A vast section of progressive, democratic, leftist, revolutionary people are in favour of forging a broad-based joint front against the Fascists – that is against the Modi Government and RSS and Sangh Parivar and mainly against Fascism. In essence this aspiration is commendable and cannot be differed with. A broad-based, anti-fascist front is required to fight against and defeat fascism. This is an undeniable task of the communist revolutionaries. The contemporary situation is also fully ripening towards an upsurge of fascism. Fascist forces are going ahead increasingly aggressively to execute their policies by hook or by crook. So there is no debate or difference regarding the making of an anti-fascist, broad-based front. The central task of every class conscious proletariat is to combat fascism. To combat fascism is the central task of the vanguard section of the proletariat of the party of the proletariat. But the point is how to build up the broad-based, anti-fascist front? How will it evolve? Will it evolve through table talk? Will it evolve through the unity of struggles within parliament? Will it evolve through extra parliamentary struggles? What is the way to develop a broad-based, anti-fascist front?
To understand this we have to first understand the characteristics of fascism and the perspective of rise of fascism in our country. Our party CPI(ML) Red Star has defined BJP and Sangh Parivaar as corporate Hindu fascists. That means this is the most reactionary representatives of corporate capitalist class and through spreading Manuvadi or Brahminical ideology they are creating their ultra-nationalist base so that all people’s issues can be relegated to the background. So if we have to fight against fascism we have to fight against corporate onslaught as well as Brahminical and ultra-chauvinist ideology. Without fighting against both of these, no anti-fascist struggle can be developed. Now the point arises, is it possible to fight against both at the same time? The answer is, ultimately it may not be possible. In the ultimate sense, the necessity may arise to choose the principal aspect between these two things. But what is the importance of saying ultimatesense and not immediate sense? Actually, Brahminical ideology and corporate onslaught share a reciprocal relationship – Hindutva is the ideology while corporate interest is the class interest.
So basically if we want to fight against fascism that means we have to fight its class position, ideological position, philosophical position, political position, everything. Fascism is not a single aspect. It comprises the whole of the reactionary aspect of the ruling class. So what will be the minimum programme to fight against fascism? Actually there is no minimum or maximum programme against fascism. If we think along that line, we may end up in the trap of fascism. We have to fight against the reactionary upsurge. In that struggle, a particular aspect may develop as the principal aspect.
In the light of the above, let us discuss the current situation. Some sections are of the opinion that an anti-fascist front can be developed by bringing together the entire parliamentary opposition. Is that correct in this situation? Are all sections of the parliamentary opposition fighting against fascism or at least fascistic aggression? Let us take the example of the main parliamentary opposition, Congress. Is it fighting against fascism? The answer is no. They are not fighting against fascism. They did not come up with a single statement of protest against Umar Khalid’s arrest. On the question of selling Railways, Banks etc., they are totally silent as because aggressive privatization is also their policy. Regarding the Indo-China border conflict, Rahul Gandhi Tweeted to Narendra Modi asking whether the PM will fight against China or not, in fact provoking the development of a border conflict into a full-fledged war. The abrogation of Article 370 did not happen in a day. The final stroke may have been Modi’s, but Congress was responsible for diluting the Article beyond measure, denying Kashmiris the right to self-determination and exacerbating the situation in the Valley. BJP simply lifted the ‘fig leaf cover’. The Congress made some half-hearted protests against abrogation of Article 370 but never fought even verbally for the right of Kashmiri people. On the question of Ram temple, Priyanka Gandhi said that her father Rajiv Gandhi had opened the door of Ramlala, and through this continuity today the Ram Temple is being established. Ex Chief Minister of Madhya Pradesh Kamal Nath sent 16 silver bricks for the building of the Ram Temple. In the crucial matter of paying wages to workers during the lockdown period, the Joint Parliamentary Committee speedily gave its opinion that owners cannot be forced to pay wages to workers for the lockdown period. The Congress did not oppose the recommendation. Actually, if we go a little deep, we will see that most of the anti-people economic policies that the BJP is trying to implement had their origin in the Congress and UPA era. BJP has simply made it more apparent and vulgar. That is the only difference.
Now let us come to the Parliamentary Left. On paper, at least, they have a separate policy from the Congress or the BJP. We do not say that they are the representatives of corporate monopoly capital. They had a tremendous responsibility of fighting against fascism from the beginning because they were the biggest left and democratic force in society. Besides, they had been in power in three states for decades. So they did actually have the opportunity of implementing an alternative policy to that of the ruling class. But through their policy of compromise they totally adopted the neo-liberal path in all states where they are and were in power. The people’s uprisings against the Left Front government’s anti-people and corporate-friendly policies in Singur, Nandigram, Lalgarh etc. were the offshoots of their policy of compromise. When they were in power in West Bengal they implemented the draconian UAPA law at will and they are still doing the same in Kerala. And even if we leave aside the point of the alliance with BJP in 1989 parliamentary election, can it be forgotten that at the time of Jyoti Basu RSS was permitted to hold a parade at the Maidan? Further, all of us remember how Advani conducted his Rath Yatra in West Bengal, unchallenged by the government and administration.
Many comrades are now insisting that we should not dwell on the past – on what the Left Front did when it was in power in West Bengal – because the situation is now so serious that if the Parliamentary Left retains a grain of fighting element then that has to be utilized in our fight against fascism. Basically, this is not to be disagreed with. But even if we forget the past and look at their (Parliamentary Left) present, we shall see that they have made no departure from the past. In fact, after losing power in two states (Tripura and West Bengal), they are moving farther to the right. In Bengal they have made an alliance with Congress. We have mentioned above the present role of the Congress in brief. Actually, it is the bitter truth that the CPIM-led Left Front is not as keen on fighting against fascism as they are on coming back to power in the state government of Bengal and retaining state power in Kerala. All their policies are directed towards coming to power in Bengal in the upcoming Assembly elections. So their principal target in Bengal is not the fascist BJP but the Trinamool Congress. Therefore they forged an alliance with the Congress. It is important to note that they did not form an anti-fascist front with the Congress; they have formed an anti-TMC front with the Congress. The Left Front is courting the Congress in a state like Bengal where the people completely and consistently rejected the Congress after 1977 because of their long years of semi-fascistic rule. The Left Front is courting the Congress in a country where the Congress was in power for several decades and brought things to such a pass that the BJP was able to win the votes of the masses. Now this Congress is the ally of the Parliamentary Left! These ‘Left’ leaders even attended the birth anniversary of ex West Bengal Chief Minister Dr Bidhan Chandra Roy – hosted by the Congress – whose hands were bloodied by the brutal killings of workers, peasants and democratic people during his rule. Is it possible to resist fascism through this type of unholy alliance?
If we consider the process of coming to power of the BJP, we will see that they utilized the people’s wrath against the corruption and anti-people policies of the UPA government. In West Bengal too, there would have been no question of such a debacle of the Left Front if they had not shed common people’s blood in Singur, Nandigram, Lalgarh, Netai etc. But they have not learnt any lesson from their experience. They continue to advocate that what they had done in Singur, Nandigram and Lalgarh was absolutely correct. They loudly proclaim that if they come back to power they will set up Tata’s factory in Singur, that they had all along been right in snatching peasants’ land and handing it over to the Tatas. In this context, the CPIM has no difference with the BJP in Bengal, because BJP has also promised that if it comes to power in the state it will establish the factory in Singur! So how can the Parliamentary Left fight against the BJP and Sangh Parivar with the policy they are upholding and following?
Some comrades still say that in spite of all these, the Parliamentary Left are fighting against corporate loot in agriculture, against privatization and so on. We shall refrain from pointing out that even these in these struggles the role of the Parliamentary Left is at best half-hearted and they are certainly not utilizing the whole extent of their power and mass base in these struggles. Our position is that wherever such struggles are developing, however feebly, we have to stand with this struggle. Obviously such struggles are contributing to the resistance against fascism to some extent. But such struggles are not being led only by the Parliamentary Left. Every ruling class party in opposition, for the sake of retaining its mass base, is bound to take up some protest programmes against anti-people government policies. Even Shiv Sena has played a serious role against the installation of nuclear power project in Jaitapur in Maharashtra. The BJP’s labour wing, the BMS, is also against the auction of coal block and is part of that movement. So we cannot say that all these are part of the anti-fascist movement. Rather, we can take decision on that when we discuss the other side of the problem. That is, the Congress is not against corporate loot in agriculture. Even CPIM is not against the entry of corporate in agriculture. Neither the CPIM nor the Congress is against the entry of monopoly capital in retail trade. So what kind of resistance can they build up against fascism? The people of the country are well aware that after coming to power they will execute the very same policies that the BJP is implementing today. Appeasement of Hindutva fundamentalist forces is something that even the Parliamentary Left is engaged in. Recently, a CPIM leader went on record saying that Ram is God!
A projected mathematical majority against the BJP cannot resist fascism. Neither will such mathematical majority come to fruition if the Congress, CPIM-like forces cling on to corporate appeasement and Hindutva appeasement. If we cannot fight ideologically and politically, on the streets and in parliament, we cannot take on fascism. So an alternative revolutionary left force is necessary to resist this situation. As long as this force does not develop, the fight against fascism will go on in a distorted, half-hearted way. There is no hope that the Congress will fight the fascist policies of the BJP either on the streets or in Parliament or in the ideological sphere. Yet, we cannot rule out electoral support to any anti-BJP party in elections as long as a new force does not come up as an alternative. But instead of considering only electoral support to a certain extent, we think of forging electoral alliances with them, the soul of the movement against fascism will be lost. CPIM and Left Front are doing just that. At first they supported the BJP against the Congress and made it powerful, and now they are forging an alliance with the Congress, the tested representative of imperialist monopoly corporate capital
Rally with the Revolutionary Left Coordination!
Unite against Corporate-Led Modi Rule That Has Declared War on Common People!
Unite to Throw Out the Fascists For a Socialist Future!
Compatriots, Friends and Comrades
The Second Successive victory of Modi government in 2019 elections with more majority, has led to further intensification of the fascist attacks on the people in all fields. Massive all round attacks were being planned against every section of the common people of the country i.e. the workers, government employees, small proprietors and businessmen engaged in self-employment, toiling as well as middle or lower middle peasants, students, intellectuals and teachers, Dalits and Adivasis to give complete freedom to the big capitalists, corporates and of course also to the MNCs and the imperialists to continue their loot and plunder of the natural resources and the wealth created by the people of India on ever rising and unprecedented scale. This being the real motto of Modi Rule, the minority, particularly the Muslims, as ever before, was the softest target which has been cleverly used by fascists particularly since 2014 to dupe the ‘Majority’ and divert their attention away from attacks on their own life threatening their own existence as human beings.
It made its intentions further clear when it abrogated Article 370 of the Constitution (which was already turned ineffective through continuous dilutions by previous Congress governments when Sheikh Abdullah was arrested and sent to jail, referendum was denied and J&K Constituent Assembly was dissolved) without the consent of the people of J&K or even without consulting J&K Assembly which was already superseded by the President Rule at that time. In denying the J&K people their right to decide their future, we also note the role of imperialist powers, particularly US imperialism, and also of Pakistan’s attempts to turn it from an exemplary freedom struggle with highly secular credentials, into a struggle overloaded with Islamist overtones, which is also aired by the Indian ruling classes as it helps them to isolate and crush the struggle easily. With the same fascist stroke, it downgraded the state into two Union Territories and sent a clear message that it intends to mercilessly crush those who excel in maintaining the great tradition of democratic struggle and resistance against injustice. This was also used to blind the Majority by further giving more and more communal angle to this. The Majority was sought to forget that what is being done in J&K will be repeated in the whole country when they themselves would fight for their own life and existence which is under constant threat, thanks to Modi’s penchant love for Corporates.
Just after this, Modi-Shah team launched the attack on the citizenship rights of all the people particularly the poor, dalits, adivasis and of course the Muslims by launching the nationwide NRC (by starting the preparation of NPR) and, prior to this, to confuse the people and, as ever before, to communalize the minds of the ‘Hindu-origin’ people of the country launched the Citizenship Amendment Act (the act that speaks of giving citizenship based on religion) and attacked massively the democratic foundations, however weak and stunted, of our country and thus the fascists sought to take over the state from within. As a repercussion, large sections of the progressive people and common masses particularly the students and youths followed by peasants and workers, understanding the whole design, started agitating against these attacks. Muslim minority, especially women, came out in ever larger numbers and mobilized a powerful resistance against the biggest ever attack on their future. Thus, people of the whole country, of all castes and religions, of all regions i.e. all sections and strata of exploited and oppressed people were on the move. This situation demanded formulation and strengthening of the much needed united communist response, challenge and initiative.
So, following bi-lateral discussions, various initiatives were taken to bring together the revolutionary left organizations opposed to the right opportunist and anarchist trends to form a Revolutionary Left Coordination based on a Common Program, which shall initiate formation of a broad based Anti-Fascist Front to struggle against and overthrow the fascist forces, and advance towards people’s democracy and socialism. But when the discussion had reached the stage of calling a delegate level meeting, the Covid19 crisis broke out leading to abrupt announcement of continuous lockdowns by the Modi govt.
As we all know, Modi’s government is now using the unprecedented health crisis (created mainly by utter government’s negligence) in the wake of Covid19 pandemic to divert people’s attention from the unprecedented economic crisis that continues since long, even before Covid-19 episode. It has led and leading to untold miseries and unprecedented ruin of lives of crores and crores of people, snatching away all the rights of people to struggle and agitate against injustice. It is crushing the democratic and progressive movements of the people i.e. the students, peasants and workers including Anti-CAA and anti-NRC movement by using all sorts of brutality, while handing over complete liberty to Corporates to loot the labour and wealth of our people, and of course to carry forward the RSS agenda of turning this country into Hindu Rashtra, the Indian variant of fascism.
The way Modi government has taken upon itself the work of Ram Mandir construction and the way it is being utilized as the victory of a RSS brand of ‘second freedom movement’ is just a pointer to this. Earlier, its abrupt and completely unplanned announcement of lockdown had made tens of millions of the workers, especially the migrant workers jobless, penny less and shelter less and threw all urban and rural poor into great distress. While the number of Covid19 patients and dead were just 500 and 10 on 24th March, they are now reaching 25 lakhs and 50,000. According to the latest studies, through community spreading, it has already reached ten times more and India may become the front runner in number of Covid19 cases among all countries by September end.
At the same time, while Modi’s Rs 20 lakh crore economic package was for providing incentives for the corporates, misleading people by talking about self-reliance, making atma-nirbhar Bharat, wanton corporatization and outright selling of defense industries, coal mining, airports, power units, and agricultural sector are declared; under pro-capitalist policy of incentives the corporate are given all sorts of sops including writing off of more bank loans; the upper classes are given many subsidies and tax cuts; while the whole burden of the anti-people policies of 6 years of Modi rule including the severe recession and of the Covid19 pandemic induced crisis is thrown to the backs of the working class and the oppressed people. In effect, Modi government has declared a war on the working class, the peasantry and the rural and urban poor. Instead of taking initiative to settle the border disputes with China and Nepal, leftovers from the colonial times, the border standoff with China is being used on the one hand for more militarization of the country, and on the other to integrate India more closely with the US led Asia Pacific Axis, to strengthen US imperialists in their inter- imperialist contradiction with China for world hegemony, while the people are being pushed to unprecedented unemployment and pauperization.
It is in this situation, CPI(ML) Red Star and CPI(ML) PRC issued a joint appeal to all revolutionary left organizations to carry forward the Coordination process. It was sent to the revolutionary left organizations, with whom discussions were already held, and to some more organizations; telephonic discussions were held to speed up the process. In continuation to these efforts, as the present situation demands immediate joint activities, the CPI(ML) Red Star, CPI(ML) PRC, UCCRI (ML) Kishan and All India Workers Council (AIWC) are launching the Revolutionary Left Coordination in a webinar on 15th August with the call to rally all struggling people’s forces for overthrowing the Modi rule for a socialist alternative.
We appeal, and will continue to appeal, to all revolutionary left forces to join this process and strengthen it. Let us together chalk out an alternative Common Program, to put an end to the present regime, the rule of the junior partners of US imperialism, and to march forward to people’s democracy and socialism.
Signed by: CPI (ML) Red Star, CPI(ML) PRC, UCCRI(ML) Kishan and AIWC
5th September is 3rd anniversary of assassination of comrade Gouri Lankesh by RSS parivar. Before that they had assassinated comrades Pansare, Dhabolkar and Kalburgi, all progressive intellectuals, writing and teaching for an enlightened, casteless, secular, democratic society guided by scientific temper. Hundreds of intellectuals, journalists, writers, RTI activists, anybody who try to expose the parivar were beaten up, tortured, killed or incarcerated during. Lynching of minority people has become regular feature. Muslim majority Kashmir is turned in to an open jail, a killing field for the army. All who oppose Modi rule are stamped anti-national and attacked. All democratic institutions and state machinery saffronized. The Supreme Court which is supposed to protect the Constitution has in effect thrown it to dustbin. The whole economy is in acute crisis, with corporates controlling everything, throwing tens of millions of families to extreme impoverishment. It is state terror in full action in every field. Yes, RSS had done its home-work well; six years of Modi rule was sufficient to transform India to a fascist state with majoritarian Hindutva as its ideological base.
So, it is the urgent task of every political party and democratic forces to work for putting an end to this corporate fascist rule. For it, all forces opposed to Modi rule should come out on the streets uniting with all other forces to struggle against it. The possibilities provided by the elections to state assemblies also should be used to weaken the BJP. In this way the anti-fascist movement should be strengthened so that Modi rule can be ended. No democratic force, or individual will have any difference of opinion on this. But, the cardinal question is have the Congress or any of these opposition parliamentary parties any alternative program to replace Modi rule?
It is history that when the socio-cultural change advocated by the renaissance movement and the message of anti-imperialist independence struggle were dominant, when Brahmanical, Manuvadi concepts were challenged, the RSS remained a marginal force. After assassination of Gandhiji, it was further cornered for long. Then how could RSS/BJP come to power so fast with such a backing? There is not much difficulty to find the answer; after coming to power in 1947 the Congress started using caste and soft Hindutva as its vote banks; slowly all other parliamentary parties started emulating it with their own variations. Though with fast changes in the agrarian sector, only feudal remnants were left, influence of feudal, imperialist culture, and Manuvadi social structures were not challenged seriously by any of these forces. The mainstream left, CPI(M) led Left Parties, not only came under parliamentary illusions, but advocated in the main that social changes shall automatically follow economic changes. If the renaissance movement and independence struggle tried to address problems like untouchability, the anti-caste, secular movements were abandoned by all sections. Though Naxalbari Uprising tried to address these problems and could arouse the oppressed masses, as it disintegrated fast due to state suppression and internal problems, it could not become a major force capable of challenging the RSS.
During the six years of Vajpayee government and 2002 pogrom in Ahmadabad itself, RSS had made its intensions clear. Still, the decade long Congress-led UPA rule could not rise to the occasion, it went on accelerating the neoliberal/corporatization policies, appeasing the Hindutva forces, and it failed even to book the main culprits responsible for Gujarat pogrom and numerous terrorist actions by RSS parivar. During 2014 elections, Modi with his false promises could easily win, as Congress was thoroughly discredited and other opposition parties were fighting each other. During this decade of UPA rule, neither Congress, nor other parties tried to challenge the Hindurashtra offensive of RSS ideologically, putting forward an alternative outlook and politicizing/ mobilizing masses around it.
We are facing the same challenge today, in more intensified and aggressive form. Without challenging the very majoritarian Hindutva base of RSS from casteless, secular, democratic positions, and mobilizing the people around a revolutionary program for democratization of the society and socialist future, RSS led Modi fascism cannot be exposed and defeated. So, we appeal to the revolutionary left forces that, while joining with all possible forces to make the anti-fascist movement stronger, we should build the Revolutionary Left Coordination with Common Program to persist with communist assertion for building revolutionary alternative to RSS Parivar