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May 26: Observe May 26 as Black Day, against the corporate fascist Modi government, declaring solidarity with the struggle of the farmers to oppose corporatization of agriculture, and with the people who are facing increasing agony under a government which do not bother to help them in this critical period, but use this also for increasing monopolization, making the divide between the rich and poor widest ever.

On this occasion joining with like minded forces organize all forms of protest possible according to present difficult pandemic conditions. At state level webinars can be organized to plan for advancing the movement against corporate fascist Modi in coming days.

Severely Condemn Imposing RSS Agenda over Lakshadweep;

Stand with the People of Lakshadweep against draconian Draft LDAR 2021

Lakshadweep is primarily the home to a people with centuries-old unique cultural and linguistic identity. Through the recent posting of RSS/BJP agent Praful Patel as the Island’s Executive Administrator over the elected legislative body, Sangh Parivar is attempting to disrupt their way of life and limit their freedom leading to a kind of genocide. Against earlier usual practice of appointing a senior IAS officer as Island Administrator, Modi posted his right hand BJP leader Praful Patel, who had served as Home Minister of Gujarat under Modi Govt, to impose RSS Hindutva Agenda over the people of Lakshadweep. After Praful Patel took charge as the Administrator of Lakshadweep, he ordered to arrest hundreds of people under sedition charge, who participated Anti-CAA movement.  Now, he is forcefully throwing out the native population from jobs & unilaterally amending laws. He has shown no concern for the people & livelihood of the islands. As per RSS agenda, the so far peaceful population of this Island inhabited by 96% of Muslim fishermen community is on the way of forceful change under draconian, undemocratic  and unconstitutional Draft of Lakshadweep Development Authority Regulation, 2021 (LDAR 2021). This draft threatens the existing land ownership and usage in Lakshadweep by giving sweeping, arbitrary, unchecked powers to the government (and all its bodies) to directly interfere with an islander’s right to possess and retain their property. People with more than two kids are ineligible to contest panchayat polls!! This bizarre formulation in the draft Lakshadweep Panchayat Regulation 2021 is exposed RSS Hindutva agenda under Praful Patel imposed administration.

 

CPI (ML) Red Star severely condemn this undemocratic fascist interference of Modi / RSS rule. We call all secular democratic forces to unitedly stand with the people of Lakshadweep to resist this draconian fascist draft.  

 

Resist saffronisation of Lakshadweep !

Revoke LDAR 2021 !

Stand with the People of Laskhadweeb !

 

K N Ramachandran

General Secretary

CPI (ML) Red Star

23rd May 2021

Generations of school kids across India have heard of Sunderlal Bahuguna from their school books, in the social science chapter on the Chipko movement, if it is not already removed by the BJP governments.  Recognizing the consequences of tree felling in the villages of Himalayan regions of Uttarakhand, in reaction to the bitter experiences of their families and people around, it was the local women who first started the resistance to it locally by embracing the trees in 1970s when the contractors’ men came for cutting them down.  The movement was further developed and given new conceptualization by environmental  activist Chandi Prasad Bhatt who founded the Dasholi Gram Swarajya Mandal (DGSM). Sunderlal Bahuguna popularized it and tried to spread it all along the Himalayan terrain. As a result , it got a partial victory in 1980, when Prime Minister Indira Gandhi  ordered 15-year ban on commercial felling in the Uttarakhand Himalayas.

Though the movement was continued, consecutive governments went against it. Extensive tree felling and communication and real estate expansion have led to ecological destruction on very large scale leading to even Himalayan glaziers fizzling out as global warming rises. Huge floods, land slips have become frequent.  Sunderlal inspired many to continue the movement. But, contrary to their wishes the ruling system moved in the opposite direction. When great environmentalists like Sunderlal Bahuguna dies, they will be leaving with a sad feeling as, in spite of whatever they could do, the ruling system imposing neoliberal corporate imperialism is spreading ecological destruction, not only in Himalayas, but everywhere.

Those in power and the monopoly media serving the system, have come out with statements, eulogizing him as a good man; not to take his message to the people, but to cheat them by continuing ‘business as usual’, not bothered about the impending ecological catastrophe they are creating.

This challenge should be taken up by the communists along with the scientists, environmentalists and all progressive forces who recognize the gravity of the consequences of the intensifying attack of the capital on nature. Explaining how the imperialist system with its plunder of nature has led to present Covid pandemic situation, along with frequent cyclones and other natural disasters, the students and youth in their tens of millions should be inspired to take up this grave challenge. That will be the best way to give tributes to the memory of such great environmentalists like Sunderlal Bahuguna, who consistently stood for the cause he started fighting 5-6 decades ago tirelessly, before succumbing to the attack of Covid at the age of 94.

Under the Modi regime today, pandemic-battered India is going through one of the biggest humanitarian crises in history. Together with the economic and social collapse already brought about, consequent on India becoming the epicentre of the second Covid-tsunami, the cruelty, callousness, and total abdication of responsibility on the part of this fascist regime in protecting the lives and livelihood of people are exposed beyond description. The situation is so horrific that even Modi’s PR work backed by submissive corporate media has become ineffective in concealing it.

 

A year ago when the pandemic entered India, beginning with obscurantist moves like clasping hands, candle lighting, banging utensils, etc., the more than 3-months nationwide coercive lockdown that Modi superimposed on 138 crore Indians had brought about a complete disruption of people’s lives and livelihood. Despite his incessant sermons on “Atmanirbhar” during this period, Modi didn’t do anything in the direction of strengthening the health care system including availability of medicines and badly needed oxygen supplies, and bringing private-corporate hospitals under social control.  As a result of Modi’s policies during pandemic, while top one percent of the richest gobbled up their wealth by 35 percent, an additional 7.5 crore Indians were pushed in to poverty in 2020.

 

In the meanwhile, in the context of global warnings on a second wave of mutated Covid virus and as many governments in Europe took precautions against it by the last quarter of 2020, the approach of Modi and his PR managers who were celebrating the regime’s ‘victory’ over the coronavirus was one of callous, criminal negligence. It was in this context that the Parliamentary Committee on Health and Family Welfare, being aware of the impending danger, in its 123rd Report made available to speaker of Lok Sabha and chairman of Rajya Sabha during November 2020 and which was tabled in both the Houses of Parliament on February 2, 2021, warned of serious shortage of oxygen cylinders in hospitals and recommended a “robust strategy for containment and mitigation of Covid-19,” and “adequate production of Oxygen for ensuring its supply as per demand in the hospitals.”

However, instead adhering to these recommendations of the parliamentary committee and in gross disregard of it, Modi with his false claim of conquering the pandemic has been reckless in holding massive electoral rallies in different states, hold Kumbh Mela, and so on, violating all Covid- protocols and norms even as the whole country is being ravaged by the fast-spreading- pandemic, with daily infections already crossing the staggering figure of 4 lakh (the number of Covid patients in India was 2394 on May 1 2020) and per day death of more than 3000. Today saffron-fascist Modi regime is being exposed as the most anti-people and reactionary one engaged in concealing Covid cases, death counts and nakedly bullying media to not report facts including assault on independent media  persons by saffron goons.

 

In this gravest situation, along with the intensification of inequality and poverty, instead of strengthening medical facilities and health infrastructure under public control, thereby ensuring universal healthcare to people, Modi is undermining it by decontrolling everything connected with health sector. Healthcare being the pillar of people’s sustenance, even imperialist countries have extended vaccine and oxygen to their citizens free of cost and medicines at affordable prices. On the other hand, by unleashing corporate forces on the production and distribution of vaccine, fascist Modi has superimposed world’s highest vaccine price on the citizens of India, a country that has long championed for free vaccines and affordable medicines for people in all international fora. And, as people are gasping for air and collapsing due to lack of life-saving oxygen, black-marketing and hoarding of oxygen cylinders are thriving across the country.

In this horror situation, our immediate demands are:

 

  1. Production, procurement, distribution of vaccine should be immediately brought under state control for which provisions of the Epidemics Diseases Act, Compulsory Licensing of the Patents Act, and Drugs Control Act can be used.

 

  1. Vaccine should be made available to all free of cost

 

  1. Immediate nationalisation of production and distribution of oxygen in the country.

 

  1. Strengthen country’s public health system including adequate availability of hospital beds and medicines as affordable to people including extension of healthcare facilities at homes

 

  1. Private hospitals should brought under public control through an ordinance

 

  1. Expert medical advice should be sought from a team of concerned medical experts including immunologists and virologists and should be made available to public and government’s dependence on pharma companies for information should be stopped.

 

  1. Responsible science reporters and pro-people journalists being best sources of information should have full freedom to report on Covid related issues. This is of utmost significance in view of such fascist moves like Yogi's threat of imposing NSA on those who report on oxygen shortages in UP.

 

  1. Image-building exercises/expenditures like Central Vista project should be wound up and public money generated thus should be diverted towards securing the lives and livelihood of people.

 

  1. Urgent steps are to be taken for an appropriate pandemic-tax on the super-rich, reintroduction of wealth tax in view of the unprecedented concentration of wealth, and an increase in corporate tax for mobilising the required money.

 

  1. Ensuring livelihood of people including contract and casual workers, landless poor peasants, marginalised and oppressed including Dalits, Adivasis, fisher-people is equally important as protection of their lives through proper Covid-management. Together with the revamping of MNREG program and free distribution of food stock with FCI, a nationwide initiative with the involvement of state and local governments for ensuring free food, medicines, shelter and other amenities affordable to poor and migrant workers are urgently needed.

 

  1. Scarcity of medical staff in the immediate context should be resolved through involving rural doctors and sanitation/health workers.

 

  1. Covid management primarily being a health issue, unnecessary police intervention and harassment of the people should be immediately stopped.

 

  1. To deal with the pandemic, budgetary allocation for health should be enhanced along with a slashing of the defence budget.

 

  1. Anti-farmer black laws should be abolished forthwith, and as long as farmers' agitation is continuing, full-fledged Covid-testing and treatment centres should be established in all struggle centres.

 

An Empowered High Level Committee composed of medical experts, politicians, economists, and concerned scholars should be entrusted with the task of overseeing the implementation of the above demands.

 

The Party declares its solidarity with the suffering people and appeal them to unitedly come forward for compelling the regime for implementing these immediate minimum demands.

 

Polit Bureau

CPI (ML) Red Srar

 

1st May 2021

 

(Speech delivered by Com KN Ramachandran at the International Webinar organized by ICOR on the occasion of 150th Anniversary of Paris Commune)

 

Comrades, first of all on behalf of CPI(ML) Red Star I congratulate ICOR for organizing this webinar on such an important subject, the contributions of the Paris Commune  when we are observing it 150th anniversary. We communists observe the anniversary of such epochal movements not as a ritual, but to analyse them and take lessons from them.

 

The Commune was an antithesis to all forms of capitalist and dependent states that have emerged at various phases of  human history till today. First decree of the Commune, was to suppress standing army, and substitute it by the armed people.  Similarly bureaucracy was replaced with elected functionaries at all levels, with right to recall them. As far as those elected to various bodies at all levels are concerned, the people who elected them had right to recall them also.

Commune decreed the separation of religion from the state; Gender equality became an  accepted principle; Women played an important role in both the initiation and the governance of the Commune, In short, the Commune was visualized as the concentrated form of people’s power. Following Marx’s analysis of the Commune experience in lhe Civil War in France, Lenin also had analyzed its great significance, and in the concrete conditions preceding October Revolution had developed the Soviets with the call “all power to the soviets”.

 

But in later years, following October revolution, though Lenin declared “all power to the people, to the Soviets”, after the initial leaps forward, the concept of state capitalism started emerging under the cover of NEP. Communist Saturdays like experiments started disappearing. Concepts like state capitalism led by the party also came up. Bureaucratic tendencies were raising their heads in the state, army and slowly in the party. Though the party documents warned against them, explaining how eventually such tendencies shall lead to return to bourgeois state power, and called for fighting against them, party could not put forward any concrete methods of struggling against all ideas and to strengthen socialist values.

What happened to Soviets? Based on Lenin’s concept of “all power to the Soviets” the Soviet Union was constituted as the Union of Soviet Socialist Republics. Soviets were supposed to be elected from village/town level to top most positions in USSR, to the the Supreme Soviet. But as catching up with the imperialist powers like ideas started becoming stronger, with erroneous concepts like Socialism with American efficiency, the theory of productive forces started coming to dominance. Socialist transformation as a basically different, or anti-thesis of capitalism and its institutions was not projected in the way it should have been. The Collectives becoming bureaucratized farms, or farms under bureaucracy. In this situation the concept of Soviets started disappearing except in name. As the danger of Second World War increased, and later the aggression by Nazi Germany became a reality, like NEP in 1920s, the War economy became a cover for further centralization of power and penetration of capitalist ideas and culture.

 

Instead of developing proletarian democratic models starting with strengthening the Soviets, transcending the limits of bourgeois democracy and advancing to people’s democracy, the danger of Soviet Union becoming a bureaucratic state capitalist dictatorship was a threat in the post-War years. It was in this situation, the revisionists gaining strength day by day, used the opportunity provided by departure of Stalin in 1953 could use the military and usurp power peacefully from within, transforming SU to a social imperialist power by 1960s.

 

In the 8th Congress of CPC almost same process was started by the capitalist roaders in China also. But under Mao’s leadership the socialist forces retaliated with Socialist rectification movement at all levels, (when the Soviet revisionists stopped all aid to China already economically blockaded by the imperialist powers, and withdrew all engineers working in different projects), challenging it with) Backyard Furnace campaign for a self-reliant people oriented development of technology, and People Communes as the centers of people’s political power, taking up the whole process of democratization, and people’s plan for development As the struggle with the capitalist roaders in power intensified, Mao called on the people to attack their headquarters by developing the theory and practice of Cultural Revolution to intensify class struggle at the realm of super structure to establish socialist thinking among the masses. But, though it succeeded to remove the leading capitalist roaders like Liu Shaochi and Deng Tsiaoping from power, under the camouflage of intensifying these efforts, the CR was hijacked by the petti-bourgeois left adventurist Lin Biao camp, dominating the 9th Congress of the CPC in 1969, with the new era theory, concept like heroes making history replacing the Marxist teaching that it is the masses who create history. In his book, Long Live the Victory of People’s War, it advocated that all Asian, African, Latin American countries are in semi-feudal, semi-colonial condition similar to pre-revolutionary China, and should follow the path People’s War as in China. This line was diametrically opposed to Mao’s teaching that like China rejected  the efforts to impose the Soviet Line by a section of the CPC, and successfully followed its own path of revolution, every party should analyze the situation in their country and develop its own path. But, as the Lin Line was propagated as Mao’s line, it influenced all the ML forces emerged in 1960s, causing grievous consequences to them.

 

As inner party struggle in CPC intensified following the 9th Congress, with the help of centrist forces led by Chou Enlai, the rightist forces went on strengthening, and in spite of Mao’s last struggle removing Deng who  was reinstated in 1974, from power in early1976; following Mao’s death, with the help of centrist Hua Kuofeng, who had replaced Chou, the capitalist roaders could suppress the left in a military coup. Deng returned with the Four Modernizations. Understandably, destroying the People’s Communes and calling for ending the CR were the first steps taken by Deng. China also degenerated to capitalist path. Almost same things happened in all former socialist countries in various forms through “peaceful transition” back to capitalist path. Same thing happened to the Communist Parties formed under Comintern’s inspiration also; almost all of them degenerating to social democracy, to apologists of neocolonialism and now to apologists of neo-fascism. The Marxist Leninist Organizations emerged in 1960s splintered, with a section going to the side of social democracy, and the other to “Maoism”, to modern day Mensheviks and Narodniks. As a result, when we are observing the 150th anniversary of Paris Commune which gave rise to the first workers’ state, the international communist movement has not recovered from these grave setbacks yet.

 

Today the capitalist imperialist system has transformed the whole world in its own image to unprecedented levels under the neo-liberal, corporate policies, with the destruction of the livelihood of the vast masses and ecological destruction almost reaching its peak, threatening even the very existence of human species on this earth, giving rise to climate change and outspread of one pandemic after another;

The challenge today before us is: either throw out the capitalist imperialist system and initiate a sustainable, ecology friendly, egalitarian development paradigm under democratization with all power to people, taking the positive contributions of the Paris Commune, the Soviets and the People’s Communes along with the CR according to present conditionss, or perish!

 

It means if Paris Commune was a great breakthrough towards the realization of a proletarian state as an lternative to the capitalist system, today what we need is a great leap of this experience to confront the present challenges, learning from the past positive and negative experiences.

 

For this we have to throw away all reformist, legalist, social democratic garbage and petti-bourgeois opportunist concepts like ‘peaceful transition to socialism’ and intensify class struggle with a comprehensive, all embracing understanding, building a basically different alternative, and unleashing the CR to transform the super structure strengthened by the barbarous imperialist system as part of class struggle.

 

We have to develop the Leninist daringness to develop theory and practice, to build powerful Bolshevik style parties according to present situation in all countries, develop proletarian internationalism constantly trying to overcome present challenges as a result of imperialist forces and their junior partners globalizing and liberalizing  everything through corporate fascist neoliberal policies.

 

Along with developing revolutionary parties in every country and a Communist International of a new type to advance toward World Proletarian Socialist Revolution; Let us take up thse national and international tasks and make ICOR capable of taking up this challenge learning from the experience of the Paris Commune!

 

Red Salute to all comrades! Long Live ICOR!

 

In the course of evolving class divided society and state, different kinds of states have appeared in accordance with changes in the character of class contradictions. Going past the ages of monarchy and autocracy, parliamentary democracy has been established particularly in the era of capitalism. This is nothing but a form of dictatorship of the bourgeoisie and all the exploiting classes. Phrases like establishing rule of law, abiding by law, etc are conventional there. No king or dictator can rule at his/her whims, rule must be confined within a legal limit—such a stately attitude develops.

 

Parliamentary democracy has been established in the continuation of the struggle against feudalism. Generally it has been found that the struggle of the bourgeoisie and the working class against feudalism has taken placed together based on which parliamentary democracy has been established. Therefore in many cases, it was historically found that the bourgeoisie had left parliamentary democracy to revert to absolute monarchy. Because, as long as its rule was not established through parliamentary democracy, its founders could not use it finally as a form of state. The form we mention here had bureaucracy and army as its pillars. Parliamentary democracy has been established in the continuation of the struggle against feudalism. Generally it has been found that the struggle of the bourgeoisie and the working class against feudalism has taken place together based on which parliamentary democracy has been established. Therefore in many cases, it was historically found that the bourgeoisie had left parliamentary democracy to revert to absolute monarchy. Because, so long as its rule was not established through parliamentary democracy, its founders could not use it finally as a form of state. In the form we mention here, bureaucracy and army are called its pillars. The Leninist theory or Marxist-Leninist political theory, taking bureaucracy in parliamentary democracy into account, stated in the definition of Marxist state that the state that has essentially emerged from the impossibility of reconciliation of the irreconcilable contradictions of classes in a class divided society and sitting on its head has established itself as an apparatus isolated from the society.

 

Hence the separation of the state and the society –separation of the people—is but a natural phenomenon. However, from the above definition itself we can understand that an isolated apparatus can’t control and compatible with a society for long. Therefore it needs a system through which the state can forge institutions to make relations with the people. Parliamentary democracy is one such instrument to make the state acceptable to the people. This is a form of rule which apparently provides a place for people’s participation. But the bureaucracy, the judiciary and the army is connected inextricably with parliamentary democracy, none of which is an elected institution. The principle of Separation of Power of bourgeoisie system was established through French Revolution based on Montesquieu’s doctrine. That principle of Separation of Power is still continuing. Separation of Power means that the three pillars of state—the legislature, the judiciary and the administration—will remain independent of one another and no section can interfere in the business of other  institutions organically linked as mutually complementary. For the purpose of acceptability of the state, sometimes their differences are manifested. When activity of the people rises, the people can at times be able to some extent to make use of the space for apparent participation to occupy some ground to intervene in a country. This generally comes up from the contradictions or conflicts between the bourgeoisie and the working class, ruling class(es) and the ruled. Such a situation emerges in relation to the contradiction within the production system. Therefore the working class too can use the bourgeoisie democracy to some extent for organizing themselves, to upgrade their standard of life, to have some influence in making society stand up against the ruling class. But just this much. If we think that the whole system can be changed through the bourgeoisie democracy, that will be only farfetched. Many among us don’t think this way. 

 

 

Question arises as to how then fascism can arise within parliamentary democracy, or how individual governance comes up? This is our general knowledge that as much as democratic right is there for the people within parliamentary democracy, that right, the traditional bourgeois democratic right, must be destroyed for fascism to be established. The organs of the state do not necessarily perform according to laws because dictatorship essentially implies some coercion, legal or illegal. Hence the state must have always some fascistic character. The fact is not that some state machinery or a Govt. there under does never take fascist step. But there is difference between taking some fascist step and converting the whole state machinery into a fascist one. The difference is that the apparent space of participation of the people within the state machinery can be exploited by fascism. Fascism takes a section of the people into its own direction, influenced by its reactionary ideology assimilates into the whole state machinery. The existence of bourgeoisie democracy in the whole state machinery or the differences which exist between the different organs through separation of power are all obliterated. 

 

 In the course of evolving class divided society and state, different kinds of states have appeared in accordance with changes in the character of class contradictions. Going past the ages of monarchy and autocracy, parliamentary democracy has been established particularly in the era of capitalism. This is nothing but a form of dictatorship of the bourgeoisie and all the exploiting classes. Phrases like establishing rule of law, abiding by law, etc are conventional there. No king or dictator can rule at his/her whims, rule must be confined within a legal limit—such a stately attitude develops.

 

Parliamentary democracy has been established in the continuation of the struggle against feudalism. Generally it has been found that the struggle of the bourgeoisie and the working class against feudalism has taken placed together based on which parliamentary democracy has been established. Therefore in many cases, it was historically found that the bourgeoisie had left parliamentary democracy to revert to absolute monarchy. Because, as long as its rule was not established through parliamentary democracy, its founders could not use it finally as a form of state. The form we mention here had bureaucracy and army as its pillars. Parliamentary democracy has been established in the continuation of the struggle against feudalism. Generally it has been found that the struggle of the bourgeoisie and the working class against feudalism has  taken place together based on which parliamentary democracy has been established. Therefore in many cases, it was historically found that the bourgeoisie had left parliamentary democracy to revert to absolute monarchy. Because, so long as its rule was not established through parliamentary democracy, its founders could not use it finally as a form of state. In the form we mention here, bureaucracy and army are called its pillars. The Leninist theory or Marxist-Leninist political theory, taking bureaucracy in parliamentary democracy into account, stated in the definition of Marxist state that the state that has essentially emerged from the impossibility of reconciliation of the irreconcilable contradictions of classes in a class divided society has established itself on the head of and separated from the society.

 

Hence the separation of the state and the society –separation of the people—is but a natural phenomenon. However, from the above definition itself we can understand that an isolated apparatus can’t lead a society for long. Therefore it needs a system through which the state can forge institutions to make relations with the people. Parliamentary democracy is one such instrument to make the state acceptable to the people. This is a form of rule which apparently provides a place for people’s participation. But the bureaucracy, the judiciary and the army is connected inextricably with parliamentary democracy, none of which is an elected institution. The principle of Separation of Power of bourgeoisie system was established through French Revolution based on Montesquieu’s doctrine. That principle of Separation of Power is still continuing. Separation of Power means that the three pillars of state—the legislature, the judiciary and the administration—will remain independent of one another and no system can interfere in the business of other.  institutions organically linked as mutually complementary. For the purpose of acceptability of the state, sometimes their differences are manifested. When activity of the people rises, the people can at times be able to some extent to make use of the space for apparent participation to occupy some ground to intervene in a country. This generally comes up from the contradictions or conflicts between the bourgeoisie and the working class, ruling class(es) and the ruled. Such a situation emerges in relation to the contradiction within the production system. Therefore the working class too can use the bourgeoisie democracy to some extent for organizing themselves, to upgrade their standard of life, to have some influence in making society stand up against the ruling class. But just this much. If we think that the whole system can be changed through the bourgeoisie democracy, that will be only farfetched. Many among us don’t think this way. 

 

 

Question arises as to how then fascism can arise within parliamentary democracy, or how individual governance comes up? This is our general knowledge that as much as democratic right is there for the people within parliamentary democracy, that right, the traditional bourgeois democratic right, must be destroyed for fascism to be established. The organs of the state do not necessarily perform according to laws because dictatorship essentially implies some coercion, legal or illegal. Hence the state must have always some fascistic character. The fact is not that some state machinery or a Govt. there under does never take fascist step. But there is difference between taking some fascist step and converting the whole state machinery into a fascist one. The difference is that the apparent space of participation of the people within the state machinery can be exploited by fascism. Fascism takes a section of the people into its own direction, influenced by its reactionary ideology assimilates into the whole state machinery. The existence of bourgeoisie democracy in the whole state machinery or the differences which exist between the different organs through separation of power are all obliterated. 

 

Question arises that how then fascism can arise within parliamentary democracy, or how individual governance comes up? This is our general knowledge that as much as democratic right is there for the people within parliamentary democracy, that right, the traditional bourgeois democratic right, must be destroyed for fascism to be established. The organs of the state do not necessarily perform according to laws because dictatorship essentially implies some coercion, legal or illegal. Hence the state must have always some fascistic character. The fact is not that some state machinery or a Govt. there under does never take fascist step. But there is difference between taking some fascist step and converting the whole state machinery into a fascist one. The difference is that the apparent space of participation of the people within the state machinery can be exploited by fascism. Fascism takes a section of the people into its own direction, influenced by its reactionary ideology assimilates into the whole state machinery. The existence of bourgeoisie democracy in the whole state machinery or the differences which exist between the different organs through separation of power are all obliterated.

 

These are, in general, required to reconcile the internal contradictions among the bourgeoisie too in a bourgeoisie democracy. But fascism means establishment of a most reactionary rule by suppressing the internal contradictions even among the bourgeoisie. If we understand the difference at this point, we can comprehend the difference between parliamentary autocracy and fascism in a conventional democratic or constitutional set up. We will confine our discussion within the example of West Bengal. That the Trinamool Govt. in West Bengal is an autocratic Govt. bears no doubt among any of us. A new debate has surfaced again concerning the massive police attacks on the Nabanna expedition led by the student organizations of the left section on 11 February 2021. That is, what is the difference between this and what the BJP Govt. is doing in UP? There have many more attacks been launched in West Bengal from Bhangar to many other places. Keeping those attacks in mind one raises the question whether removing the TMC Govt. should be the principal task. When, today, BJP has possibility to snatch power in West Bengal, what is the answer? 

 

It should be mentioned first that removing not only these two forces, our target is to uproot the ruling class itself. In elections too, it is always desirable to defeat or corner all the ruling class forces. But it must be considered how much the victory or defeat of some force reinforce the state machinery or destroy the unity of the people under the given condition of the election.

 

Let us come to the present situation. It can be said at this situation that BJP is a fascist force and TMC an autocratic force. BJP is exploiting the constitutional system not only to guard the corporate interests but also strives to instate autocracy after crushing the whole system. That is the reason why it is bringing in its reactionary ideology forcefully among the people. As for example, Hindi Hindu Hindustan, one nation-one language-one state, etc. These all constitute their effort to destroy the present constitutional structure and build up a new one. This means substituting the present federal structure by a central power, all powers concentrated to the president in place of parliamentary democracy, destroying the autonomy of different nationalities and languages. This implies that it will not only rob the rights of the exploited classes, will also resolve the internal contradictions of the exploiting classes through forceful suppression. When democracy disappears from among the exploiting classes themselves, it needs no mention that the exploited classes will not have even the sprinkles of democracy.

 

On the other hand, imprint of autocracy is conspicuous when judged every sphere of functioning of the Govt. and the party of TMC of this state. But that it does through this conventional democracy. All the suppressive and autocratic measures it takes are all features of this conventional democracy. Many might argue that many of their actions are illegal. Actually, meaning of democracy is not limited within legal rights. It carries a much wider sense. Law is but its one aspect. As people say, as much laws, so much are its lacunas. This is bourgeoisie democracy. Rule of law is there, of course, but the laws are so framed that the coercion of the ruling classes becomes legally permissible. Say, for example, a worker is retrenched illegally. Proving this as illegal, the course the worker has to run through is impossible for him to follow alone. Therefore, only presence of a law is not enough, the process through which it is effected is also important.

 

Similar argument we can hold about the power of the police. Police can’t search a house without search warrant. Notwithstanding, if the police officers deem it necessary to search immediately, they can force to do that. The person can go to the court to decide for its legality. But the coercion is already done. And then comes when the court will judge, whether the police can manage to get the search warrant at a post-date, etc. The long time the judgment will take is everybody’s experience. But if the whole society agitates against this, the people gets into movements against the ruling system, the laws can in many cases be made use of by us. Thus in the existing system the democracy of the people means their right to protest. Its extent is the criteria to judge the ambience of democracy. But the matter of people’s participation in state functioning is solely apparent. From that point of view, Mamata’s rule is somewhat more or less democratic than that of the other governments. Modi’s rule too, till now, could not have negated the existing democracy, though advancing towards that. As much their strength grows, so much will that situation ripe.    

 

But many fail to comprehend this situation, particularly CPI(M), the new version of social democracy. All say the emergency, declared by Indira Gandhi, also as semi-fascist instead of fascist rule. But at the present situation, the Mamata Banerjee rule is made by them as a virtually fascist rule. For example, the Indian People’s Theatre has made a video clip on the assembly of the alliance (Left-Congress-Abbas) at the Brigade on 28 March. Everything there is targeted against Mamata, as if BJP has no existence. One can argue that it was made only against TMC. It can be agreed at this point for the sake of argument. But everything is said there referring to Mamata Banerjee as fascist. This is nothing but showing fascism watered down. Similarly, in the Press Conference of DYFI leader on Maidul’s death, police was referred to as the hands and legs of the Govt. which is the brain. But the A-B-C-D of Marxism teaches that bureaucracy and the armed force are the pillars of the state. No Govt. can function without them. Actually, the absolute ignorance about the Marxist concept of state or its intentional distortions has utterly jumbled the concepts of fascism and parliamentary democracy.

 

Dmitrov, the leader of the Comintern, while discussing about German fascism, said that the class pacifism of social democracy is one of the reasons of the rise of fascism. Here too we find how the attempt to conceal class hatred is running.

 

So, beware of the danger!

 

(This is the translated version of Bengali article published in the Bengali Organ ‘Sangrami Sangbad. Translated by Com Gautam Chaudhury-- Editor RS)

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The Communist movement in India has a history of almost a century after the salvos of October Revolution in Russia brought Marxism-Leninism to the people of India who were engaged in the national liberation struggle against the British colonialists. It is a complex and chequered history.