Kabeer Katlat

Kabeer Katlat

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Last year, around this time, I was travelling to New Delhi. I had woken up to visuals of my university being completely vandalised and destroyed by men in khaki. These visuals replayed itself in my nightmares. It was December 15th and Jamia Millia Islamia had turned into a war-zone overnight. India saw the biggest movement it has witnessed in the recent times when the Indian Parliament passed the Constitutional Amendment Act on December 11, 2019. The protests initially erupted in Assam and West Bengal and later spread itself to minority universities of Jamia Millia Islamia and Aligarh Muslim University. The state, through its little brainwashed, khaki puppets, responded in the most barbaric fashion— lathi charging and assault, tear gas shells, gunshots and what not. This brutal crackdown by the Delhi Police on University students further pushed the people of Jamia Nagar to erupt into the biggest movement India had seen since its “Independence”— the rise of Shaheen Bagh, with their women at the forefront.

One year later, on the anniversary of Shaheen Bagh and the Jamia movement, the national capital is witnessing another major protest against the proposed three anti-farmer bills, making it the largest protest in history of mankind, with over 25 million protestors and farmers replicating the Shaheen Bagh model, blocking major highways, bringing the capital city of Delhi into a standstill. These three laws, claimed by the government to be a historic gift for farmers, are aimed at sabotaging their decent livelihoods for the benefit of big corporates. “Just like how the big fish eat the small fish, big businesses will eat us up,” a farmer summed it up in simple words. The scenario of farmers is worsening year by year. The rate of farmers suicides, according to stats from 2017 and 2018, mention an average of 10 cases per day. They have become common in almost all the states but are only addressed by the power houses during convenient electioneering periods. The mass mobilisation of farmers, many of them Sikhs, from north Indian states of Punjab and Haryana, has been one of the most sustained citizen-driven protest movements against the all-powerful Bharatiya Janata Party until now.

During the brutal crackdown on the university students of Jamia Millia Islamia and Aligarh Muslim University, not only were they beaten, abused and shot at, but were called “pimp, jihadi, mulla” and the like while being intimidated by the Delhi Police. Over 20 protestors lost their lives, most of them belonging to Uttar Pradesh. Several Muslim students were imprisoned under the draconian UAPA, including Sharjeel Imam, who is spending has spent over 330 days in jail, for having suggested holding a chakka jam at the Siliguri Corridor in order to get the government to listen to Assam. This was the same kind of chakka jam that the farmers are holding today as part of their protests at the border. Mainstream media unsurprisingly portrayed Sharjeel and other imprisoners as terrorists, Islamists and extremists, a behaviour whose genealogy can be traced back to a long time ago when the age-old islamophobia had started to gain momentum in the state. The anti-muslimness that exist in the Indian air can be seen from not just in the police, but also in how the general public respond to these movements or incidents. The protests only erupted from Muslim and other Bahujan ghettos, which were located in the periphery of the cities, and under no circumstances were they allowed (despite numerous attempts to pass through barricades) to spread out into the city. Instead, many “secular” voices made their way to Shaheen Bagh to dictate the language of the protest and to debar slogans like “La Ilaaha Illalah” and other “communal” usages.

Unlike Shaheen Bagh, the farmers protest gained emotional support from the majority of the Indian citizens including pro-BJP members who can be sighted at the protest-site. The protestors are ‘farmers’, a neutral term free from a specific social identity, only related to occupation, an occupation that is evidently “the hands that feed us”. This statement gives the public a “good enough” reason to think from the side of the protestors, as long as they’re reminded that they’re on the consuming end. Otherwise, the legitimacy for a protest or a movement is always questioned by the general public who mostly belong to the upper-caste, upper class crust of society. One can see Punjabi actors, singers, and athletes rallying behind the farmers in the protest. Prominent Punjabi writers like Swarajbir Singh, Jaswinder Singh and a few noted athletes even returned awards and medals they received from the Indian state. Army veterans also intend to return 5000 gallantry medals back to the state in solidarity with the farmers. Bollywood actors like Diljit Dosanjh publicly called out the Modi government on social media platforms. While institutions like the mainstream media, or the judiciary or even the opposition seem unable or unwilling to take on the enormous electoral clout of Modi, the real significance of the farmer’s agitation is that it exists at all.

A “Muslim” is a socially and politically “otherised” category. To be associated with a Muslim or a Muslim movement is difficult for many liberals as it becomes a burden upon them to closely keep an eye on these Muslim protestors. The anxiety of  them crossing that (entirely built upon state-conditioning) line from ‘good muslim’ to ‘bad muslim’ lurks in the air, and they usually wait for a signal to cut of their allyship. Be it the chants of ‘La Ilaha Illallah’ or the wearing of a skull cap or a hijab, or simply a Muslim who is ‘too Muslim’. To undermine and even negate the rights of such a category is not difficult at all. The haunting numbers that rise up on the death stats do not haunt the minds that inherently believe that ‘with Muslimness, comes a certain price’, and choosing to be a part of that very faith will cost them their life. Hence, a collective responsibility that falls on society for a Muslim’s well-being here, comes down to nil. Horrific incidents like the North-East Delhi Pogrom, extra judicial killings, mob lynchings, arrests under UAPA and brutal police crackdowns raised no cries from the mainstream. I remember six years ago when an old Brahmin friend of mine had told me, “but Gujarat 2002 never happened, it was a hoax”. This is Savarna-selective amnesia at it’s best, the same fate which awaited Delhi’s North-East Pogrom of February 2020.

This analysis of both protests does not mean to imply that the farmers here are more privileged than the Muslims, but tries to depict how challenging it will be for the BJP to suppress the current farmers’ movement and not listen to them. Even within the farmers’ protests, there lies internal problems, like the landlessness of Dalit farmers which was never spoken of or discussed before. The invisibility and rigidity of the caste structure, along with the stigma attached to it, makes it all the more difficult to bring it out into the open, thereby leaving them under the shadow term of “farmers protest”. It blurs the problem of an age-old hierarchy of a caste-based power structure that affects, dominates and decides almost every aspect of an individual’s life in the Indian nation-state.

Shaheen Bagh was portrayed as a site funded by anti-India, anti-national forces last year. Similarly, some media houses have already begun to depict the farmers’ agitation as pro-Khalistan. This is simply the continuation of RSS’s efforts to delegitimise every form of dissent as associated with frivolously nonsensical terms like ‘Tukde Tukde Gang’, ‘Urban Naxals’, ‘Pro-Pakistani’ and so on. Yet, the emergence and growth of movements like these remind us that it is not easy to crush the spirit of a billion people with false propaganda and muscle power. The way the farmers protest is gaining momentum, both quantity and quality-wise, is the much needed reminder that a Hindu Rasthra would not be allowed to construct itself on the shoulders of the impoverished and marginalised communities of India.

(Authors are students at Jamia Milia Islamia)

As 2019 ended, millions across the country joined protests against the recently passed Citizenship Amendment Act (CAA), which premises citizenship on religion, and the proposed National Register of Citizens (NRC), which would require every resident of India to prove their citizenship. The new year dawned in Kochi, Kerala with an estimated 500,000 taking to the streets on 1 January 2020. “This is a law that divides people on communal lines,” declared one organizer. “The CAA and the NRC discriminate against Muslims, and we will not take it lying down,” said another. “We must not allow that.”

Within days, however, the year took a vicious turn.

On 5 January, dozens of members of Akhil Bharatiya Vidyarthi Parishad (ABVP) — the student wing of the Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh (RSS) paramilitary — swarmed across the campus of Delhi’s Jawaharlal Nehru University (JNU). Wearing helmets or masks and armed with iron rods, batons, even acid, they rampaged for hours, attacking security guards, students, and professors while raising Hindu nationalist slogans. The attack, claimed participants, was enabled by police collaboration and was perceived by some as retaliation for students protesting against CAA/NRC.

The movement against CAA/NRC, nevertheless, continued to expand across India. On 6 January, an estimated 50,000 women gathered in Malegaon. At a 15 January protest in Mangaluru that reportedly attracted up to 200,000, one organizer declared: “Our message was clear. We are all against the CAA and believe it is against the Constitution. This does not involve only Muslims but concerns all communities.”

Unity across communities became a theme of the movement. On 17 January, Dalit activist Chandrashekar Azad — who was arrested in December 2019 for leading an anti-CAA/NRC march at Delhi’s historic Jama Masjid — was released. He promptly returned to the masjid, where, standing on its steps, he read out the preamble to the Indian Constitution, announcing: “People from all religions, who support us, should join us in great numbers to prove it to the government that these protests are not led by Muslims alone.”The movement mushroomed As 26 January marked India’s 70th Republic Day (the day that the Constitution was adopted), protests continued across the country. One of the most notable was in Kerala, where up to 7 million people — including the state’s Chief Minister — joined a 650-kilometer long human chain to stand against the controversial legislation. Meanwhile, an already growing international solidarity movement exploded into a massive coordinated effort. In the US, thousands joined protests — often outside of Indian consulates — in 30 different cities. In Canada and Australia, Germany and the United Kingdom, South Africa, and even Finland, protestors turned out to raise their voices in support of the millions taking to the streets in India.

I joined a protest of hundreds outside the San Francisco Indian Consulate. Taking the megaphone, I spoke, stating: “Modi has plunged India into chaos. “There is no peace in India today. There is no justice because there is no liberty.” But, I haven’t even given you the bad news yet!” The bad news is that here in America, a country where we as citizens pledge to uphold liberty and justice for all, we have politicianas who are licking the boots of the tyrants in India.”

Then things took an even darker downward turn in India. “Shoot the traitors,” shouted Union Cabinet Minister Anurag Thakur at a BJP campaign rally on 27 January. The crowd echoed his call, chanting a slogan that was earlier raised by the ABVP mob who invaded the JNU campus — and, before that, by BJP politician Kapil Mishra in December 2019.Pro-BJP forces soon attempted to put the call into actionOn 30 January, in full view of a passive police force, a 17-year-old pulled out a pistol and shot at a crowd of protestors, injuring a Kashmiri student. As he was led away, he shouted, “Long live Delhi Police.” Two days later, at Shaheen Bagh — the site of a sit-in, women-led protest that began in mid-December 2019 — another man opened fire. No one was injured, but as police led him away, he declared, “In this country, no one but Hindus can have their say.” First shooting, 30 January, at anti-CAA/NRC protestors.

Yet, on the other side of the world, a glimmer of hope emerged. On 3 February, the Seattle City Council became the first legislative body in the United States to pass a resolution denouncing the CAA/NRC. Spearheaded by Indian-American Councillor Kshama Sawant, the resolution described Modi as having “earned the nickname ‘the Butcher of Gujarat’” for his role in the 2002 Gujarat Pogrom, explained that “CAA is the first instance of religion being used as a criterion for Indian citizenship,” and warned that “NRC could strip hundreds of millions of people (disproportionately Muslim, oppressed castes, women, indigenous, and LGBT communities) left out of the CAA of their citizenship rights.” As the council voted unanimously to pass the resolution, the chambers erupted in chaos when a pro-BJP crowd who had gathered to oppose it jumped to their feet to voice their outrage. It was, as I said while addressing supporters of the resolution immediately after its passage, “a great defeat for the RSS” — and it set a precedent, as several other cities, including San Francisco, passed similar resolutions throughout the year.

However, as the first American city spoke out against legislation which has been called the “culmination” of the “RSS’s vision,” an American diplomat in India paid homage to the paramilitary. On 6 February, US Consul General to Mumbai David Ranz — following in the footsteps of German Ambassador Walter Lindner — visited RSS headquarters in Nagpur, Maharashtra to lay flowers at the feet of a statue of the group’s first leader. “Meeting the RSS is questionable enough, but what disturbs me is that the nature of his meeting was a photo-op where he literally paid tribute to Hedgewar,” I said at the time. “That is not diplomacy. It’s a capitulation.”US Consul General David Ranz pays homage to RSS leader.

On the same day, reports emerged that a mother and her 11-year-old daughter were arrested for sedition after the child appeared in a school play where she criticized CAA; multiple other students involved were also repeatedly interrogated by police.Another spark of hope came on 21 February, however, in California. Speaking to constituents at a town hall meeting, US Congressman Ro Khanna — who, the year before, took a courageous stance against Hindu nationalism — spoke out against CAA/NRC, stating: “The National Registry is abused. No country should have a national registry where they’re asking for people to give documentation and prove that they’re part of the country. I fear any kind of national registry could lead to extraordinary discrimination against Muslims in India. I’ve spoken out against the Citizenship Act, just like I’ve spoken out against the ban in our country, and I said, ‘You can’t discriminate people coming into our country based on their religious faith.’ I don’t think India should be discriminating who they’re going to give expedited citizenship (to) based on faith. I think both of those policies are wrong.”

Then Delhi was plunged into a nightmare. US President Donald Trump was scheduled to visit India on 24 February. Modi, who had de facto endorsed Trump for re-election during a mega-reception in Texas in 2019, organized a massive rally for him in Ahmadabad, Gujarat which was dubbed ”Namaste Trump.” A day before his looming visit, the nightmare began. Trump and Modi in Ahmadabad at “Namaste Trump” On 23 February, Kapil Mishra issued a “three days ultimatum” to Delhi Police, threatening that, if they refused to break up sit-in protests in Delhi within that timeframe, “we would not even listen to you.” That same day, speaking at a rally in the presence of a senior police officer, he announced that, as long as Trump was in India, “we are leaving the area peacefully,” but declared, “After that, we won’t listen to you (police) if the roads are not vacated by then…. We will have to take to the streets.”But the violence was not held back until Trump’s departure.

Hours before “Namaste Trump” began in Ahmadabad, mobs laid siege to an anti-CAA protest site. “There is all the difference in the world between a nation that seeks power through coercion, intimidation, and aggression, and a nation that rises by setting its people free and unleashing them to chase their dreams,” said Trump in his speech that afternoon. “And that is India.” Meanwhile, in Delhi, media reported that “police appeared to be supporting the Hindu mobs.” By the end of the day, several lay dead and a Muslim-dominated market was on fire.

The following day, Trump arrived in Delhi to pay his respects at Raj Ghat, the memorial that marks the site of Mohandas Gandhi’s assassination by a former RSS member. As violence continued to rage in the streets of India’s capital, he made no mention of it, merely noting in the visitor’s book that the American people “stand strongly with a sovereign and wonderful India.” As he departed India later that day, the bloodshed continued unabated.

By the time the bloodlust was quenched and the smoke had cleared on 29 February, 53 — a majority of them Muslims — lay dead. “The property destruction has also been lopsidedly anti-Muslim, with many Muslim-owned motorcycles, cars, houses, shops and factories reduced to ashes,” reported The New York Times. “At least four mosques were set on fire.” And, as later reported by Amnesty International India, “Delhi police personnel were complicit and an active participant in the violence.””Police did not respond to the multiple calls that were made to 100 — police’s emergency helpline number — leaving the survivors to fend for themselves over the period of six days of violence in Delhi,” reported Amnesty. Instead, they often stood “shoulder to shoulder with rioters.” In fact, according to The Guardian, on at least one occasion, they even broke down the doors of a mosque, dragged out an imam, and handed him over to the mob to be brutally beaten. One rioter described how he and others had seized a Muslim man, “beaten him with wooden sticks and metal rods until he appeared dead, and then threw him in an open drain while police stood by.” Evidence collected by Amnesty showed a subsequent “disturbing pattern of torture and other ill-treatment meted out on riot survivors and detainees in police custody by the Delhi police.”

As the human rights group’s executive director, Avinash Kumar, later stated, “Ongoing state-sponsored impunity that the Delhi police enjoy sends across the message that the police can commit grave human rights violations and evade accountability.”As a number of US lawmakers and governmental bodies expressed concern about the carnage, none provoked a harsher reply from the Modi regime than US Senator Bernie Sanders. After Trump, when asked about the violence, said he would ”leave it to India to make the right decisions for their people,” Sanders denounced the response as ”a failure of leadership on human rights.” BJP National General Secretary BL Santosh — the party’s second-in-command — swiftly replied, “How much ever neutral we wish to be, you compel us to play a role in Presidential elections.” Despite the tragedy in Delhi and the BJP’s threat to interfere in US elections, however, there were still some small rays of hope.

On 2 March, Albany — the capital of New York — became the third US city to pass an anti-CAA/NRC resolution. Urging the US Congress to “support legislation censuring the Republic of India for adopting these policies,” the resolution described them as “the Modi regime’s racist and repressive policies.”Then, on 19 March, Congresswoman Tulsi Gabbard ended her campaign for the US presidency. It was always a long shot, but the presidential aspirant had received heavy funding from leaders of Hindu nationalist groups in the US, including Ramesh Bhutada — Vice-President of Hindu Swayamsevak Sangh USA (HSS-USA), RSS’s American wing — and his family. As she campaigned in January 2020, she had faced criticism for wearing the BJP scarf at a 2014 banquet hosted by the Overseas Friends of the BJP (OFBJP) — the party’s international wing. Months earlier, a DC-based media watchdog warned that she had a “documented connection to the far-right Hindu nationalist, or Hindutva, movement known as” the RSS. As the outlet explained, “Gabbard has been crucial to revamping the image of the Hindu nationalist in the United States, and has in turn received crucial financial support from the Indian-American far right.”Sanders was raising his voice against the Delhi pogrom, another major American city was speaking out against the CAA/NRC, and the Hindutva-aligned Gabbard — who had already announced she wouldn’t run for re-election to US Congress — was out of the running for president, but the state of affairs in India once again took a turn for the worse as the entire country was locked down in response to the COVID-19 pandemic.

“Modi was facing mounting pressure both within and without India,” I later said. “Then his regime was able to position itself as caring and concerned with the preservation of human life. In the name of fighting an invisible enemy, it was able to get away with doing what it probably wanted to do years ago: lock down the entire country.”On 24 March, giving just four hours’ notice, Modi imposed a nationwide ban on people leaving their homes. The total lockdown continued, more or less, for over two months before a phased re-opening began. The swift action sparked an immediate crisis as many of India’s nearly 140 million internal migrants — daily wagers who have often travelled from rural regions to urban centres for increased opportunities — suddenly found themselves unemployed and rushed to return to their villages.”Since the end of March, when the government closed borders and halted public transportation, hundreds of thousands of migrant workers have left cities despite fears that they’d encounter the police, run out of food or water, or succumb to the searing heat,” reported Indian journalist Nilanjan Bhowmick in May 2020. “They walked, cycled, and hitchhiked, often along the only route they knew: train tracks. Fathers carried children on their shoulders, women balanced belongings on their heads, people squatted atop crowded trucks — all determined to find a way home.”

 “Migrants journey on foot to return to villages after India’s lockdown “If you are, say, a freelance designer with a nice home, and you can work from there in between some reading and net surfing, with the added thrill of watching the crisis unfold on TV, the lockdown is not very different from a holiday,” explained economist Jean Dreze. “But for most people, the lockdown is an economic disaster, the more so the poorer you are. For those who were living from hand to mouth to start with, the lockdown is almost a death sentence.” Indeed, many migrants never found their way home.

A study released in September 2020 reported nearly 1,000 migrant deaths as a result of the crisis — including from starvation, exhaustion, and road accidents such as when a freight train ran over 16 sleeping migrants.”The policies are made or influenced by a class of people who pay little attention to the consequences for the underprivileged,” continued Dreze. “For good measure, the policies are often enforced in an authoritarian manner.”  “Authoritarian enforcement manifested in brutal — sometimes fatal — police beatings of people caught breaking the curfew. “In the name of enforcing the lockdown, policemen are behaving like goons and harassing citizens who are going out to buy essential items,” said one Delhi resident shortly after the lockdown was imposed. Another concurred: “The cops are terrorizing people rather than helping them in the crisis and not allowing them to buy essential items.” A teenage boy was beaten to death for stepping out to buy biscuits, a family man was beaten to death on his way to buy milk, an elderly tribal man was beaten to death while buying groceries. In one of the worst cases, a father and son were arrested for allegedly keeping their shop open past curfew, taken to a police station, and tortured to death. Amidst the chaos and violence, the only true beneficiary was the RSS.

By mid-April, the RSS itself boasted that it had mobilized hundreds of thousands of its members to assist in “managing the lockdown” across 25 of India’s 28 states. Its cadres reported The Caravan, “supplemented the efforts of local administration and police forces across states to implement the lockdown” and “played a role in relief distribution often with the support of local administrations.” As the magazine concluded, “COVID-19 has become the latest instance of the RSS’s long-term strategy to gain societal acceptance and influence by helping with disaster relief.””Police and district administrations gave the RSS easy operational access and logistical help to carry out the Sangh’s relief operations while simultaneously taking swayamsevaks’ [members] help in implementing state-mandated relief interventions,” continued Caravan. In Delhi, within the first few days, they were even summoned by Delhi Police — the same force accused of joining hands with Hindu nationalist mobs during the anti-Muslim pogrom the month before — to help control crowds of migrants. While the entire citizenry was banned from exiting their homes, RSS members reportedly received special passes allowing them free transit and empowering them to monitor government ration distribution sites.

Nearly 1,000 groups affiliated with the RSS qualified for both government funding for relief work as well as access to purchase subsidized foodstuffs which, in some cases, they were accused of repackaging as coming from the RSS itself — rather than the government — and discriminatorily distributing solely to BJP members.

There was, suggested Caravan, “a political motive behind its philanthropy” as the RSS sought “political ingratiation” using aid as “political tool” which helps “establish contacts with the communities” and increases “acceptance among these communities” as the paramilitary pursues its agenda of declaring India to be a Hindu Rashtra (nation).This was nowhere more vividly illustrated than near the city of Hyderabad. In early April 2020, photos emerged of RSS members — clad in the group’s official uniform and armed with its standard-issue lathi (an iron-clad bamboo pole) — staffing a police checkpoint and allegedly stopping travelers to check their documents. The incident seemed to symbolize the truth of Indian author Arundhati Roy’s claim, made just a few months earlier: “The RSS has stepped up its game. No longer a shadow state or a parallel state, it is the state.”RSS members staff police checkpoint near Hyderabad.

Meanwhile, the Modi regime used the pandemic as an opportunity to expand its targeted harassment of its most notorious critics. On 14 April, it arrested Dalit academic Anand Teltumbde, the grandson-in-law of the late civil rights champion Dr. B.R. Ambedkar. The date marked Ambedkar’s 129th birth anniversary. Teltumbde, as reported by The Wire, is known for having “continuously highlighted the need to fight Hindutva on both the social and economic front” as well as being a figure “who stands like a progressive intellectual wall against the neoliberal Hindutva of the RSS-BJP.”In 2019, writing as a Dalit to Dalits — who make up at least 200 million of India’s population — he pleaded, ”I hope no Dalit will have any reason left to see the RSS and its Parivar as anything other than anti-Dalit and anti-people.” In 2018, he argued that “the current repression… only reminds one of the fascist formations in Italy in the 1930s and Nazi ones in Germany in the 1940s.” In 2017, he warned that the Indian State had “raised jingoist nationalism above people and unleashed the Hindutva gangs to carry out its writ reminiscent of the Black-shirts of Mussolini and Brown-shirts of Hitler,” concluding that the country was being “transformed into an organised, centralised, authoritarian democracy, which is what fascism is.”

By June 2020, the Modi regime began its gradual “unlocking” process. Yet, as restrictions were slowly eased, the damage was already done. The anti- CAA/NRC protests had been squashed, internal migrants were impoverished or lay dead, the general populace had endured the unhinged brutality of the police as they enforced the lockdown, the jailing of dissidents had expanded, and the already ascendant RSS had entrenched itself far deeper into society than ever before.”The RSS/BJP’s vision is a regimented society where everyone is the same religion, speaks the same language, and exists for no other purpose than to serve the Hindu Rashtra,” I said in an interview shortly before the “unlocking” began. “That requires control of the state machinery, mass surveillance, and ruthless policing. Lockdown gave them all of that.”As six months of horror in India drew to a close, some tiny bits of hope continued to shine from abroad.

On June 4, representatives of the United Nations declared, “We are appalled at the disregard shown by the Indian Government towards internal migrant labourers, especially those who belong to marginalized minorities and lower castes.” On 26 June, UN experts again voiced their concerns, this time over the arrest of anti-CAA/NRC protestors. Stating that they “appear to have been arrested simply because they exercised their right to denounce and protest” the legislation, they called for their immediate release — noting as “one of the most alarming cases” the arrest of pregnant Muslim activist Safoora Zargar, who had just been released after over two months behind bars. And, once more, US Congressman Khanna raised his voice. Asked about the situation in India, he declared, ”American foreign policy has to have human rights at the top of its agenda.”The next six months of 2020 in “New India” brought symbolic milestones for the RSS-BJP’s march towards establishing a Hindu Rashtra, new arrests of major dissident figures, atrocious new legislation that served as an all-out assault on religious freedom, and more — but they also continued to bring hope as the RSS-BJP lost ground in India and abroad.

(Eastern Herald. This is part one of a two-part series on the good mixed with the awful in a year’s struggle for human rights in “New India.”)

When Modi- Shah are repeating that the farmers struggle is only of Punab and Haryana farmers, and majority of farmers all over the country support the farm acts, around 10,000 people marched towards Azad Maidan in Mumbai on January 16, 2021 in support of India’s farmers battling the three agriculture laws forcibly passed by the central government. A mammoth number of supporters walked from Islam Gym to the protest point at the call of a coalition of people’s and peasant’s organisations such as Mumbai Aman Committee, All India Ulema Council, Citizens for Justice and Peace (CJP,) the Swabhimani Shetkari Sanghatana (SSS,) the National Alliance of People’s Movements, Hum Bharat ke Log, the All India Banjara Samaj, the Chhatrapati Sambhaji Brigade and many others.CJP Secretary and renowned journalist Teesta Setalvad congratulated the farmers near Delhi for awakening the people of India. She reminded attendees at Azad Maidan every Indian citizen needs to stand united in this struggle for food security and people’s rights because farmers.

“Farmers, who put all their efforts in the land are all too aware of what happens when agriculture is corporatized. Our farmers are adivasis (indigenous people,) Dalits, OBCs, Muslims, Sikhs and Christians. And so, we need to stand together,” said Setalvad.She added that the farmers protests on the “borders” of the capital, Delhi was historic as it poses a political challenge to the policies of the regime. Punjab farmers who challenged the British with the Pagdi Sambhal Jatha in the late 1800s are today challenging the 21st century version of neo colonisation. Similarly, SSS Founder Raju Shetti applauded the assembled Mumbaikars for promising their solidarity with farmers.”They call us Annadaatas. But these annadaatas have been forced at the border of Delhi like beggars for near two months now. India’s farmer cannot enter the national capital to assert his own right. What Independence is this? For whom is it?” said Shetti.

26th January is a day to remember our Constitution. It is not perfect – none can be. But it does guarantee social, economic and political justice – equality of status and opportunity. The Directive Principles which are meant to be the basis of all legislative and executive action say that :

a         The State shall aim for securing right to an adequate means of livelihood for all citizens,

a         The State should work to prevent concentration of wealth and means of production in a few hands, and try to ensure that ownership and control of the material resources is distributed to best serve the common good,

a         The State should also ensure living wage and proper working conditions for workers, with full enjoyment of leisure and social and cultural activitie,

a         The State shall take steps to promote their participation in management of industrial undertakings per,

Today, with the new labour codes, the new farm laws and the electricity act, the present government is trying to subvert these very principles of the constitution. They are removing the basic protections being guaranteed to the people in the constitution. The labour codes seek to make the workers permanently temporary. They remove and reduce protections given to contract workers, to workers against lay-off, retrenchment and closure and seek to break the unions of the workers. On the other hand, the new farm laws remove the protection given to the farmers against the uncertainties inherent in their occupation. In both cases the laws which seek to promote “freedom to contract” actually mean that the big corporates will be allowed to impose whatever contracts they seek upon the poor workers and farmers. The electricity act is also trying to impose “free contracts” where poor consumers will be forced to buy electricity at whatever price the big corporates choose to sell it at.

This Government is not trying to secure an adequate means of livelihood for the people. It is not trying to stop the concentrtion of wealth – in fact it is pimping for the big corporations which are concentrating wealth as never before. The disparity in the country between rich and poor is bigger than ever before with the top 1% getting almost 80% of the new wealth created every year. These laws will never allow the workers to have proper working conditions and a living wage as their employment becomes temporary and they cannot organise. Workers participation in management at an equal level with the capitalist is a mere dead letter on the pages of this constitituion. In fact, by opening up our country to exploitation by big international corporates, our very sovereignty is at stake.

The pomp and pagentary that we will see in the official parades this year is only a cover-up for the the filth and squalor which this government is spreading. That is why after the official republic day parade, the workers and farmers will have their own parades in all state capitals of the country. We respect the Indian Constitutionm precisely for the above values which it inculcates. We call upon all workers, farmers and indeed all citizens who believe in these values to come to take part in this genuine republic day parade on 26th January. Our independence from Britain was not won without a struggle. Our constitution was not won without a struggle. We cannot protect the basic values of democracy and sovereignty without a struggle.

Long live the struggle of the Indian people for Justice, Liberty, Equality and Fraternity!

Long live the unity of workers and farmers!

Citizen – which side are you on?

TUCI, AICCTU, NTUI, Mazdoor Sahayog Kendra, Karnataka Shramik Shakti, Gramin Mazdoor Union (Bihar), Jan Sangharsh Manch (Harayana), Inquilabi Mazdoor Kendra, SWCC

Dear women of AIRWO and to the struggling peasants and women peasants

we European coordinators of the World Women’s Conference (WCC) of Grassroots Women follow with great respect the development of the workers’, peasants’ and women’s struggles in India.

The new laws, the so-called “agrarian reform” mean the death of many small farmers. Therefore we are happy about the great success of the struggle that these laws have been suspended for the time being. An important reason for this was that the women’s movement, together with the workers and the revolutionaries of the country, declared solidarity with the peasants and carried out great mass activities.

We understand the news to mean that the Modi government is striving to give Indian corporations an edge in the international competition. Therefore, the government is dismantling the “hurdles” of profit maximization in the country. Wide sections of Indian society are affected and these attacks by the Modi government are also worsening the situation of women and families.

It is an important signal for the international militant women’s movement and an expression of the growing women’s consciousness that in all these struggles women farmers, housewives, grandmothers, students, teachers up to nurses are in the front line and form the backbone of the protests. We read that in Delhi’s outskirts of Tikri, more than 2000 women are camping there and carrying the protest. But it is not only in the capital that they are taking on important tasks, without which a sustained protest would not be possible: they are providing thousands of demonstrators with food and water and preparing beds for them to sleep in.

Please convey our solidary and militant greetings from Europe to the struggling people!

The Masses of People Fighting for Their Social and Political Rights in India Have All Our Solidarity!

We Wish Them Full Success!

Susanne Bader, Germany and Halinka Augustin,  Netherlands (European Coordinators)

Zaman Masudi, Germany (Deputy Coordinator) 18 January, 2021

Sunita Narain, Down to Earth (CSE)

As Indians break into 2021 with the fervent hope that it will be different from last year’s devastating pandemic, we have angry faces staring us down. Farmers — many thousands — have gathered peacefully at the doorsteps of the nation’s capital, demanding that the government repeal the recently formulated agriculture-related laws. There is a lot of noise on who is right and who is wrong. But this protest should challenge us to think — not as researchers or academics or even policy wonks, but as consumers of food that farmers grow.

The question we need to ask is why does the food that we consume need to be subsidised? Why are farmers, not just the ones camping in the bitter cold at the capital’s borders, but also the voiceless silent majority, demanding price support? Are they unproductive and lazy?

The fact is that across the world — even, and especially, in the rich world — agriculture is heavily funded by governments. Paris-based inter-governmental think-tank Organisation for Economic Cooperation and Development (OECD) estimates support to this sector through what it calls producer support, as a percentage of gross farming receipts.

It finds that in rich countries like Japan, South Korea, Norway and Iceland, producer support ranged between 40 and 60 per cent of the gross farming receipt in 2019. In the United States it is roughly 12 per cent and in the European Union (EU) it is 20 per cent.

But in India, the producer support — what the government pays as a percentage of the farming receipt — is actually negative (-5 per cent). In other words, the farming sector, owned and managed by some of the poorest people in the world, subsidises what we eat.

But that’s not all. Rich countries are also innovating fast to support their farming sector in the time of growing climate change risks — the payment is not paid directly for production, but is conditional to the farming sector adopting practices that are more sustainable.

The EU’s Common Agricultural Policy will now be directed towards ecosystem services payment to farmers. So, more subsidy, but with new names. In this way, almost all large food-producing countries include subsidies as part of their social and environmental welfare measures.

The subsidy may be given through direct payments to farmers or through support pricing for certain crops, or through investment into key agricultural inputs like water, fertilisers and seeds.

It is in this world that farmers of the poorer world — including those from India’s rich states of Punjab and Haryana — have to compete.

First, they are disadvantaged because they do not get the financial support needed to make farming lucrative. Second, when their crops become costly due to either extreme weather or other reasons of scarcity, the government steps in to import cheaper food. Our farmers suffer at both ends.

It is for this reason that farmers are demanding a minimum support price (MSP) as an insurance against price volatility. At present, there is no doubt that the system is broken. While MSP is fixed for 22 crops, in reality, it is used only for a few crops — wheat and paddy, where the government has a procurement system.

It is this reason that the farmers of Punjab, Haryana and Uttar Pradesh are up in arms, fearing that the system will be disbanded. They grow wheat and rice that is mostly procured by the government.

But for the remaining crops, MSP is an empty promise. As my colleague Richard Mahapatra has analysed in his recent article on the farm support, the market does not end up paying the price that is required to the farmers.

According to the government’s own data, almost 70 per cent of the market transactions for 10 select crops in 600 wholesale markets were at prices lower than MSP.

The key issue is what should be the price of food? The fact is that the cost of inputs is increasing — from seeds and water to labour. Then there is the fact that the risks are increasing because of extreme weather due to climate change. In this way, farmers need to be paid both for the increased cost of growing food and for the increased risk of loss of crops.

Indian farmers invest huge amounts of private capital into building infrastructure for their operations, unlike any private company or industry. They pay to build irrigation facilities — more than half of the irrigated land uses groundwater. Some 19 million wells and tube wells have been built with private capital.

Nobody pays for this — in fact, the computation of MSP is rigged against the farmer because the government needs to ensure that the cost of food is cheap for its procurement system and stays affordable. The worst fear of any government is food inflation, as consumers then fret and fume.

This is when government imports food to drive down prices — food from rich countries, where food growing is subsidised and against whom our farmers cannot compete. It is time we talked about the real cost of our food, about how to benefit farmers who grow our food. This is not a business we can afford to lose.

This is what the farmers at our doorstep want us to discuss. Let’s not let them down.

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The Communist movement in India has a history of almost a century after the salvos of October Revolution in Russia brought Marxism-Leninism to the people of India who were engaged in the national liberation struggle against the British colonialists. It is a complex and chequered history.