri Masjid like acts and later Indian State becoming active partner in the 'War on Terror' of US imperialism on the other hand, followed. The Indian State came under ever-increasing sway of the 'neo-liberal' policies promoted by US Imperialism in its bid for world hegemony.
3.4 During the last two decades, the Indian State has almost abandoned all welfare state policies. The ruling classes are trying to snatch away all rights won by the working class and impose contract labour system and 'hire and fire' policy in all sectors. The government procurement of food grains and public distribution system (PDS) is almost demolished. MNCs and corporate houses are allowed almost total domination in industries, services, infrastructure building and in wholesale and retail trade. They are allowed uninhibited entry to agrarian sector, intensifying the land accumulation in fewer and fewer hands. More and more sections are thrown out of land through SEZs, new industrial centres, real estate lobby and land mafias. Commercialization of education, health-care, services, etc. is taking place at a ruthless pace. As a result of these policies, the integration of the Indian economy with the global imperialist system is going ahead at a furious pace. The grave consequences of this integration at the behest of imperialist powers, especially US imperialism, are now felt in all fields following the global financial crisis with its epi-centre in the US. The recession and depression have spread fast to India-like countries, exposing the hitherto tall claims of the ruling classes and their political representatives. While those responsible for it are bailed out by the state at people's expense, millions of workers are thrown out of jobs and all sections of people are further pauperized. The coming to power of BJP led by Narendra Modi, with a clear majority in the 16th Lok Sabha elections, has further aggravated all these problems.
3.5 Largely abandoning the progressive aspects of the Indian foreign policy and sacrificing the sovereignty of the country, the Indian state under the leadership of the comprador bureaucratic bourgeoisie is intensifying its strategic ties with US imperialism. At the same time, the gap between the rich and poor has widened phenomenally. Almost half the people are under the poverty line, with almost 25% reduced to destitution, when 60-70% of the wealth is accumulated in the hands of less than 10%. The present price rise has unprecedentedly intensified the misery of the vast masses. Contrary to ruling class claims the prices of essential commodities are continuing to rise. The adivasis, dalits, women and all other oppressed classes and sections are facing acute devastation. Along with these, the imperialist dictated 'development policies' have devastated ecology, leading to global warming like impacts. The overall objective situation is one of ever-intensifying neo-colonial plunder and oppression and sharpening of internal contradictions, a situation which demands an all-out offensive by the Communist Party to overthrow the existing anti-people, reactionary state and usher in a people's democratic state.
4. Class Analysis of Indian Society
4.1 On the class approach to the PDR, the Party Program states: (5.1). ''The Indian state is the organ of class rule, that is the dictatorship of the comprador bureaucratic bourgeois-big landlord classes serving imperialism, over the working class, the peasantry and all sections of exploited and oppressed masses. This reactionary state can be overthrown and be replaced by the People's Democratic State only by mobilizing the working class as the leader of the revolution, forging its alliance with the peasantry and building the People's Democratic Front based on this worker-peasant alliance, uniting the middle classes and all patriotic sections including national bourgeoisie, which is a vacillating ally".
4.2 Mao Tsetung emphasised the importance of the question of determining the enemies and friends of revolution in many of his writings. One of the basic reasons why the revolutionary struggles could not win victory so far is the failure to make a correct class analysis according to the concrete conditions in the country. It led to failure to establish the leadership of the working class, to mobilize the peasantry through agrarian revolution, to forge worker-peasant alliance, and thus to unite with the real friends to attack the real enemies.
4.3 The comprador bureaucratic bourgeoisie is the leading class among the ruling classes. While the Indian big bourgeoisie and the bureaucratic class have contradictions with imperialism, which is often reflected in their manoeuvres to utilize the inter-imperialist contradictions for their benefit, their collaboration with imperialism is basic as reflected in their collaboration with the neoliberal policies. Their making huge investments in other countries, or some of the heads of these corporate houses finding a place among the richest in the world, do not change the basic fact that they are continuing to collaborate with imperialism and to obstruct the independent development of productive forces in the country. So whether one calls it a junior partner of imperialism or dependent bourgeoisie, its basic character remains the same – it is a comprador class serving imperialist interests in the main, reaping big benefits in the bargain.
4.4 On the contrary, the stand taken by all those forces, who define it as an independent capitalist class and India as an independent capitalist country (which inevitably means another imperialist country in this era of imperialism) and the stage of revolution as socialist, has been proved inconsistent with present reality, especially after the imposition of globalization and 'neo-liberal' policies. While the intensifying neo-colonization leading to increasing capitalist transformation of relations of production in the agrarian and all other sectors is a fact to be recognized, it is taking place under domination of imperialist agencies and MNCs, with even seeds production controlled by Monsanto-like MNCs. The two tasks of democratic revolution are putting an end to pre-capitalist relations and overthrowing imperialist domination. Under neo-colonial domination, the development of capitalist relations in agriculture is a growing trend at the all-India level, though there are diversities and unevenness to a large extent. The task of the Indian revolution is to overthrow imperialism, comprador bureaucratic capitalism and landlordism. These tasks are inter-related. That is why, in spite of fast and deep capitalist inroads in agriculture, the stage of revolution is still democratic, not socialist.
4.5 The big landlord class, corporate landlords/agricultural corporates, the agricultural bourgeoisie and various sections of land owning mafias comprise a deadly force in the countryside. It is integrating the agricultural sector with imperialist economy, facilitating entry of imperialist capital and MNCs into every sphere of agriculture from production of seeds to procurement of produce and their marketing, and allying with the comprador bureaucratic bourgeoisie to perpetuate the neo-colonial plunder.
4.6 The national bourgeoisie is a vacillating ally of the Indian revolution. To retain their existence, they want to remain inter-twined with the comprador bureaucratic bourgeoisie increasingly and collaborate with imperialism more than ever, especially after the imposition of neo-liberal policies. In spite of all this, their contradictions with imperialism shall be increasing with the increasing trend of monopolization in every field. With the development of the struggles of the working class and the peasantry, the possibility of the national bourgeoisie joining the revolutionary movement will increase.
4.7 The petty bourgeoisie, including the middle peasants, because of its size and class character is a significant class with the possibility of being a dependable ally of the revolution. The lower middle class which constitutes more than half of it, which may be called its left wing, is facing ever-intensifying misery under the globalization-liberalization-privatization regime, as a result of which large sections of it have fallen to the level of workers, having lost all property. Under neo-colonization the ruling class is trying to win over this class and contaminate it with the illusion of individual development and to influence it with all kinds of reactionary culture. It is a big challenge to the revolutionaries to win over larger sections of this class.
4.8 The landless, poor and middle peasants and agricultural workers, the real tillers of the land, constitute almost half of the population. They include the adivasis, dalits, and most backward and oppressed sections of society. Due to neo-liberal policies, massive changes have come about in the class structure of the agrarian sector. These new forms of class differentiation oblige us to make more intensive studies and the conclusions drawn from the same may be used to come up with more concrete/realistic slogans for revolutionary offensive.
4.9 India is a country with a large working class, without mobilizing and politicizing which as the leader of revolution, the completion of PDR and advancement to socialist revolution are impossible. Leave alone pre-revolutionary China, the working class in India is many times more numerous than it was in pre-revolutionary Russia or any other country where revolution has taken place. So the working class movement assumes far greater importance here. Under liberalization-privatization raj the population of the working class in the unorganized sector has enormously increased under the contract labour and hire and fire systems. Even the modern industrial proletariat is coming under this category increasingly. Through closures, modernization, outsourcing, VRS etc. the number of workers and employees in organized sector is rapidly reduced. By increasing regular hours of work, cutting down wages, security of service, social security etc. workers in the organized sector are under constant attack. Though the comparatively better paid workers of the organized sector form the main force of most of the trade union centres today, more attention is to be given to unorganized sectors. The task is to mobilize and lead them to local, state-wide and country-wide struggles, re-creating an atmosphere favourable for working class struggles and upsurges.
5. Building Party as Vanguard of Indian Proletariat
5.1 The present concrete conditions compared to the situation in Russia, China and other countries when revolutions took place there are vastly different. Today party building is taking place when almost all parties built up under Comintern guidance have degenerated to capitalist path with bureaucratic organizational structures. The erstwhile socialist countries have degenerated to bureaucratic state capitalism or to open capitalist/imperialist countries. The PDR is taking place now when imperialism and its lackeys have succeeded to replace class struggle with the 'clash of civilizations' to a great extent and created conditions for religious fundamentalists of all hues to gain strength enormously, with secular values greatly weakened. Besides, issues like approach to annihilation of caste system and racial hatred, adivasi question, ecology, women's liberation etc. have assumed unprecedented importance. Massive storage of nuclear weapons on the one hand and its proliferation on the other, and the plans to build new nuclear power plants are also serious issues to be taken up. The PDR is also taking place when the imperialist camp is intensifying its ideological onslaught through alien theories and NGOs, when the advantages gained under the development of science and technology are utilized by them for counter revolutionary offensive.
5.2 Though the CPI (M), CPI like parties have totally degenerated to right opportunist positions and considerably weakened in that process, they are continuing to use the communist banner and confuse the left masses. The activities of CPI(Maoist) are also destroying the image of the communist movement. Under the social democratic influence a section of the Marxist-Leninist forces have also already degenerated to parliamentary opportunism. Ideological struggle has to be intensified against both right opportunist and anarchist trends of all hues.
5.3 What is required is the building of a Bolshevik-model party surrounded by class and mass organizations and different people's movements according to present conditions. In a country of more than 130 crores of people including tens of millions of workers, landless-poor peasants and agricultural workers and other revolutionary sections, they can be successfully mobilized for countrywide campaigns and struggles only if the Leninist approach towards Bolshevik party building surrounded by class/mass organizations is developed according to present needs and studiously pursued. Concepts like 'front' organizations without a democratic program and mobilization of the masses are nothing but manifestations of sectarianism.
5.4 It should be a party with countrywide organization and political influence. The concept of 'area wise seizure of political power' and 'base areas', influence of localism etc. under the line of 'protracted people's war' are presently used as cover for 'self-satisfied' opportunism, for keeping aloof from the masses and for continuing activities reduced to certain pockets of influence. Significant changes that have taken place in the concrete situation in recent decades, especially after the launching of neo-liberal offensive by imperialism and the native ruling classes call for a countrywide offensive by the revolutionary forces mobilizing tens of millions. So, political and organizational initiative should be taken for party building at all India level uniting all communist revolutionary forces that can be united.
5.5 The possibilities available today to launch vigorous ideological and political campaigns, to win over politically advanced sections and for party building should be fully utilized. Already there are numerous instances of spontaneous struggles in different regions against consequences of neo-liberal policies, corruption, increasing attacks on women, proposed nuclear plants, displacement for 'development' projects etc. Possibilities for countrywide mass upsurges cannot be overlooked in this situation. The Party should be able to provide leadership to the coming upsurges and political and organizational work should be taken up with this perspective. At the same time, building of party fractions among the working class, organizing fractions in sensitive areas including state apparatus and within the police, para-military and military, should be given importance.
5.6 The ideological-political education and training, which keep the party politically vigorous and organizationally active, should be given prime importance. Marxism is not a dogma, but a guide to action which should be continuously developed to cope with the changes taking place in the concrete conditions internationally and nationally. The party should be capable of taking up this challenge and prepare the whole organization for theoretical offensive consciously.
5.7 Democratic centralism should be organically practiced so that the democratic atmosphere for inner-party struggle always exists. It is easy to talk about the undesirability of individual authority and bureaucratic practices. But even after serious setbacks suffered by the ICM no proper lessons are drawn from them so that the above negative factors can be combated and a lively democratic atmosphere maintained within the party and class/mass organizations. Replacement of committee system and collective functioning with individual authority, and democratic functioning with bureaucratic methods are petit-bourgeois influences in the party. Similarly, the existence of so many groups claiming to uphold Marxist-Leninist line even when in many cases there are no basic differences among their lines and the 'theory of many centres' are alien, petit-bourgeois trends, which should be vigorously fought.
6. Mobilizing Working Class as Leader of PDR
6.1 Marxism is the revolutionary ideology of the proletariat, the most advanced class engaged in the most developed, advanced and organized fields of production. The task of the Communist Party, as the vanguard of the proletariat, is to transform it from a ''class in itself'' to a ''class for itself", capable of leading the revolutionary transformation of society, by providing leadership to the people's democratic revolution.
6.2 After the imposition of imperialist globalization in 1991, under the neo-liberal regime the working class is confronting ever intensifying challenges. Almost all democratic, wage and TU rights achieved through a century of bitter struggles are being snatched away. Contract labour system and 'hire and fire' are the rules of the day. What is witnessed, are extreme forms of wage slavery. The number of workers in the organized sectors is dwindling fast, with 'labour aristocracy' dominant among their leadership. Tens of millions of workers in the unorganized sectors, whose number is increasing day by day, are denied all democratic and trade union rights. Many black laws are imposed for it. Even struggles for economic demands, right to form unions, etc. are made extremely difficult. Along with de-unionization, de-politicization and dominance of caste based, communal, parochial feelings, alcoholism, drug addiction and anarchic tendencies are increasing in some areas among the workers. The party committees have to be prepared to reverse the present situation.
6.3 While leadership of the major TU centres like BMS and INTUC are not opposing foreign investment and are actively involved in mortgaging the interests of the working class and the country to imperialist interests in the name of promoting 'development' under imperialist globalization, leaderships of TU centres like AITUC and CITU are satisfied with making a show of ritualistic opposition to imperialist globalization. There are NGO-led trade unions and their centres also. Some of the communist revolutionary cadres have reduced trade union work to fighting individual worker's cases in labour courts. The TU centres led by them are also failing to forge unity and to launch active resistance against the increasing attacks on the working class, as well as to politicize them to take up political tasks. This is not a task which can be left to the TU centres and their committees. The Party should prepare a program for politicization of the workers and propagate it through extensive fraction work not only among the unions led by the party cadres, but also in the trade unions as a whole.
6.4 An important task of politicising the working class lies in organising it to stand and act in support of peasants' struggles, all democratic movements and struggles of the oppressed sections of society.
7. Building Revolutionary Peasant Movement
7.1 The Naxalbari uprising took place challenging the reformist path practised by the CPI and the CPI(M) and once again bringing agrarian revolution back to the agenda. The revolutionary agrarian struggles started emerging in many areas. But for a long time the hangover of the sectarian line stunted the growth of these struggles. Undaunted by these, fighting against reformism and sectarianism continued, and today the peasant question is once again coming to the forefront of the political scene.
7.2 The tasks before the Party are: Firstly, take up the study of the vast changes that have taken place in the agricultural sector under more than six decades of neo-colonization, speeded up by the neo-liberal policies, and chalk out an agrarian program based on these. Secondly, organise the peasantry, especially the agricultural workers, landless and poor peasants – the most oppressed sections. Build up the peasant movement at state level and co-ordinate them at all India level. In line with the agrarian revolutionary program, form land struggle committees starting from village level with the initiative of agricultural workers and middle, poor and landless peasants' organization to launch struggles with land to the tiller slogan, and to organise movements for taking over plantations and farms.
7.3 Immediate slogans against forced labour, usury, communal and caste and gender based oppression, for higher wages, for distribution of banjar land, against forest contractors etc. should be raised and struggles organized. While taking up campaigns and struggles for immediate demands, the link between immediate and basic demands should be established. These sections should be organised at the all India level to fight for their immediate demands as well as for the basic slogans. Similarly relation with the numerous peasant movements against displacement should also be developed, participating in their struggles.
8. Mobilizing Women for Liberation
8.1 Marxism teaches us that "the first class antagonism which appears in history coincides with the development of antagonism between man and woman in monogamous marriage and the first class oppression with that of female sex by male. Monogamy was a great historical advance, but at the same time it inaugurated, along with slavery and private wealth that epoch lasting until today, in which the well-being and development of one group are attained by the misery and repression of the other". As Mao Tsetung pointed out after the first wave of Cultural Revolution in China, the seizure of political power in pre-revolutionary countries and socialist transformation in post-revolutionary societies shall face ever surmounting problems so long as effective ways for the liberation of these 'first slaves' remain elusive. All the religions preach perpetuation of this slavery. Their enslaved conditions make women carriers of the superstitions and reactionary traditions, customs and ideologies which are transferred to the children. Though most of them still remain a private property of men in practice, and the private property system has become most barbarous under imperialism, women under the present family system are forced to become the most important propagandists of the perpetuation of the ideologies which perpetuate their own slavery.
8.2 In spite of many steps taken for emancipation of women, failure of the post-revolutionary societies to comprehensively deal with the question of women's liberation along with weaknesses in the struggle to eliminate patriarchal values, religious stranglehold and imperialist culture including commodification of women played an important role in the stagnancy of the women's liberation movement. This helped alien theories to dominate this field. In spite of these experiences, even today the weakness of the communist movement in mobilizing the women, who constitute 50% of the population, in the party, class and mass organizations, and in various fields of activities is sharply manifested in different forms.
8.3 The condition of women in India like countries is much more backward compared to that in the imperialist countries. The resistance to bring forward even superficial changes like providing 33% reservation in the elected bodies ensures that it is still not implemented. The influence of Manu Smriti's declaration that 'women do not deserve independence' is still dominant. The caste system and religions perpetuate women's backwardness. The rule of capital and market system under neo-liberalism has intensified women's miseries. Woman and their body are made commodities increasingly. The present family system, even after its transformation to the nuclear one, still remains basically male dominated and conservative. While dowry system and denial of equal right to family property is rampant, even decadent systems like child marriage, devadasi system etc. still continue in some areas. The growth of communal forces and religious fundamentalism sponsored by the ruling system has worsened women's condition. Under the influence of the neo-colonial culture, as more and more female foetus are destroyed before birth in Haryana, Punjab like states, number of women compared to men is dwindling in these areas. As a result, a new type of women trafficking is taking place to these areas, 'married' from other states to do household work and to produce children. Not only do women bear the brunt of oppressive patriarchal institutions, they are also subjected to shameless commodification. Today, in our society on one hand advertisements objectify women and on the other hand various fanatical religious organizations exhort them to produce 10 or more babies. Though the bourgeois feminist movements have pockets of influence in urban areas, they do not address the real issues of the masses of women like relation between the stranglehold of private property in all fields and women's enslavement.
8.4 The situation calls for conscious efforts to organize women at different levels to take up the task of their liberation, involving ever larger number of women. The Party should take active steps to assist the development of a women's mass movement.
9. Mobilizing Youth for Revolution
9.1 The youth in our country have a glorious history of actively participating in the social renaissance movement, in the independence struggle and later in the anti-imperialist, anti-feudal struggles led by the Communist Party and other progressive movements. The role of Ashfaqullah Khan and Bhagat Singh and other revolutionary youth who challenged the colonial forces still inspire the youth. But with the transfer of power in 1947 and with the emergence of revisionist tendencies in the Communist Party, the youth started getting frustrated and influenced by retrogressive ideologies and the revisionists misled the youth, causing them to get disenchanted and disillusioned and turn towards reaction. Many joined reformist and even reactionary forces. When the Naxalbari uprising created a revolutionary upheaval, once again thousands of youth joined the revolutionary movement. But influence of sectarian tendencies once again caused setback to this upsurge. The communist revolutionary movement failed to mobilize the youth into a countrywide organization with a revolutionary program. Though there were spurts of progressive activism during and after the internal emergency period, these were short-lived. At all India level the participation of the youth in the left movement went on decreasing.
9.2 In the meantime under increasing neo-colonization, especially after the imposition of neo-liberal policies, the challenges faced by the youth have intensified. Unemployment and under-employment have become rampant. Even the already employed have started losing employment. At the same time vested interests are promoting imperialist culture, drug addiction and criminalization among them to prevent the frustrated youth from joining progressive movements. As a result, large sections of youth are influenced by retrogressive thinking and recruited in large numbers by communal, casteist and chauvinist forces on the one hand, and by the ruling classes as their storm troopers and in mafia gangs on the other.
9.3 A similar situation is rampant at the international level also. It is a fact that large numbers of them are joining the anti-imperialist, anti- dictatorial upsurges around the world. But compared to the present intensity of the contradiction between imperialism and world people, the role played by the youth is not significant. Weakening of the socialist forces with the degeneration of the erstwhile socialist countries to capitalist path, the severe setback suffered by the ICM, and the weaknesses shown by the Marxist-Leninist forces in confronting and challenging the counter-revolutionary offensive of imperialists and their lackeys have a major role in creating this situation.
9.4 The Communist Party should seriously take these international and national realities into consideration and launch a vigorous offensive to politicize the youth with a militant program so that the youth can be aroused once again.
10. Organizing Students' Movement
10.1 The students as a social stratum are a major force in our country. The neo-liberal policies of globalization-liberalization-privatization have reduced education to a mere commodity, increasingly depriving it of the progressive social character and orientation it once had. The commercialization of education system and the neo-liberal syllabi are taking a large section of students undergoing higher education away from social realities. The commercialization has transformed higher education as an elite sector reserved for mostly the upper caste, upper class students. The syllabus, methods of education and the atmosphere prevalent in these 'centres of excellence', especially in the professional colleges, are basically a continuation of the colonial education system, though its present content and forms have changed to serve the neo-colonial needs. The present system is organized so as to make the students and youth serve imperialist globalization, the capital-market raj. It is well established that the content and form of the education system in a society in a particular period are determined by and implemented for protecting the interests of the then ruling classes. The education system is utilized by them to mould the students in accordance with their ideology and political-administrative needs.
10.2 A large section of the students, especially the elitist and middle class sections among them, are attracted to communal, casteist, chauvinist ideas and organizations led by BJP-like leading ruling class parties or RSS. They are imitating the corruption and cultural degeneration of their political elders. Most of them are influenced by neo-liberal values. They compete to divide the students communally, caste-wise, and in the name of reservation policy. They refuse to fight commercialization of education, criminalization of the campus life, increasing dominance of reactionary culture etc. This is one of the most important challenges faced by the democratic students' movement.
10.3 Combating these tendencies and still prevailing sectarian tendencies, students' organisations have developed in some of the states and have come together with a broad based democratic program. The hitherto history of the ICM and experience in India shows that efforts for organizing a powerful student movement at all India level, especially in the present situation, is a crucial requirementto develop the revolutionary movement. It will influence the society at a broader level, give rise to militant movements and provide a continuous flow of cadres to the revolutionary movement.
11. Tasks in the Cultural Front
11.1 We are living in a period when imperialism and reaction are developing and implementing class strategies in newer and newer forms for exploitation and oppression of the world people. The universal and all-pervading hegemony of capitalism and capitalist relations of production are establishing their domination over all sectors of human thought and scientific knowledge. To serve their reactionary goals they are utilizing religion, caste, race, linguistic divisions etc. and art, literature and cultural forms extensively. Culture is commercialized and turned into a commodity to dominate all progressive ideas. The quantum revolution that took place in the field of physical sciences in the beginning of the 20th century and the technological advances that followed along with the development in other fields of science and technology including that of organic sciences, telecommunication, cybernetics, information technology (IT) etc. are utilized to serve imperialist interests. Human developments in the intellectual fields are also utilized in this way. The spread of knowledge is taken to an irrational and religious level. Similarly, people's achievements in the fields of art and literature, in the cultural and scientific fields in general are suffocated, vulgarized and commodified to serve imperialist interests. The hegemony of the ideology of private property and imperialist culture along with continuing influence of feudal culture, religion and caste system are utilized to subvert revolutionary advances in various fields and to serve the imperialist system. We must oppose the imposition of imperialist culture and at the same time reject the old conservative ideas and blind faith and strive to develop a socialist culture throughout the country. As revolutionaries it is our duty to provide alternative progressive content and material to the people.
11.2 We are putting forward the Path of Revolution to complete the tasks of PDR, to realize People's Democracy and to advance towards socialist revolution at a time when drastic changes in the socio-political-cultural fields have taken place unlike the Russian situation during October Revolution, or the conditions in China and other countries when revolutions took place there. Drastic changes in the fields of culture have taken place during the last five decades in India compared to the condition during the struggle against British imperialism and during the Telengana-Tebhaga struggles etc. Though the socialist forces had reached a challenging position by the early 1950s, they have degenerated to revisionism and social democracy due to various weaknesses and failure in continuing the class struggle in the fields of philosophy, politics, culture etc. All these developments point towards the need of linking the revolutionary struggles for seizure of political power with mighty efforts to fight and defeat the pre-capitalist, petit-bourgeois and bourgeois mode of thinking and culture prevalent in society, and which were and are trying to gain domination in newer and newer forms. It is in this context Lenin had called on all Communist Parties to wage continuous struggle against religion, superstitions and private property etc. as part of party education.
11.3 Presently with the degeneration of a major part of the erstwhile Communist movement in India to capitalist path, emergence of 'New Left' and other pseudo-left ideologies aiding alien tendencies and increasing influence of imperialist promoted ideologies like post-modernism, identity politics, empowerment theories, NGO-ism etc., the progressive and revolutionary values influencing society are seriously eroded. The growth of RSS-Parivar has led to all religious fundamentalists and communal forces gaining dominance in fields of education, culture etc. Progressive ideas like "annihilation of caste" are replaced by caste-based vote-bank politics. Imperialist culture including consumerism, alcoholism, criminalization etc. is dominating. Social consciousness is violently replaced with individualism, selfishness and male chauvinism in more vulgar forms. Commodification and commercialization of everything have become the order of the day. Without challenging these retrogressive, fundamentalist, imperialist and reformist trends, without unleashing uncompromising struggles against them, conditions for growth of progressive values and revolutionary movement cannot be created. International corporations have hegemony over most of the broad based cultural movements. They finance and control most of the cultural activities in the bigger cities.
11.4 Though Naxalbari uprising triggered a new earthquake in the cultural field also, it was short-lived. Soon, similar to what happened in the economic and political fields, in the art, literature and cultural fields also the neo-colonial, imperialist onslaught intensified in newer forms. The table of these reactionary trends is very long including new imports in art, literature and cultural fields, commercialization of education and all welfare sectors, neo-colonial projects in the field of research, cultural projects of World Bank and many other new incarnations of religious fundamentalism, advocacy of caste system and racism in new forms, attacks on women's liberation, black acts to curb art and literature etc. They are obstructing people's upsurges in all fields. What is required is an all-out offensive to reverse this situation.
11.5 Though many efforts are made to take up revolutionary cultural activities opposing the counterrevolutionary trends, they are localized, not widespread or protracted. They remain superficial or confined to immediate slogans, do not go to basic ideological issues involved. There are many among the revolutionary ranks who do not recognize the significance of a revolutionary cultural offensive; of transforming human thoughts and culture as a continuous process, as a basic task to be taken up right from the beginning. So while developing revolutionary activities the emphasis to be given to the work in the cultural field should be underlined. The content of cultural movement should be seriously debated and developed. Forms of organizations to be built in the cultural field also should be developed. While this task should be taken up at state level and regional level providing all the emphasis it needs, vigorous efforts are called for to build an all India cultural movement taking up its theoretical and practical aspects seriously. The steps taken to launch the cultural offensive at all India level have led to the formation of an All India Coordination of cultural activists with this perspective. Both at state and central level the offensive should be carried forward to serve the revolutionary transformation of society.
12. Separating Religion from Politics
12.1 The ascendance to power of the BJP government is distinctly different from the NDA coming to power in 1998. Then also the dominant BJP forces in the NDA government had initiated the implementation of the program of the RSS Parivar to communalize all walks of life and to create conditions for turning India into a Hindu Rashtra, as is done by the BJP-led state governments wherever they are in power. But with the clear majority obtained through a communal campaign spearheaded by the full strength of the RSS, the Modi government has already launched vigorous moves to implement the RSS agenda. The dangers involved in this extreme rightist turn of Indian politics should be seen in the present international scenario when the US-led imperialists have succeeded to replace class struggle and national liberation movements against imperialist domination with 'clash of civilizations' in vast regions, promoting religious fundamentalism of all hues, and even Sunni-Shia conflicts in West Asia.
12.2 Though the Constitution calls India a secular republic, from the beginning Congress has pursued appeasement of all religious forces under 'sarva dharma samabhav'. Soon the Congress, and emulating it other ruling class parties also, started promoting communal vote banks. Jan Sangh and Muslim League like communal parties got registration also. From this time onwards, majority fundamentalism and fundamentalism of minority religions started gaining strength colluding, while combating, with each other. The Rajiv Gandhi government promoted the majority fundamentalists by allowing Shilanyas at Babri Masjid while promoting the Islamic fundamentalists by enacting laws in favour of Shariaat. Utilizing this situation, the RSS Parivar launched an all India offensive from the end of 1980s against the Mandal Commission Report, soon expanding it to a campaign which went on to demolish the Babri Masjid in 1992 with the connivance of the Congress government. The Modi government has come to power at the culmination of the communalization process promoted by all the communal as well as communal appeasement parties.
12.3 This situation calls for uncompromising struggle against both majority and minority fundamentalism and the communalization promoted by all of them. Secularism means separating religion from politics. But today while many communal parties are vying with each other, all other mainstream parties are promoting communal vote banks as proved in the 16th Lok Sabha elections. The communal organizations from RSS Parivar to all others have increasing influence in various fields like education, health and real estates. They control many TV channels and publication centres openly interfering in the political scene. With the advent of Modi government, the RSS is intensifying the saffronization process to create conditions for transforming India into a Hindu Rshatra. The party and class/ mass organizations should launch uncompromising struggle against this growing danger. Many of the religious functions/programs are financed by corporations and the manpower consists of RSS cadres. Movements have to be launched to compel the state institutions to de-recognize such organizations.
13. The Caste Question
13.1 The Party Program states: "Continue campaigns and democratic movements for the abolition of the caste system fully and of all other social inequalities. As part of it, stop all caste-based oppression, caste discrimination, untouchabiltiy and Khap panchayat-like reactionary institutions. Implement reservation like democratic rights till all social inequalities are abolished. Ensure land to the dalits based on the slogan 'land to the tiller'." In spite of the efforts from the period of social renaissance movements for the annihilation of this social plague, in newer and newer forms it still persists, making life miserable for the oppressed castes. The mechanical understanding that once revolution takes place caste question will get weakened and disappear still dominate many of the so-called left forces. It may weaken, but will come back in new forms more fiercely. Fighting caste based oppression and campaigning for caste annihilation should be made an integral part of the agenda. Caste annihilation has to be taken up as part of class struggle.
13.2 The caste system has strengthened in new forms during the last six decades. It is incorporated in the ruling system through caste based parties serving ruling class interests, and through the creation of caste based vote banks. Along with these, identity politics and tribalism like reactionary ideologies are promoted by imperialist centres to channelize the struggles against oppression based on caste, tribal system etc. to harmless paths, to keep these downtrodden sections away from the revolutionary path. The weakness of the communist movement so far in developing uncompromising struggle against caste system also helped these efforts to institutionalize caste system and tribal oppression through various means by the imperialists and the ruling classes. In India casteist oppression was intensified by keeping dalits away from land ownership, reducing them to tillers without land and doing all menial jobs for upper caste sections. So backbone of the caste system can be broken through agrarian revolution which ensures land to the tillers. Campaigns should be taken up against various forms of caste based oppression on dalits and adivasis and other backward sections including untouchabiltiy which is still prevalent in various forms. While fighting all caste based discrimination against the dalits inter-caste marriages should be promoted. The reservation based on caste should be defended and struggle against diluting it should be waged, as a democratic right of the socially backward and oppressed classes.
13.3 It is with this perspective the Party took the initiative along with other progressive forces to launch the Caste Annihilation Movement with a Program. The enthusiastic response it has received during the last two and half years shows the necessity to carry it forward vigorously.
14. Developing People's Movements on Questions like Ecology, Displacement and Slums
14.1 The neo-colonization speeded up by neo-liberal policies and the so-called 'development' paradigm pursued by the central and state governments have given rise to new issues like ecological destruction leading to global warming, energy policy including the question of anti- nuclear movement, displacement of tens of millions from their habitats for loot of the natural resources and corporate projects, protection of the rights of many millions in the slum areas etc. These are new issues which have surfaced during the post-Second World War period, and are intensifying day by day affecting large number of people. So, while chalking out the Path of Revolution, serious attention should be given to the question of mobilizing the people affected by these and for leading their struggles.
14.2 The ecological destruction and consequent 'global warming' is leading to many catastrophes like the one witnessed in Uttarakhand in 2013 and similar calamities in many other areas. The ever increasing manner in which the ecologically fragile Himalayan Ranges are opened for devastating neo-liberal development schemes is threatening the vast Himalayan and Terai regions of India, Nepal and Bhutan and the water availability for Bangladesh. Similarly the Western Ghats and Eastern Ghats regions in South India are also confronting ecological destruction by corporate, mining mafias, real estate barons etc. The Party has taken initiative for studies on Himalayan, Terai regions as well as to work actively inSave Western Ghats Movement. Similarly at state level also studies are undertaken to advance struggles for environmental protection.
14.3 The movement against nuclear arms and against the existing and proposed nuclear plants is also taken up joining hands with scientists and environmentalists. The struggle against nuclear arms and nuclear power has to be intensified based on the Bhopal Call issued by the Conference of the All India Initiative against Nuclear Power.
14.4 As the migration to the urban areas is increasing day by day and there is mushrooming growth of slums in all urban areas, based on the experience obtained in leading the slum movement in Bhubaneswar, initiative has been taken in other cities and towns to coordinate the slum movements based on the Charter of Demands issued. Mobilizing and leading the millions of people in the slums is going to be an important part of the urban struggles in coming days.
14.5 In the name of neo-liberal projects, for looting the natural resources, for Narmada-like big dams, for real estate clusters, and for many infrastructural projects, millions of families are displaced from all over the country. Already many people's resistance movements have broken out against them, in many cases successfully blocking them. Some of these struggles like the movement against Kalinga Nagar and POSCO projects have turned into people's upsurges. Active steps are needed to coordinate these movements as part of launching countrywide movements in coming days.
15. The Nationality Question
15.1 On the resolution of the nationality question, the Party Program states: "Ensure right of self-determination for all nationalities up to secession. The People's Republic shall strive to unite people of various nationalities not by force, but by their voluntary consent. Settle the Jammu and Kashmir and Northeast questions by withdrawing army from there forthwith and through political means ensuring the right of self-determination." India is a multi-national country, where even for the reorganization of the provinces which were constituted under British rule and by the princely states on linguistic basis bloody struggles had to be waged by the people in the 1950s. During the last five decades consecutive central governments have taken away many of the Constitutional rights of the states, propagating chauvinistic slogans like ''national integration' or Akhandvad.
15.2 British colonialists who had forcefully 'united' the princely states into a colony for facilitating their plunder had pursued 'divide and rule' policy utilizing religious, caste, racist ideologies and the feudal forces. The unity achieved during the anti-colonial struggles are now subverted by the ruling classes after transfer of power. Against this the Communist Party should struggle for unity of all nationalities based on their right of self-determination.
15.3 With the development of capitalist mode of production, especially after imposition of imperialist globalization which speeded up the entry of FDIs, FIIs, MNCs etc. and strengthened the capital- market raj, uneven development, pushing up or pushing down various regions in the ladder of 'development' is becoming a stark reality. Instead of opposing the imperialist dictated 'development' policies implemented by the central and state governments responsible for it, different ruling class parties as well as comprador and petit-bourgeois classes are raising demands for statehood to these backward regions. In spite of the negative experience of these already formed small states where living conditions of the vast masses have not undergone any positive changes, demands for new states are continuously raised.
15.4 As Marxism teaches, the nationality question and the various movements emerging directly or indirectly linked with it are bourgeois questions. As many of the demands for new states are raised to divert people from the cardinal issues confronting them, the Communist Party should seriously guard against becoming a tail of these movements, At the same time, an approach of unity and struggle should be pursued, in order to win over the masses of people influenced by these struggles, with the perspective that along with demand for new states the basic issues of the people also must be raised.
16. Utilizing Parliamentary Forms of Struggle
16.1 Elections to provincial and central legislative assemblies were introduced from the colonial days in India. After the transfer of power, under the Constitution adopted in 1950, the parliamentary system was adopted at all levels. Today, elections to Lok Sabha to Panchayat level and even to co-operative societies and various other institutions are held regularly, drawing an ever increasing number of people. Even in pre-revolutionary Russia, experience in participation in the elections was partial and limited. In China and other countries where revolution took place, there were no experiences of utilizing parliamentary system as a form of struggle to develop class struggle. Still drawing from the experience of Second International and of the Communist parties in West European countries, Lenin had pointed out the need to struggle against parliamentary cretinism on the one hand and politics of boycotting elections on the other.
16.2 There is a revolutionary way and a reformist way of participating in elections. The CPI and the CPIM have over long decades demonstrated the latter. They have not utilised their governments to advance the class struggle but rather to impose reactionary, ruling class policies on the people. Revolutionary transformation of society has long ceased to be part of their election agenda. Taking a wrong lesson from this, the CPI(ML) adopted 'boycott of election' as a strategic line after its formation and, later, though many sections of the communist revolutionaries abandoned this line, the Maoist trend continues to practise it. If the CPI-CPIM's reformist way of participating in elections has exposed its ideological bankruptcy and entrenched it in right opportunist positions, the boycott experience, on the other extreme, has proved totally negative. Even after giving the boycott call, the CPI (Maoist) has adopted opportunist tactics like supporting some of the ruling party candidates clandestinely, or openly, as of late. In very few places has it succeeded to 'enforce' its call for boycott. The methods it resorts to to enforce boycott only alienate it further from the masses. In recent years the polling percentage in almost all parts of the country has been quite high. In the concrete situation in our country parliamentary struggle is one of the important forms of struggle. Giving primary importance to extra-parliamentary struggles, we must take up parliamentary struggle with due importance. For the development of extra-parliamentary struggles it is extremely important to properly use the platforms of parliament and assemblies.
16.3 Struggling against both right opportunist parliamentary cretinism and dogmatic boycott line, our party has tried to utilize the elections as a form of struggle to propagate party line among the masses since the 1999 Lok Sabha elections. It is a fact that the ruling class parties resort to manipulation of elections utilizing money and muscle power on the one hand, and creating communal, casteist, racist, parochial vote banks on the other, utilizing the state machinery and monopoly media. Still participation of the people in the elections is continuously increasing. The experience of our party, however limited it may be, shows that they can be utilized, combined with continuous development of workers and peasant struggles to mobilize the people for advancing class struggle, putting forward a people's alternative against the ruling class and by campaigning for it.
16.4 Though people are getting disillusioned with the bourgeois parliamentary institutions, they have no other option other than supporting one or the other among the ruling class parties. In theory and practice the CPI(M)-led LF in spite of coming to power in three states for many terms failed to put forward any alternative and got alienated from the people, defaming the communist movement. Overcoming this negative experience, only when the Communist Party succeeds to develop country-wide movements to focus on people's issues, to mobilize the masses in their millions against the ruling system and to put forward a people's alternative against the ruling class alternatives, along with building the party from grass root onwards, it can once again get support from the people in the elections. After the degeneration of erstwhile socialist countries, how to replace the bourgeois parliamentary system with more developed system of proletarian democracy which can lead to socialist transformation is a major challenge before the ICM. Debate on the parliamentary system should be developed with this perspective.
16.5 India is a country of more than 130 crores of people with the bourgeois parliamentary system well entrenched in every nook and corner for many decades at all levels. The Communist Party should utilize the bourgeois parliamentary system along with all other forms of struggle to develop class struggle in all fields, to unleash mighty people's upsurges so that it can advance towards the revolutionary seizure of political power and put into practice people's democracy.
17. On Building Tactical to Strategic United Fronts
17.1 The Party should continuously develop its united front tactics to serve revolution. In order to take up the numerous issues confronting the people, issue based joint activities have to be taken up uniting like-minded forces. These joint activities are possible in the working class field, in the agrarian front and in all mass movements uniting with other trade unions or TU centres to struggle for workers' problems, in the agrarian front uniting with other like-minded forces. A broad-based, democratic approach should be developed to take up issues through these joint fronts or forums. Though these are based on issues and may continue only for a brief period, they help to highlight various people's issues. Such joint activities will help the Party and class/mass organizations to spread out their activities to more areas also.
17.2 Experience shows that under slightest provocation the state machinery imposes black laws and uses terror tactics against the people. Democratic rights are taken away. Even peaceful mass movements are brutally suppressed. Functioning of party and class and mass organizations are obstructed. Against such day to day developments united democratic and civil right movements should be developed according to concrete conditions.
17.3 Advancing a step forward from these issue-based joint activities, as these struggles and the strength of the class/mass organizations further increase, possibilities for formation of platforms or united fronts at state or country levels, lasting for a longer period, to take up more basic issues can be developed. Possibilities shall emerge to build intermediate level fronts, which shall help the development of class struggle. Every such possibility should be fully utilized.
17.4 In the present situation as the Modi government is intensifying the imposition of neo-liberal policies, communalization and fascist acts it is an urgent task to develop the Democratic People's Forum or reorganize it as a broader forum of struggling left and democratic forces to take up state level and all India level movements mobilizing the masses. The party will have to take immediate initiative for it at state and all India levels.
17.5 For overthrowing the Indian state of the comprador bureaucratic bourgeois-landlord classes serving imperialism and to create conditions for establishing people's democratic power, protracted efforts should be made according to concrete situation and level of development of people's struggles by the Party to build up the strategic united front based on worker-peasant alliance and uniting with all genuine anti-imperialist, patriotic, democratic classes and sections.
18. Agrarian Question and Agrarian Revolutionary Program
18.1 When the transfer of power took place, India was a vast agrarian county with 80% of the people dependent on agriculture. The historic Telangana struggle, Tebhaga movement and other revolutionary agrarian movements against the dominating feudal, semi-feudal relations were sweeping across the country under the leadership of the Communist Party. It compelled the government to enact land ceiling laws with the declared objective of abolishing the Zamindari system. The Congress government was utilizing a two-pronged drive to crush these struggles: promoting reformist Bhoodan movement of Vinobha Bhave, and launching brutal attacks on them. Soon under neo-colonial domination, faced with pressure from below and on the basis of advice of US imperialist experts, land reform was introduced, initiating the replacement of the feudal landlords with a new generation of landlords who were ready to embrace the Green Revolution launched under imperialist guidance. Conditions were created for the entry of capital, along with fertilizers, chemicals, new seeds and other inputs into the agrarian sector. Under colonialism, imperialism had used feudalism as its social base. But under neo-colonial domination capitalist relations are being promoted in the agrarian sector giving rise to a new class of capitalist landlords. In this way imperialism is tightening its grip over the entire agricultural sector.
18.2 The land reforms introduced were not revolutionary land reforms from below based on "land to the tiller" but were imposed from above creating a new class of landlords. The land ceiling proposed was flouted in practice through various methods allowing the landlords to own huge land holdings far above the ceiling. The real tillers including the adivasis, dalits and other oppressed sections continued to remain landless or own only small housing plots.
18.3 The 'green revolution' set in the following tendencies: firstly, it created conditions for the entry of modern inputs and capital to agrarian sector; secondly, it increased the area under cash crops; thirdly, it introduced and intensified capitalist mode of production; and fourthly, it paved the way for furthering overall land concentration with about 60% land held by the landlords who constitute 5-10% of the population linked to agriculture. Overall impact was further integration of the agrarian sector in the imperialist capital-market system. With the introduction of neo-liberal policies, increasing number of poor, marginal and middle peasants are displaced from their land for major projects, number of farms and plantations have increased, concentration of lands with landlords and corporate has increased, agrarian sector is brought under increasing corporatization and capitalist relations have grown very fast.
18.4 The significance of the Naxalbari struggle was that it brought back the agrarian revolutionary struggle abandoned by the CPI leadership in the early 1950s to the agenda. After the disintegration of the movement under left adventurist line, though a rectification was initiated by sections of CPI (ML), and significant mobilization of the poor and landless peasants and agricultural workers took place in Bihar and AP in the land struggles, there were no efforts to take up the study of the vast changes taking place in the agricultural sector under neo-colonization or to develop the agrarian struggles according to the concrete conditions.
18.5 Agrarian revolution means wiping out landlordism, including still surviving remnants of feudal and pre-capitalist land relations, and making revolutionary changes in the land relations based on land to the tiller slogan and establishing the collective ownership of the plantations and farms, and developing the co-operativization and social control of agriculture. Launching of agrarian revolutionary struggle should be done with the propagation of agrarian revolutionary programme to make revolutionary changes in land relations along with mobilising them for immediate slogans and struggles to realise them. Then develop the movement to campaign for the urgent distribution of land declared surplus under ceiling laws, government land lying vacant, forest land lying fallow, land used for bio-fuel cultivation and farm lands whose lease period is over, land illegally occupied by plantations and farm owners and land mafia, etc. to the poor and landless farmers and agricultural workers.
18.6 How much time will be taken to advance from campaigning to land occupation in different areas will depend upon the concrete conditions in each area and on the extent of subjective preparations including the strength of the land struggle committees. By taking this line of agrarian revolutionary movement to the most oppressed dalits, adivasis, and other oppressed sections, campaigning for distribution of above mentioned government and forest lands to the landless, and proceeding to the capture of land, a revolutionary atmosphere can be created among the masses to proceed towards the second phase.
18.7 The next phase starts with putting forward the agrarian programme to make revolutionary changes in land relations, that is, implementation of land to the tiller, confiscation of land of the landlords and distribution of those lands primarily among agricultural workers, and landless and poor peasants. This can happen only when peasants can overthrow the authority of the landlord classes and establish the authority of the peasantry and rural masses. This can happen only when rural masses are able to overthrow the existing power structure and establish political power of the overwhelming rural masses.
18.8 The state committees under the guidance of the CC should select areas where our party and mass organization is fairly strong to initiate the land struggle. Social and political condition of the area, class divisions, state of class contradictions etc. should be studied and the first and second phases should be planned and the slogans for the campaign should be formulated after discussion in the party committees and in the committees of peasant organizations.
18.9 The experience of the great land struggles of the past show that whether starting from partial demands or land issue, all of them ultimately lead to the fundamental question of land, to the question of throwing out all pre-capitalist relations and making revolutionary changes in the land relations based on land to the tiller slogan. It develops to contradictions with big bourgeois-big landlord state and with the imperialists behind it. So the Party should lead the agrarian struggle, in whichever form it may have started, to the fundamental question of land and vigorously try to expand it to more and more areas, to more and more states according to concrete conditions there, firmly upholding revolutionary mass line, uncompromisingly struggling against reformist and sectarian tendencies which shall be trying to dominate the movement always. Utilize all forms of struggles and organizations, always be prepared to be flexible enough to change from one form of struggle to another according to concrete conditions, and try to maintain initiative in the struggle.
18.10 Developing the revolutionary agrarian movement in such a vast country like India with so much diversity and unevenness is an unprecedentedly difficult task. This great size and its vast population themselves can be turned into great advantages for revolution once they are correctly understood and scientifically utilized, always relying on revolutionary mass line. In the past and present when any Path of Revolution has been drafted by different forces, it has always been seen that all of them agree on the basic differences between the concrete conditions of China and India not only during 1920-1940 period, but also, in a more profound way, between present India and pre-revolutionary China. But after starting discussion on developing the agrarian movement all of them hastily go on to assert that despite all dissimilarities, the path of Indian revolution should be path of protracted people's war. As a result, none of them give any importance to utilize the concrete conditions in this vast country by expanding the party all over the country, by launching the countrywide struggles of the working class including their massive struggles including raising of barricades, as in the past, and launching agrarian struggles in all regions according to concrete conditions and by depending upon the vast masses as the greatest shield against the enemy. Once the agrarian revolutionary movement among the 60-70 crores of adivasis, dalits and oppressed sections, the agricultural workers and middle, landless and poor, peasants is consistently expanded, and once the leadership of the 15-20 crores of the working class on the agrarian revolution is increasingly established, consistently following the revolutionary mass line, no force on this earth can stop the onward march of Indian revolution. Discussion on developing volunteer squads, self- defense squads or any other forms of squads, unarmed or armed, should be taken up in the context of development of the agrarian revolutionary movement to more and more areas, in the context of utilizing all forms of struggle, and after studying how the contradiction between the agricultural workers, landless, poor and middle peasants, and the powerful working class, the leading class of Indian revolution, on the one hand, and the ruling classes on the other is going to sharpen in coming days.
19. The Path of Indian Revolution
19.1 India is a very vast country of 1.3 billion people. It has extreme diversities and unevenness. The objective conditions of the country are becoming more and more favourable for social change, for a social revolution to overthrow the reactionary Indian State.
19.2 Putting forward the revolutionary path for India today is a much more complex and difficult task to be taken up compared to taking up such a job in the 1920s or 1930s when the Communist movement was in its infant stage in the country and when there was the Communist International with experience of Russian Revolution to guide it, or in the post-1947 years when the country was going through a revolutionary ferment, or in 1967 after Naxalbari uprising when once again a revolutionary wave was witnessed in many areas. Today, in spite of almost five decades of intensive struggles, the CPI(M)-led LF, though decimated in the latest LS elections, still continues to defame the communist movement through its social democratic practice helped by the corporate media. Though the influence of the anarchist trend represented by CPI(Maoist) is confined to some pockets in four or five states, the Indian State and the corporate media give extensive coverage to them to use it as a bogey to attack the communist movement. Besides, there are a good number of right opportunist or sectarian trends, posing as Marxist-Leninists in different states. Even the groups advocating post-modernism, identity politics, empowerment theories, NGO-ism, etc. are harming the revolutionary movement. The communist movement in India today is more splintered than it was in Tsarist Russia. It is an extremely difficult task to wage ideological struggles against all these numerous trends and to establish the revolutionary Marxist-Leninist positions in present day conditions.
19.3 The communist movement has weakened so much during the last few decades that even if the difficult but obligatory task of uniting all the Marxist-Leninist forces who advocate mass line and who have apparent identity of views on many issues are united, the Marxist-Leninist Party will not be strong enough to take up the gigantic task of completing PDR in a vast country like India. There is almost the same condition all over the world. These challenges have to be boldly faced and the subjective forces of revolution have to be strengthened, in which building up a powerful Bolshevik model party with all India influence is the most cardinal task. The Party has to build up a revolutionary people's alternative challenging the ruling class alternatives, which are basically united in serving the existing ruling system. The Party has to utilize all forms of struggle effectively, with the perspective of seizure of political power, to complete the tasks of the People's Democratic Revolution.
19.4 Evaluating the general orientation of the Path of Revolution, the Party Program states:
"(1) The Indian state is the organ of class rule, that is the dictatorship of the comprador bureaucratic bourgeois-big landlord classes serving imperialism, over the working class, the peasantry and all sections of exploited and oppressed masses. This reactionary state can be overthrown and be replaced by the People's Democratic State only by mobilizing the working class as the leader of the revolution, forging its alliance with the peasantry and building the People's Democratic Front based on this worker-peasant alliance, uniting the middle classes and all patriotic sections including the national bourgeoisie, which is a vacillating ally.
(2) The character of the Indian revolution is bourgeois democratic in nature, not socialist. However, it is a new kind of democratic revolution which on the one hand will pave the way of capitalist development by uprooting imperialism, comprador bureaucratic capitalism and landlordism, and will pave the way of socialist revolution on the other. The inevitable culmination of this revolution will be the socialist revolution. The Indian revolution will establish the democratic dictatorship of the Indian people under the leadership of the working class by overthrowing imperialism, comprador-bureaucratic capitalism and landlordism. The People's Democratic Revolution of India is a part of World Proletarian Socialist Revolution. The CPI (ML) upholds Marxism-Leninism-Mao Tsetung Thought as its guiding ideology, applying it to the concrete conditions of the country and integrating it with the concrete practice of revolution. It is committed to complete the People's Democratic Revolution and to advance towards socialist revolution.
(3) The path of Indian revolution will be determined by the concrete condition, the present socio-economic situation in India. The lessons of Russian and Chinese revolutions are obviously very much important for our revolution. However, in the concrete condition of our country, the working class will play a direct role while the Indian peasantry will also play its role. One of the important tasks of the Indian revolution is to overthrow imperialism and Indian monopoly capitalism and at the same time another important task is to overthrow all pre-capitalist relations in agriculture and distribute the land seized from the landlords to the agricultural labourers as well as to the landless and poor peasants on the basis of "land to the tiller". Rejecting parliamentary cretinism and the line of sectarianism and individual terrorism, upholding path of revolutionary mass line, it resolves to utilize all forms of struggle and organizations to mobilize the working class and all revolutionary classes and sections for a massive countrywide people's uprising to overthrow the Indian state and to seize political power."
19.5 The great Telangana Struggle of 1946-51, in continuation to other anti-feudal struggles in different parts of the country, the naval revolt and Punappra-Vayalar uprising and numerous working class struggles of these years were the largest and most advanced revolutionary upsurges in the country. Telangana struggle taught how revolutionary agrarian struggles focusing on land to the tiller slogan led by the Communist Party and with the landless, poor peasants and agricultural workers at the helm, along with middle peasants and other sections of the peasantry, can lead toward the formation of village committees, organization of volunteer squads, development of resistance to landlords-police-goonda violence, and to the beginning of armed struggle against the reactionary state. The great Naxalbari uprising led to revolutionary uprising of landless, poor peasants and agricultural workers, including adivasis, dalits and other oppressed sections, in Midnapore, Mushahari, Lakhimpur-Kheri and Srikakulam,. Though these struggles spread to the plains of AP and Bihar later, due to the domination of the sectarian line the movement could not be carried forward. The cardinal problem before the revolutionary movement was, and is, that while assimilating the revolutionary experience of all these struggles, how to develop a Path of Revolution conforming to the present conditions when it is under neo-colonial domination.
19.6 The ICM has the glorious history of the victory of October Revolution in Russia, the victories of revolutions in East European countries during 1944-45 with the defeat of fascist forces, the victory of the great Chinese Revolution in 1949 and later victories of national liberation and democratic revolutions in Korea, Vietnam, Laos, Kampuchea and Cuba. The Marxist-Leninist forces should take appropriate lessons from these revolutions as well as from their setbacks. But taking their experiences does not mean mechanically copying the experience of any of them or pursuing an eclectic mixture of their experiences. Taking experience from them means studying their experience, taking lessons from them and applying them according to the conditions in our country. The history of the ICM shows that in all these countries where revolution took place, there was no mechanical application of the path of other revolutions, and each revolution took its own course according to conditions of each country. The theory and practice of Indian revolution should be developed entirely based on the present conditions of India, assimilating whatever experiences can be taken from all hitherto revolutions.
19.7 Presently, though Indian revolution is in the People's Democratic stage, what happened in the post-revolutionary situation in the erstwhile socialist countries, especially in Soviet Union and China, has to be evaluated and its lessons taken. For example, the experience in areas like party building, in developing the concept of democratic centralism, in developing appropriate methods for inner-party struggle, in guarding against emergence of bureaucratic tendencies, in organically developing concepts of building mass line and class/mass organizations, in avoiding the mistakes of mechanically de-linking the class struggle in economic base from that in the superstructure, in avoiding, for example in India's context, the de-linking of anti-caste like movements from class struggle, in correctly dealing with the contradictions among the people, and in drawing appropriate lessons from the Cultural Revolution.etc have to be given cognizance.
19.8 The path of Indian revolution calls for rejecting all shades of parliamentarianism and reformism and pursuing the path of revolutionary seizure of political power. It means combining the countrywide struggles of working class with the revolutionary agrarian struggles, combining all other forms of struggles with it and organizing countrywide mass uprising for seizure of power and developing the tactics of united front in all phases of struggle according to the demands of the concrete situation.
19.9 India is a very vast country of 1.3 billion people with extreme diversities and unevenness, a country under neo-colonial domination where neo-colonial plunder is taking ever-intensifying forms under the neo-liberal policies, where the principal contradiction is between the alliance of imperialism, comprador bureaucratic bourgeoisie and landlordism on the one hand and vast masses of the people on the other. The task of revolution is to overthrow the rule of comprador bureaucratic bourgeois-landlord classes serving imperialism, completing the People's Democratic Revolution, and advancing towards socialist revolution. It involves the tasks of mobilizing the people, and launching and developing the countrywide class struggle in all spheres leading to mass upsurges, mass insurrections including armed uprisings interspersed with other forms of struggles wherever necessary, leading to the capture of political power.
20.1 The Path of Indian Revolution is put forward by our Party when the objective situation at the international level is once again becoming favourable for advancement of the revolutionary forces and anti-imperialist resistance struggles are taking place around the world. In India, a very vast country with extreme diversities and unevenness, in spite of nine decades of Communist activities with a history of many historic struggles involving tens of millions of people, presently the strength of our Party is still not considerable. The challenge posed by right opportunist and anarchist trends is still very serious. Though Naxalbari uprising once again brought back PDR to the forefront of the people's agenda, the Marxist-Leninist movement during the last four decades has not made any significant advances in this direction yet.
20.2 Fighting against all alien trends, the CPI (ML) Red Star is putting forward the Path of Indian Revolution according to present conditions. It stresses the great significance of building a communist party based on the Bolshevik model, surrounded by class/mass organizations at all India level, utilization of all forms of struggle to develop class struggle, and an advance towards the capture of political power starting from mass upsurges to mass uprisings and countrywide insurrections. Victory of the PDR is possible by developing the path of Indian revolution according to the different conditions of the neo-colonial phase of imperialist onslaught, assimilating the experience of all hitherto revolutionary struggles at the international level and in our country.
20.3 This Path of Revolution is not charted as an A to Z of Indian revolution. It gives emphasis on building the Party uniting all like-minded forces, on building class and mass organizations with countrywide influence, on developing countrywide campaigns, struggles, movements, putting forward a revolutionary people's alternative against the ruling class alternatives, on mobilizing and politicizing the working class as the leader of revolution, on developing agrarian revolutionary movement according to present conditions arousing the revolutionary section of the peasantry and on preliminary steps to build people's resistance including armed resistance wherever possible against state oppression as part of creating conditions for countrywide uprising of the people leading to seizure of political power. It also emphasizes developing the understanding on utilizing all forms of struggle. In its present form it is a guide for consolidating the existing forces and for developing people upsurges in the present phase of revolution. As and when the situation undergoes changes, based on these guidelines the path can be further developed and the struggle can be explained accordingly. CPI (ML) Red Star places this Path of Indian Revolution before the Communist Revolutionaries and the left masses for a serious discussion on it, and calls on them to join the efforts to pursue the Path charted in it so as to learn more from practice and to lead the People's Democratic Revolution forward.